Podcasts about unionists

Hello friends, and a huge thankyou for joining us for an unprecedented two-episodes-in-a-week of the Radio Reversal Podcast. In this first episode, we're amplifying a couple of important expressions of autonomous political resistance and solidarity that we've seen here in Magan-djin this week. In particular, we're looking at how diverse communities are working to challenge the forces that work to normalise colonial and racial violence in all its forms - from here in so-called australia, to Gaza, and beyond.As evidence of the ongoing genocide in Gaza continues to mount, communities around the world are gathering together, refusing to stay silent, and refusing to allow this violence to be normalised or legitimised by the state. People are finding ways to escalate their organising; to disrupt and cause a ruckus; to get in the way of the gears of the colonial capitalist state. All of this work is experimental. It's an ongoing project that relies on us sustaining each other to keep trying out different tactics, to keep learning from our experiences, and to keep working to embody our commitments to justice and liberation in all of the work we do. And like all political work that aims to interrupt entrenched regimes of violence, these experiments are often messy and challenging. We face up against the limits of our power; we find the points at which we are compromised and limited by our own investment in existing systems. We experience points of friction and fear; we face criticism and contempt. It is humbling - and powerful - to be part of communities that strive on regardless.So this week, I wanted to share some conversations about some ongoing and important struggles against intersecting sites of colonial and racial violence, and the work that people are doing to challenge the normalisation of this violence in the here and now. I kick off this episode by reflecting on a really interesting autonomous action organised over the weekend by workers, patrons and performers at the Wickham Hotel. In case you missed it, over the weekend, a loose collective of performers, workers and patrons of the Wickham Hotel downed tools and refused to take shifts or perform their sets to protest a decision by Aus Venue Co, the parent company who owns the Wickham Hotel, to book an event hosted by the State Zionist Council of Queensland. 'For some context: the State Zionist Council of Queensland is a political lobby group set up as an umbrella organisation for other Zionist groups in Queensland with the express purpose “to promote and communicate Israel's interests within the broader Queensland community and to promote Queensland's relationship with Israel” as well as “to create an atmosphere within the community that values Zionist thought and expression…and pride in Israel and her achievements.”Now, there's been a lot of pretty ridiculous and hateful media coverage of these protest actions by the mainstream media and conservative politicians, who have worked hard to position this as a hateful or anti-semitic protest rather than a principled refusal to support an event hosted by a Zionist political lobby group. Much has been made of the fact that the social event coincided with the Jewish celebration of the Shavuot, which celebrates the giving of the Ten Commandments to Jewish people on Mount Sinai. Despite not being there in person, Lord Mayor Adrian Schrinner felt confident to circulate a front page story from The Courier Mail article with the headline “Backed by Green Hate,” a story which focused a truly unhinged amount of attention on the fact that Jonathan Sriranganathan had attended and supported the protest. Indeed, much of the mainstream media coverage completely fails to mention that this action was organised by workers, performers and patrons of the Wickham Hotel, and that they had tried a number of other measures to ask their parent company, Aus Venue Co, to cancel the booking. It also conveniently erases the context of this protest being organised and formulated by queer and trans members of the Wickham community who were deeply uncomfortable about the venue being used by a political lobby group that actively supports Israel's occupation of Palestinian land, and at least tacitly supports the current atrocities in Gaza. Certainly, the State Zionist Council of Queensland has done nothing over the past 608 days to raise concerns about Israel's current actions in Gaza, or made any attempt to censure the Israeli government or the Israeli Occupation Forces. Considering that their stated goal is to foster “pride in Israel and her achievements,” and to encourage closer connections between Jewish Zionists in Queensland and the state of Israel, I don't think it's a stretch to say that this suggests that the organisation actively supports the ongoing Israeli invasion of Gaza, and the now well-established war crimes being conducted. In this context, it is not hard to see how disingenuous the arguments being made across conservative media and by politicians (including both the Lord Mayor of Brisbane and the state Premier) really are. To claim that these actions were “spreading hate” by making Jewish people feel unsafe at a religious event is to wildly misconstrue both the nature of the protest and the political function of the State Zionist Council of Queensland. Organisers involved in this action were predominantly targeting the decision of Aus Venue Co to host an event by a political lobby group who are supportive of the actions of the Israeli government. The fact that the event in question is a social event is irrelevant. To accept the idea that protesting an event like this is inherently anti-semitic would be, as Jonathan Sriranganathan put it - like suggesting that it constitutes religious discrimination if protesters interrupt a Christmas party hosted by Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party (or indeed, by Labor MP Jim Chalmers, which Justice for Palestine Magan-djin planned to do in 2023). And yet, these are the lines that the mainstream media has consistently been running, along with attempting to use the presence of people like Jonathan Sriranganathan and Remah Naji as evidence that this autonomous action was a Greens event. Leaving aside how frustrating and disrespectful this is to all of the people who were actually involved in organising the action, it's also emblematic of the continuing pressure to censure higher-profile figures including people like Jonno and Remah, as well as academics like Mununjahli and South Sea Islander Professor Chelsea Watego, writer Ren Wyld, and academic Dr. Randa Abdel-Fattah. So we figured that it was worth spending some time this week getting to the bottom of what this action was really about, and how it came about. I start this episode with a chat to drag performer and artist Lulu LeMan, who stopped her performance on Friday evening at the Wickham in order to join talks with workers and management about the planned picket for Saturday night. I then share a live radio interview with two of the organisers who helped workers hold a picket on Saturday evening: Oriela, who is a non-binary Lebanese person and a proud disabled dyke, an advocate, and a long-time patron of the Wickham; and Bizzi, who is a Wakka Wakka and Arrendte Burlesque performer and writer with deep ties to the Wickham performance community. We talk about the work that went on behind the scenes to build some momentum for a protest against this booking, and in opposition to this exploitative use of a beloved queer venue to pinkwash an event hosted by a Zionist political lobby group. If you're not familiar with the term, Dean Spade explains that pinkwashing is: “a term activists have coined for when countries engaged in terrible human rights violations promote themselves as “gay friendly” to divert attention from terrible human rights violations, in this case diverting attention from the brutal colonization of Palestine. Israel is the country most famous for pinkwashing, engaging it as a strategy in their rebranding campaign for the last decade.”This particular angle has been largely erased in media commentary about the picket, which, as Oriela and Bizzy explain, was largely focused on challenging the use of an iconic queer venue for this particular State Zionist Council of Queensland event. Another key thread that has been largely ignored by mainstream commentary is the fact that this picket was organised by a collective of workers, patrons and performers and included the incredible decision of workers from the Wickham Hotel deciding to refuse to work if the booking went ahead. To talk about the importance of this action, I catch up with dear friend of Radio Reversal, Ari Russell from Unionists for Palestine, to put this action in the broader context of workers organising against the ongoing genocide in Gaza. We talk about how hard it has been for many of us to find ways to leverage our power as workers; and the ongoing struggle to build a sense of collective power in a time of record-low union membership and ineffective trade union bureaucracies. In this context, it is especially important to highlight the significance of autonomous worker-led action like this event. It might not be perfect, but it's worth emphasising how powerful it can be for workers, performers and broader community to flex their muscles together in ways like this; standing, as Lulu LeMan put it, against pinkwashing, against the exploitation of workers, and in solidarity with queer Palestinians. We wrap up by talking a bit about an ongoing crowdfunding campaign to support workers and performers who lost wages as a result of refusing to work during this event, which you can find and support here. Another jam-packed episode full of revolutionary potential and tantalising threads. As usual - we'd love to hear your thoughts, concerns and questions. Get in touch with us here or via social media to let us know what you think!Yours in solidarity,Anna (for the Radio Reversal Collective) This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit radioreversal.substack.com

He's taken on governments, grilled broadcasters, and championed workers with that unmistakable calm fire. From the picket lines of London to his family roots in Cork and Armagh, Trade Unionist Mick Lynch has never been far from the fight.He is in Dublin for the Tressel Festival, which kicks off this weekend and he is taking part in a discussion tomorrow at 3pm in the Liberty Hall Theatre on his political hero, Irish Revolutionary James Connelly.Mick Lynch joins Kieran to discuss!

We're in Colombia where workers have been been shot at, threatened with violence and seen their work colleagues killed – all because of union membership or association. Why is this happening, what's being done about it, and what drives people to still sign up for trade union membership? If you would like to get in touch with the show, please email: businessdaily@bbc.co.ukPresented and produced by Gideon Long (Image: Striking truck drivers in September 2024. Credit: Getty Images)

rWotD Episode 2918: Austen Chamberlain Welcome to Random Wiki of the Day, your journey through Wikipedia's vast and varied content, one random article at a time.The random article for Wednesday, 30 April 2025, is Austen Chamberlain.Sir Joseph Austen Chamberlain (16 October 1863 – 16 March 1937) was a British statesman, son of Joseph Chamberlain and older half-brother of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain. He served as a Member of Parliament (MP) for 45 years, as Chancellor of the Exchequer (twice) and was briefly Conservative Party leader before serving as Foreign Secretary.Brought up to be the political heir of his father, whom he physically resembled, he was elected to Parliament as a Liberal Unionist at a by-election in 1892. He held office in the Unionist coalition governments of 1895–1905, remaining in the Cabinet as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1903–05) after his father resigned in 1903 to campaign for Tariff Reform. After his father's disabling stroke in 1906, Austen became the leading tariff reformer in the House of Commons. Late in 1911 he and Walter Long were due to compete for the leadership of the Conservative Party (in succession to Arthur Balfour), but both withdrew in favour of Bonar Law rather than risk a party split on a close result.Chamberlain returned to office in H. H. Asquith's wartime coalition government in May 1915, as Secretary of State for India, but resigned to take responsibility for the disastrous Kut Campaign. He again returned to office in David Lloyd George's coalition government, once again serving as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He then served as Conservative Party leader in the Commons (1921–1922), before resigning after the Carlton Club meeting voted to end the Lloyd George Coalition.Like many leading coalitionists, he did not hold office in the Conservative governments of 1922–1924. By now regarded as an elder statesman, he served an important term as Foreign Secretary in Stanley Baldwin's second government (1924–1929). He negotiated the Locarno Treaties (1925), aimed at preventing war between France and Germany, for which he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Chamberlain last held office as First Lord of the Admiralty in 1931. He was one of the few MPs supporting Winston Churchill's appeals for rearmament against the German threat in the 1930s and remained an active backbench MP until his death in 1937.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 00:18 UTC on Wednesday, 30 April 2025.For the full current version of the article, see Austen Chamberlain on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm neural Amy.

Unionists Garth Stocking, American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) local 1336, and Daniel Scharpenburg, VP, National Treasury Employees Union (NTEU) chapter 66, join Bill Clause, AFGE retired, to discuss the […] The post Unionists say that boss Trump declares war on his own workers appeared first on KKFI.

SEGMENTS | Justice James E.C. Perry "Benchmarked" | Unionists in Confederate Florida | Anti-Apartheid Movement in Gainesville

In DOUBLE OVERTIME have a federal worker on to dive deeper into Trump's latest executive order. 844-899-TVLR✦ ABOUT ✦The Valley Labor Report is the only union talk radio show in Alabama, elevating struggles for justice and fairness on the job, educating folks about how they can do the same, and bringing relevant news to workers in Alabama and beyond.Our single largest source of revenue is our listeners so your support really matters and helps us stay on the air!Make a one time donation or become a monthly donor on our website or patreon:TVLR.FMPatreon.com/thevalleylaborreportVisit our official website for more info on the show, membership, our sponsors, merch, and more: https://www.tvlr.fmFollow TVLR on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TheValleyLab...Follow TVLR on Twitter: @LaborReportersFollow Jacob on Twitter: @JacobM_ALFollow TVLR Co-Creator David Story on Twitter: @RadiclUnionist✦ CONTACT US ✦Our phone number is 844-899-TVLR (8857), call or text us live on air, or leave us a voicemail and we might play it during the show!✦ OUR ADVERTISERS KEEP US ON THE AIR! ✦Support them if you can.The attorneys at MAPLES, TUCKER, AND JACOB fight for working people. Let them represent you in your workplace injury claim. Mtandj.com; (855) 617-9333The MACHINISTS UNION represents workers in several industries including healthcare, the defense industry, woodworking, and more. iamaw44.org (256) 286-3704 / organize@iamaw44.orgDo you need good union laborers on your construction site, or do you want a union construction job? Reach out to the IRONWORKERS LOCAL 477. Ironworkers477.org  256-383-3334 (Jeb Miles) / local477@bellsouth.netThe NORTH ALABAMA DSA is looking for folks to work for a better North Alabama, fighting for liberty and justice for all. Contact / Join: DSANorthAlabama@gmail.comIBEW LOCAL 136 is a group of over 900 electricians and electrical workers providing our area with the finest workforce in the construction industry. You belong here. ibew136.org Contact: (205) 833-0909IFPTE - We are engineers, scientists, nonprofit employees, technicians, lawyers, and many other professions who have joined together to have a greater voice in our careers. With over 80,000 members spread across the U.S. and Canada, we invite you and your colleagues to consider the benefits of engaging in collective bargaining. IFPTE.org Contact: (202) 239-4880THE HUNTSVILLE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD is a union open to any and all working people. Call or email them today to begin organizing your workplace - wherever it is. On the Web: https://hsviww.org/ Contact: (256) 651-6707 / organize@hsviww.orgENERGY ALABAMA is accelerating Alabama's transition to sustainable energy. We are a nonprofit membership-based organization that has advocated for clean energy in Alabama since 2014. Our work is based on three pillars: education, advocacy, and technical assistance. Energy Alabama on the Web: https://alcse.org/ Contact: (256) 812-1431 / dtait@energyalabama.orgThe Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union represents in a wide range of industries, including but not limited to retail, grocery stores, poultry processing, dairy processing, cereal processing, soda bottlers, bakeries, health care, hotels, manufacturing, public sector workers like crossing guards, sanitation, and highway workers, warehouses, building services,  and distribution. Learn more at RWDSU.infoThe American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) is the largest federal employee union proudly representing 700,000 federal and D.C. government workers nationwide and overseas. Learn more at AFGE.orgAre you looking for a better future, a career that can have you set for life, and to be a part of something that's bigger than yourself?   Consider a skilled trades apprenticeship with the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades. Learn more at IUPAT.orgUnionly is a union-focused company created specifically to support organized labor. We believe that providing online payments should be simple, safe, and secure.  Visit https://unionly.io/ to learn more.Hometown Action envisions inclusive, revitalized, and sustainable communities built through multiracial working class organizing and leadership development at the local and state level to create opportunities for all people to thrive. Learn more at hometownaction.orgMembers of IBEW have some of the best wages and benefits in North Alabama. Find out more and join their team at ibew558.org ★ Support this podcast on Patreon ★

Labor Radio previews the April 5 Hands Off rally against the Republican administration in Washington and talks to a local organizer, the results of the April 1 Wisconsin statewide election are in with union-backed victories, how tariffs can be expected to affect the working class, union members are prominent among some high-profile ICE detention and deportation cases, employers at religion-funded groups are looking to get exemptions from unemployment taxes, and Madison protests the Trump executive order against museums, “improper ideology,” and the teaching of history.

Can You Segway?Book 3 in 18 parts, By FinalStand. Listen to the ► Podcast at Explicit Novels.So exactly who was going to be sympathetic to their plight, who we cared about?Beyond my fevered dream of making a difference there was a pinch of reality. See, the Cabindans and the people of Zaire were both ethnic Bakongo and the Bakongo of Zaire had also once had their own, independent (until 1914) kingdom which was now part of Angola. The Bakongo were major factions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) -(formerly for a short time known as the nation of Zaire, from here on out to be referred to as the DRC and in the running for the most fucked up place on the planet Earth, more on that later)- and Congo (the nation) yet a minority in Angola. Having an independent nation united along ethnic and linguistic lines made sense and could expect support from their confederates across international boundaries.The Liberation Air ForceThe Earth & Sky operated under one constant dilemma ~ when would Temujin make his return? Since they didn't know and it was their job to be prepared for the eventuality if it happened tomorrow, or a century down the line, they 'stockpiled', and 'stockpiled' and 'stockpiled'.That was why they maintained large horse herds and preserved the ancient arts of Asian bowyers, armoring and weapons-craft. That was why they created secret armories, and sulfur and saltpeter sites when musketry and cannons became the new ways of warfare. They secured sources of phosphates and petroleum when they became the new thing, and so on.All of this boiled over to me being shown yet again I worked with clever, creative and under-handed people. The Khanate came up with a plan for a 'Union' Air Force {Union? More on that later} within 24 hours, and it barely touched any of their existing resources. How did they accomplish this miracle? They had stockpiled and maintained earlier generation aircraft because they didn't know when Temujin would make his re-appearance.They'd also trained pilots and ground crews for those aircraft. As you might imagine, those people grew old just as their equipment did. In time, they went into the Earth & Sky's Inactive Reserves ~ the rank & file over the age of 45. You never were 'too old' to serve in some capacity though most combat-support related work ended at 67.When Temujin made his return and the E&S transformed into the Khanate, those people went to work bringing their lovingly cared for, aging equipment up to combat-alert readiness. If the frontline units were decimated, they would have to serve, despite the grim odds of their survival. It was the terrible acceptance the Chinese would simply possess so much more war-making material than they did.Well, the Khanate kicked the PRC's ass in a titanic ass-whooping no one (else) had seen coming, or would soon forget. Factory production and replacement of worn machines was in stride to have the Khanate's Air Force ready for the next round of warfare when the Cease-fire ended and the Reunification War resumed.Always a lower priority, the Khanate military leadership was considering deactivating dozens of these reserve unit when suddenly the (Mongolian) Ikh khaany khairt akh dáé (me) had this hare-brained scheme about helping rebels in Africa, West Africa, along the Gulf of Guinea coast/Atlantic Ocean, far, far away, and it couldn't look like the Khanate was directly involved.They barely knew where Angola was. They had to look up Cabinda to figure out precisely where that was. They brought in some of their 'reservist' air staff to this briefing and one of them, a woman (roughly a third of the E&S 'fighting'/non-frontline forces were female), knew what was going on. Why?She had studied the combat records and performance of the types of aircraft she'd have to utilize... back in the 1980's and 90's and Angola had been a war zone rife with Soviet (aka Khanate) material back then. Since she was both on the ball, bright and knew the score, the War Council put her in overall command. She knew what was expected of her and off she went, new staff in hand. She was 64 years old, yet as ready and willing to serve as any 20 year old believer in the Cause.Subtlety, scarcity and audacity were the watchwords of the day. The Khanate couldn't afford any of their front-line aircraft for this 'expedition'. They really couldn't afford any of their second-rate stuff either. Fortunately, they had some updated third-rate war-fighting gear still capable of putting up an impressive show in combat ~ providing they weren't going up against a top tier opponents.For the 'volunteers' of the Union Air Force, this could very likely to be a one-way trip. They all needed crash courses (not a word any air force loves, I know) in Portuguese though hastily provided iPhones with 'apps' to act as translators were deemed to be an adequate stop-gap measure. Besides, they were advised to avoid getting captured at all cost. The E&S couldn't afford the exposure. Given the opportunity ~ this assignment really was going above and beyond ~ not one of these forty-six to sixty-seven year olds backed out.No, they rolled out fifty of their antiquated aircraft, designs dating back to the 1950's through the mid-70's, and prepared them for the over 10,000 km journey to where they were 'needed most'. 118 pilots would go (72 active plus 46 replacements) along with 400 ground crew and an equally aged air defense battalion (so their air bases didn't get blown up). Security would be provided by 'outsiders' ~ allies already on the ground and whatever rebels could be scrounged up. After the initial insertion, the Indian Air Force would fly in supplies at night into the Cabinda City and Soyo Airports.The composition,14 Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-21 jet fighters ~ though she entered service in 1959, these planes' electronics were late 20th century and she was a renowned dogfighter. 12 were the Mig-21-97 modernized variant and the other two were Mig-21 UM two-seater trainer variants which could double as reconnaissance fighters if needed.14 Sukhoi Su-22 jet fighter-bombers ~ the original design, called the Su-17, came out in 1970, the first 12 were variants with the 22M4 upgrade were an early-80's package. The other 2 were Su-22U two-seat trainers which, like their Mig-21 comrades, doubled as reconnaissance fighters. The Su-22M4's would be doing the majority of the ground attack missions for the Cabindans, though they could defend themselves in aerial combat if necessary.6 Sukhoi Su-24M2 supersonic attack aircraft ~ the first model rolled off the production lines in the Soviet Union back in 1974. By far the heaviest planes in the Cabindan Air Force, the Su-24M2's would act as their 'bomber force' as well as anti-ship deterrence.8 Mil Mi-24 VM combat helicopters ~ introduced in 1972 was still a lethal combat machine today. Unlike the NATO helicopter force, the Mi-24's did double duty as both attack helicopter and assault transports at the same time.4 Mil Mi-8 utility helicopters, first produced in 1967. Three would act as troop/cargo transports (Mi-8 TP) while the fourth was configured as a mobile hospital (the MI-17 1VA).4 Antonov An-26 turboprop aircraft, two to be used as tactical transports to bring in supplies by day and two specializing in electronic intelligence aka listening to what the enemy was up to. Though it entered production in 1969, many still remained flying today.2 Antonov An-71M AEW&C twin-jet engine aircraft. These were an old, abandoned Soviet design the Earth & Sky had continued working on primarily because the current (1970's) Russian Airborne Early Warning and Control bird had been both huge and rather ineffective ~ it couldn't easily identify low-flying planes in the ground clutter so it was mainly only good at sea. Since the E&S planned to mostly fight over the land,They kept working on the An-71 which was basically 1977's popular An-72 with some pertinent design modifications (placing the engines below the wings instead of above them as on the -72 being a big one). To solve their radar problem, they stole some from the Swedish tech firm Ericsson, which hadn't been foreseen to be a problem before now.See, the Russians in the post-Soviet era created a decent AEW&C craft the E&S gladly stole and copied the shit out of for their front line units and it was working quite nicely ~ the Beriev A-50, and wow, were the boys in the Kremlin pissed off about that these days. Whoops, or was that woot?Now, the Khanate was shipping two An-71's down to Cabinda and somewhere along the line someone just might get a 'feel' for the style of radar and jamming the Cabindans were using aka the Swedish stuff in those An-71's. The Erieye radar system could pick out individual planes at 280 miles. The over-all system could track 60 targets and plot out 10 intercepts simultaneously. NATO, they were not, but in sub-Saharan Africa, there were none better.Anyway, so why was any of this important?Why the old folks with their ancient machines? As revealed, since the Earth & Sky had no idea when Temüjin would return, they were constantly squirreling away equipment. World War 2 gave them unequaled access to Soviet military technology and training.Afterwards, under Josef Stalin's direction, thousands of Russian and German engineers and scientists were exiled to Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan who were then snatched up (reportedly died in the gulags/trying to escape) and the E&S began building mirror factories modeled on the 'then current' Soviet production lines.So, by the early 1950's, the E&S was building, flying and maintaining Soviet-style Antonov, Beriev, Ilyushin, Myasishchev, Mikoyan-Gurevich, Sukhoi, Tupolev and Yakovlev airplanes. First in small numbers because their pool of pilots and specialists was so small.The E&S remedied this by creating both their own 'private' flight academies and technical schools. They protected their activities with the judicious use of bribes (they were remarkably successful with their economic endeavors on both side of the Iron Curtain) and murders (including the use of the Ghost Tigers).By 1960, the proto-Khanate had an air force. Through the next two decades they refined and altered their doctrine ~ moving away from the Soviet doctrine to a more pure combined-arms approach (the Soviets divided their air power into four separate arms ~ ADD (Long Range Aviation), FA (Front Aviation), MTA (Military Transport Aviation) and the V-PVO (Soviet Air Defenses ~ which controlled air interceptors).).It wasn't until the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the various former SSR's that the E&S program really began to hit its stride. Still, while Russia faltered, China's PLAAF (Peoples' Liberation Army Air Force) began to take off. Since the Chinese could produce so much more, the E&S felt it had to keep those older planes and crews up to combat readiness. The younger field crews and pilots flew the newer models as they rolled off the secret production lines.Then the Unification War appeared suddenly, the E&S-turned Khanate Air Force skunked their PLAAF rivals due to two factors, a surprise attack on a strategic level and the fatal poisoning of their pilots and ground crews before they even got into the fight. For those Chinese craft not destroyed on the ground, the effects of Anthrax eroded their fighting edge. Comparable technology gave the Khanate their critical victory and Air Supremacy over the most important battlefields.What did this meant for those out-of-date air crews and pilots who had been training to a razor's edge for a month now? Their assignment had been to face down the Russians if they invaded. They would take their planes up into the fight even though this most likely would mean their deaths, but they had to try.When Operation Fun House put Russia in a position where she wasn't likely to jump on the Khanate, this mission's importance faded. The Russian Air Force was far more stretched than the Khanate's between her agitations in the Baltic and her commitments in the Manchurian, Ukrainian, Chechen and Georgian theaters.With more new planes rolling off the production lines, these reservist units began dropping down the fuel priority list, which meant lowering their flight times thus readiness. Only my hare-brained scheme had short-circuited their timely retirement. Had I realized I was getting people's grandparents killed, I would have probably made the same call anyway. We needed them.The KanateThe Khanate's #1 air superiority dogfighter was the Mig-35F. The #2 was the Mig-29. No one was openly discussing the Khanate's super-stealthy "Su-50", if that was what it was, because its existence 'might' suggest the Khanate also stole technology from the Indian defense industry, along with their laundry list of thefts from South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, the PRC, Russia and half of NATO.Her top multi-role fighters were the Su-47, Su-35S and Su-30SM. The Su-30 'Flanker-C/MK2/MKI were their 2nd team with plenty of 3rd team Su-27M's still flying combat missions as well.Strike fighters? There weren't enough Su-34's to go around yet, so the Su-25MS remained the Khanate's dedicated Close Air Assault model.Medium transport aircraft? The An-32RE and An-38. They had small, large and gargantuan transports as well.Bombers? The rather ancient jet-powered Tu-160M2's and Tu-22M2's as well as the even older yet still worthwhile turboprops ~ from 1956's ~ the Tu-95M S16.Helicopters? While they still flew updated variants of the Mil Mi-8/17 as military transports, the more optimized Kamov Ka-52 and Mil Mi-28 had replaced them in the assault role.Bizarrely, the Khanate had overrun several Chinese production lines of the aircraft frames and components ~ enough to complete fairly modern PLAAF (Peoples Liberation Army Air Force) FC-1 and J-10 (both are small multi-role fighter remarkably similar to the US F-16 with the FC-1 being the more advanced model, using shared Chinese-Pakistani technology and was designed for export,).They did have nearly two dozen to send, but they didn't have the pilots and ground crews trained to work with them, plus the FC-1 cost roughly $32 million which wasn't fundage any legitimate Cabindan rebels could get their hands on, much less $768 million (and that would just be for the planes, not the weeks' worth of fuel, parts and munitions necessary for what was forthcoming).Meanwhile, except for the An-26, which you could get for under $700,000 and the An-71, which were only rendered valuable via 'black market tech', none of the turboprop and jet aircraft the Khanate was sending were what any sane military would normally want. The helicopters were expensive ~ the 'new' models Mi-24's cost $32 million while the Mi-17's set you back $17 million. The one's heading to Cabinda didn't look 'new'.The Opposition:In contrast, the Angolan Air Force appeared far larger and more modern. Appearances can be deceptive, and they were. Sure, the models of Russian and Soviet-made aircraft they had in their inventory had the higher numbers ~ the Su-25, -27 and -30 ~ plus they had Mig-21bis's, Mig-23's and Su-22's, but things like training and up-keep didn't appear to be priorities for the Angolans.When you took into account the rampant corruption infecting all levels of Angolan government, the conscript nature of their military, the weakness of their technical educational system, the complexity of any modern combat aircraft and the reality that poor sods forced into being Air Force ground crewmen hardly made the most inspired technicians, or most diligent care-takers of their 'valuable' stockpiles (which their officers all too often sold on the black market anyway), things didn't just look bleak for the Angolan Air Force, they were a tsunami of cumulative factors heading them for an epic disaster.It wasn't only their enemies who derided their Air Force's lack of readiness. Their allies constantly scolded them about it too. Instead of trying to fix their current inventory, the Angolans kept shopping around for new stuff. Since 'new'-new aircraft was beyond what they wanted to spend (aka put too much of a dent in the money they were siphoning off to their private off-shore accounts), they bought 'used' gear from former Soviet states ~ Belarus, Russia and Ukraine ~ who sold them stuff they had left abandoned in revetments (open to the elements to slowly rot) on the cheap.To add to the insanity, the Angolans failed to keep up their maintenance agreements so their newly fixed high-tech machines often either couldn't fly, or flew without critical systems, like radar, avionics and even radios. Maybe that wasn't for the worst because after spending millions on these occasionally-mobile paperweights, the Angolans bought the least technologically advanced missile, gun and rocket systems they could get to put on these flying misfortunes.On the spread sheets, Angola had 18 Su-30K's, 18 Su-27, 12 Su-25's, 14 Su-22's, 22 Mig-23's, 23 Mig-21bis's and 6 Embraer EMB 314 Super Tucano (a turboprop aircraft tailor-made for counter-insurgency operations), 105 helicopters with some combative ability and 21 planes with some airlift capacity. That equated to 81 either air superiority, or multi-role jet fighters versus the 12 Union Air Force (actually the Bakongo Uni o de Cabinda e Zaire, For as Armadas de Liberta  o, For a Area ~ Liberation Armed Forces, Air Force (BUCZ-FAL-FA) Mig-21-97's.It would seem lopsided except for the thousands of hours of flight experience the 'Unionists' enjoyed over their Angolan rivals. You also needed to take into account the long training and fanatic dedication of their ground crews to their pilots and their craft. Then you needed to take into account every Unionist aircraft, while an older airframe design, had updated (usually to the year 2000) technology lovingly cared for, as if the survival of their People demanded it.A second and even more critical factor was the element of surprise. At least the PRC and the PLAAF had contingencies for attacks from their neighbors in the forefront of their strategic planning. The Angolans? The only country with ANY air force in the vicinity was the Republic of South Africa (RSA) and they had ceased being a threat with the end of Apartheid and the rise of majority Black rule in that country nearly two decades earlier.In the pre-dawn hours of 'Union Independence Day', the FAL-FA was going to smash every Angolan Air base and air defense facility within 375 miles of Cabinda (the city). Every three hours after that, they would be hitting another target within their designated 'Exclusion Zone'. Yes, this 'Exclusion Zone' included a 'tiny' bit of DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo) territory. The DRC didn't have an air force to challenge them though, so,Inside this 'Exclusion Zone', anything moving by sea, river, road, rail, or air without Unionist governmental approval was subject to attack, which would require neutral parties to acknowledge some semblance of a free and independent B U C Z. Worse for Angola, this 'Zone' included Angola's capital and its largest port, Luanda, plus four more of their ten largest urban centers. This could be an economic, military and humanitarian catastrophe if mishandled.The Angolan Army did not have significant anti-aircraft assets. Why would they? Remember, no one around them had much of an air force to worry about. The FAL-FA in turn could hit military convoys with TV-guided munitions 'beyond line of sight', rendering what they did have useless. It got worse for the Army after dark. The FAL-FA could and would fly at night whereas the average Angolan formation had Zip-Zero-Nadda night fighting capacity.Then geography added its own mountain of woes. As far as Cabinda was concerned, there was no direct land line to their border from Angola. Their coastal road only went as far as the port of Soyo where the Congo River hit the South Atlantic Ocean. Across that massive gap was the DRC where the road was not picked back up. Far up the coast was the DRC town of Muanda (with an airport) and though they did have a road which went north, it did not continue to the Cabindan border.Nope. To get at Cabinda from the south meant a long, torturous travel through northeastern Angola, into the heart of the DRC then entailed hooking west to some point 'close' to the Cabindan frontier before finally hoofing it overland through partially cleared farmland and jungle. Mind you, the DRC didn't have a native air force capable of protecting the Angolans in their territory so,In fact the only 'road' to Cabinda came from the Republic of Congo (Congo) to the north and even that was a twisted route along some really bad, swampy terrain. This had been the pathway of conquest the Angolans took 39 years earlier. The difference being the tiny bands of pro-independence Cabindan guerillas back then couldn't hold a candle to the Amazons fighting to free Cabinda this time around in numbers, zeal, training and up-to-date equipment.Next option ~ to come by sea. They would face a few, stiff problems, such as the FAL-FA having ship-killer missiles, the Angolan Navy not being able to defend them and the Unionists having no compunction to not strike Pointe-Noire in the 'not so neutral' Republic of the Congo if they somehow began unloading Angolan troops. It seemed the Republic of the Congo didn't have much of an Air Force either.Before you think the FAL-FA was biting off more than they could chew, Cabinda, the province, was shaped somewhat like the US State of Delaware, was half the size of Connecticut (Cabinda was 2,810 sq. mi. to Conn.'s 5,543 sq. mi.) and only the western 20% was relatively open countryside where the Angolan Army's only advantage ~ they possessed armed fighting vehicles while the 'Unionists' did not (at this stage of planning) ~ could hopefully come into play.Centered at their capital, Cabinda (City), jets could reach any point along their border within eight minutes. Helicopters could make it in fifteen. To be safe, some of the FAL-FA would base at the town of Belize which was in the northern upcountry and much tougher to get at with the added advantage the Angolans wouldn't be expecting the FAL-FA to be using the abandoned airfield there, at least initially.Where they afraid attacking Angolan troops in the DRC would invite war with the DRC? Sure, but letting the Angolans reach the border unscathed was worse. Besides, the DRC was in such a mess it needed 23,000 UN Peacekeepers within her borders just to keep the country from falling apart. Barring outside, read European, intervention, did "Democratically-elected since 2001" President (for Life) Joseph Kabila want the FAL-FA to start dropping bombs on his capital, Kinshasa, which was well within reach of all their aircraft?Congo (the country), to the north, wasn't being propped up by the UN, or anything else except ill intentions. In reality, it hardly had much of a military at all. Its officer corps was chosen for political reliability, not merit, or capability. Their technology was old Cold War stuff with little effort to update anything and, if you suspected corruption might be a problem across all spectrums of life, you would 'probably' be right about that too.If you suspected the current President had been in charge for a while, you would be correct again (1979-1992 then 2001- and the 'whoops' was when he accidently let his country experiment with democracy which led to two civil wars). If you suspected he was a life-long Communist (along with the Presidents of the DRC and Angola), you'd be right about that as well. Somehow their shared Marxist-Leninist-Communist ideology hadn't quite translated over to alleviating the grinding poverty in any of those countries despite their vast mineral wealth,At this point in the region's history, little Cabinda had everything to gain by striving for independence and the vast majority of 'warriors' who could possibly be sent against her had terribly little to gain fighting and dying trying to stop them from achieving her goal. After all, their lives weren't going to get any better and with the Amazons ability ~ nay willingness ~ to commit battlefield atrocities, those leaders were going to find it hard going to keep sending their men off to die.And then, it got even worse.See, what I had pointed out was there were two oil refineries in Angola, and neither was in Cabinda. Cabinda would need a refinery to start making good on their oil wealth ~ aka economically bribe off the Western economies already shaken over the Khanate's first round of aggressions.But wait! There was an oil refinery just across the Congo River from Cabinda ~ which meant it was attached to mainland Angola. That had to be a passel of impossible news, right?Nope. As I said earlier, it seemed the people of northern Angola were the same racial group as the Cabindans AND majority Catholic while the ruling clique wasn't part of their ethnic confederacy plus the farther south and east into Angola you went, the less Catholic it became.But it got better. This province was historically its own little independent kingdom (called the Kingdom of Kongo) to boot! It had been abolished by Portugal back in 1914.The 'good' news didn't end there. Now, it wasn't as if the leadership of Angola was spreading the wealth around to the People much anyway, but these northerners had been particularly left out of this Marxist version of 'Trickle Down' economics.How bad was this? This northwestern province ~ called Zaire ~ didn't have any railroads, or paved roads, linking it to the rest of the freaking country. The 'coastal road' entered the province, but about a third of the way up ran into this river, which they'd failed to bridge (you had to use a single track bridge farther to the northeast, if you can believe it). It wasn't even a big river. It was still an obstacle though.How did the Angolan government and military planned to get around? Why by air and sea, of course. Well, actually by air. Angola didn't have much of a merchant marine, or Navy, to make sealift a serious consideration. Within hours of the 'Union Declaration of Independence' anything flying anywhere north of the Luanda, the capital of Angola, would essentially be asking to be blown out of the sky.Along the border between Zaire province and the rest of Angola were precisely two chokepoints. By 'chokepoints', I meant places where a squad (10 trained, modernly-equipped troopers) could either see everything for miles & miles over pretty much empty space along a river valley and the only bridge separating Zaire province from the south, or overlook a ravine which the only road had to pass through because of otherwise bad-ass, broken terrain.Two.Zaire Province had roughly the same population as Cabinda ~ 600,000. Unlike Cabinda, which consisted of Cabinda City plus a few tiny towns and rugged jungles, Zaire had two cities ~ Soyo, with her seventy thousand souls plus the refinery at the mouth of the Congo River, and M'banza-Kongo, the historical capital of the Kingdom of Kongo, spiritual center of the Bakongo People (who included the Cabindans) and set up in the highlands strategically very reminiscent of Điện Biàn Phủ.Of Zaire's provincial towns, the only other strategic one was N'Zeto with her crappy Atlantic port facility and 2,230 meter grass airport. The town was the northern terminus of the National Road 100 ~ the Coastal Road. It terminated because of the Mebridege River. There wasn't a bridge at N'Zeto though there was a small one several miles upstream. N'Zeto was also where the road from provinces east of Zaire ended up, so you had to have N'Zeto ~ and that tiny bridge ~ to move troops overland anywhere else in Zaire Province.So you would think it would be easy for the Angolan Army to defend then, except of how the Amazons planned to operate. They would infiltrate the area first then 'rise up in rebellion'. Their problem was the scope of the operation had magnified in risk of exposure, duration and forces necessary for success.The serious issue before Saint Marie and the Host in Africa were the first two. They could actually move Amazons from Brazil and North America to bolster their numbers for the upcoming offensive. Even in the short-short term, equipment wouldn't be a serious problem. What the Amazons dreaded was being left in a protracted slugfest with the Angolan Army which the Condottieri could jump in on. The Amazons exceedingly preferred to strike first then vanish.There was reason to believe a tiny number could have stayed behind in Cabinda to help the locals prepare their military until they could defend themselves. They would need more than a hundred Amazons if Cabinda wanted to incorporate Zaire. The answer was to call back their newfound buddy, the Great Khan. While he didn't have much else he could spare (the Khanate was ramping up for their invasion of the Middle East after all, the Kurds needed the help), he had other allies he could call on.India couldn't help initially since they were supposed to supply the 'Peace-keepers' once a cease-fire had been arranged. That left Temujin with his solid ally, Vietnam, and his far shakier allies, the Republic of China and Japan.First off ~ Japan could not help, which meant they couldn't supply troops who might very well end up dead, or far worse, captured.. What they did have was a surplus of older equipment the ROC troops were familiar with, so while the ROC was gearing up for their own invasion of mainland China in February, they were willing to help the Chinese kill Angolans, off the books, of course.The ROC was sending fifteen hundred troops the Khanate's way to help in this West African adventure with the understanding they'd be coming home by year's end. With Vietnam adding over eight hundred of her own Special Forces, the Amazons had the tiny 'allied' army they could leave shielding Cabinda/Zaire once the first round of blood-letting was over.To be 'fair', the Republic of China and Vietnam asked for 'volunteers'. It wasn't like either country was going to declare war on Angola directly. Nearly a thousand members of Vietnam's elite 126th Regiment of the 5th Brigade (Đặc cáng bộ) took early retirement then misplaced their equipment as they went to update their visas and inoculations before heading out for the DRC (some would be slipping over the DRC/Cabindan border).On Taiwan, it was the men and women of the 602nd Air Cavalry Brigade, 871st Special Operations Group and 101st Amphibious Reconnaissance Battalion who felt the sudden desire to 'seek enlightenment elsewhere, preferably on another continent'.They too were off to the Democratic Republic of Congo, man that country was a mess and their border security wasn't worth writing home about, that's for damn sure, via multiple Southeast Asian nations. Besides, they were being issued fraudulently visas which showed them to be from the People's Republic of China, not the ROC/Taiwan. If they were captured, they were to pretend to "be working for a Communist Revolution inside Angola and thus to be setting all of Africa on fire!" aka be Mainland Chinese.There, in the DRC, these Chinese stumbled across, some Japanese. These folks hadn't retired. No. They were on an extended assignment for the UN's mission in, the DRC. OH! And look! They'd brought tons of surplus, outdated Japanese Self Defense Forces' equipment with them, and there just so happened to be some Taiwanese who had experience in using such equipment (both used US-style gear).And here was Colonel Yoshihiro Isami of the Chūō Sokuō Shūdan (Japan's Central Readiness Force) wondering why he and his hastily assembled team had just unloaded,18 Fuji/Bell AH-1S Cobra Attack helicopters,6 Kawasaki OH-6D Loach Scout helicopters,12 Fuji-Bell 204-B-2 Hiyodori Utility helicopters,6 Kawasaki/Boeing CH-47JA Chinook Transport helicopters and4 Mitsubishi M U-2L-1 Photo Reconnaissance Aircraft.Yep! 46 more aircraft for the FAL-FA!Oh, and if this wasn't 'bad enough', the Chinese hadn't come alone. They'd brought some old aircraft from their homes to aid in the upcoming struggle. Once more, these things were relics of the Cold War yet both capable fighting machines and, given the sorry state of the opposition, definitely quite deadly. A dozen F-5E Tiger 2000 configured primarily for air superiority plus two RF-5E Tigergazer for reconnaissance, pilots plus ground crews, of course.Thus, on the eve of battle, the FAL-FA had become a true threat. Sure, all of its planes (and half of its pilots) were pretty old, but they were combat-tested and in numbers and experience no other Sub-Saharan African nation could match.The Liberation Ground Forces:But wait, there was still the niggling little problem of what all those fellas were going to fight with once they were on the ground. Assault/Battle rifles, carbines, rifles, pistols, PDW, SMGs as bullets, grenades and RPG's were all terrifyingly easy to obtain. The coast of West Africa was hardly the Port of London as far as customs security went. They were going to need some bigger toys and their host nations were going to need all their native hardware for their upcoming battles at home.And it wasn't like you could advertise for used IFV (Infantry Fighting Vehicles), APCs (armored personnel carriers) and tanks on e-Bay, Amazon.com, or Twitter. If something modern US, or NATO, was captured rolling around the beautiful Angolan countryside, shooting up hostile Angolans, all kinds of head would roll in all kinds of countries, unless the country,A) had an Executive Branch and Judiciary who wouldn't ask (or be answering) too many uncomfortable questions,B) wasn't all that vulnerable to international pressure,C) really needed the money and,D) didn't give a fuck their toys would soon be seen on BBC/CNN/Al Jazeera blowing the ever-living crap out of a ton of Africans aka doing what they were advertised to do and doing it very well in the hands of capable professionals.And politics was kind enough to hand the freedom-loving people of Cabinda & Zaire a winner, and it wasn't even from strangers, or at least people all that strange to their part of the Globe. If you would have no idea who to look for, you wouldn't be alone.That was the magic of the choice. See, the last three decades had seen the entire Globe take a colossal dump on them as a Nation and a People. They were highly unpopular for all sorts of things, such as Crimes Against Humanity and 'no', we were not talking about the Khanate.We would be talking about Република Србија / Republika Srbija aka Serbia aka the former Yugoslavia who had watched all their satellite minions (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo and Macedonia) slip away. Despite being reduced to a tiny fraction of their former selves thus fighting two incredibly brutal and bloody World Wars for nothing, Serbia insisted on maintaining a robust armaments industry.Mind you, they didn't make the very best stuff on the planet. That didn't stop them from trying though. Of equal importance was their geographic location and the above mentioned desire for some hard currency without asking too many questions. The geography was simple, you could move even heavy gear unnoticed from central Serbia to the Montenegrin port of Bar by rail and load them up on freighters and off to the Congo you went.The Serbians produced an APC called the BVP M-80A's which weren't blowing anyone's minds away when they started rolling off the production lines back in 1982, plus some over-eager types on the Serbian Army's payroll sweetened the deal by offering 'the rebels' some BVP M-80 KC's and a KB as well.Then they slathered on the sugary-sweet Maple syrup by upgrading a few of the M-80A's to BVP M-98A's. Why would they be so generous? The KC's and KB were the Command & Control variants, so that made sense (C = company & B = battalion commander). The -98A had never been tested in the field before and they were kind of curious how the new turrets (which was the major difference) would behave. 'Our' procurement agents didn't quibble. We needed the gear.Besides, these Slavic entrepreneurs gave them an inside track on some 'disarmed/mothballed' Czech (introduced in 1963) armored mobile ambulances and Polish BWP-1 (first rolled out in 1966) APC's which were either in, or could be quickly configured into, the support variants those ground-fighters would need. The 'disarmed' part was 'fixable', thanks to both the Serbians and Finland. The 'missing' basic weaponry was something the Serbians could replace with virtually identical equipment.It just kept getting better. Unknown to me at the time, the Finnish firm, Patria Hágglunds, had sold twenty-two of their 'most excellent' AMOS turrets ~ they are a twin 120 mm mortar system ~ then the deal fell through. Whoops! Should have guarded that warehouse better. Those bitches were on a cargo plane bound for Albania inside of six hours.The ammunition for them was rather unique. Thankfully, it was uniquely sold by the Swiss, who had no trouble selling it to Serbia, thank you very much! Twenty-two BWP-1's became mobile artillery for the Unionist freedom fighters, though I understood the ship ride with the Serbian and Chinese technicians was loads of fun as they struggled to figured out how to attach those state-of-the-art death-dealing turrets to those ancient contraptions.To compensate, the Serbians added (aka as long as our money was good) two Nora B-52 155 mm 52-calibre mobile artillery pieces and one battery of Orkan CER MLRS (Multiple Launch Rocket System) for long-range artillery, two batteries of their Oganj 2000 ER MRLS for medium range carnage and six batteries of their M-94 MRLS for 'close support' as well. More field-testing new gear for the "freedom fighters" We also managed to 'purchase' ten M-84AS Main Battle tanks plus an M-84A1 armor recovery vehicle. It should have been twelve tanks, but two had 'loading issues'.Not to be deterred, our busy little procurement-beavers discovered four tanks no one was using, in neighboring Croatia. Why wasn't anyone immediately keen on their placement? They were two sets of prototypes, Croatia's improvements on the M-84; the M-95 Degman which was a 'failed redesign' and the M-84D, which was a vast up-grade for the M-84 line which had been sidelined by the 2008 Global economic collapse, after which the project stagnated.It seemed they were all in working order because late one night 'my people' exited a Croatian Army base with them, never to be seen again, until two weeks later when an intrepid news crew caught the distinctive form of the M-95 sending some sweet 125 mm loving the Angolan Army's way. Whoops yet again! At least they hit what they were aiming at and destroyed what they hit, right?By then, millions of other people would be going 'what the fuck?' right along with them as Cabinda's camouflage- and mask-wearing rebel army was laying the smack-down on the Angolans. That was okay; over a million 'free Cabindan Unionists' were in the same boat. Over a thousand Asians with their mostly-female militant translators were right there to prop up their 'Unionist Allies', but then they were the ones with the tanks, armored vehicles, planes and guns, so they were less worried than most.To pilot these tanks, APC, IFV and man this artillery, they had to go back to the Khanate. Sure enough, they had some old tankers used to crewing the T-72 from which the M-84's and -95 Degman were derived. They'd also need drivers for those BVP M-80A's and Polish BWP-1's and OT-64 SKOT's... who were, again, derived from old Soviet tech (just much better). The Serbian artillery was similar enough to Soviet stuff, but with enough new tech to make it 'more fun' for the reservists to 'figure out' how to use.More volunteers for the Liberation Armed Forces! More Apple sales, great apps and voice modulation software so that the vehicle commanders would be heard communicating in Portuguese if someone was eavesdropping. As a final offering the Turkish Navy spontaneously developed some plans to test their long range capabilities by going to, the South Atlantic.On the final leg they would have six frigates and two submarines, enough to give any navy in the region, which wasn't Brazil, something to think about. This was a show of force, not an actual threat though. If anyone called their bluff, the Khanate-Turkish forces would have to pull back. These were not assets my Brother, the Great Khan, could afford to gamble and lose.If someone didn't call that bluff, he was also sending two smaller, older corvettes and three even smaller, but newer, fast attack boats, a "gift" to the Unionists ASAP. The frigates would then race home, they had 'other' issues to deal with while the submarines would hang around for a bit. The naval gift was necessitated by the reality the Unionists would have to press their claim to their off-shore riches and that required a naval force Angola couldn't hope to counter.As things were developing, it was reckoned since a build-up of such momentous land and air power couldn't be disguised, it had to happen in a matter of days ~ four was decided to be the minimum amount of time. More than that and the government of the Democratic Republic might start asking far too many questions our hefty bribes and dubious paperwork couldn't cover. Less than that would leave the task forces launching operations with too little a chance of success.Our biggest advantage was audacity. The buildup would happen 100 km up the Congo River from Soyo, the primary target of the Southern Invasion, in the DRC's second largest port city, Boma. Though across the river was Angolan territory, there was nothing there. The city of roughly 160,000 would provide adequate cover for the initial stage of the invasion.There they grouped their vehicles & Khanate drivers with Amazon and Vietnamese combat teams. The Japanese were doing the same for their 'Chinese' counterparts for their helicopter-borne forces. Getting all their equipment in working order in the short time left was critical as was creating some level of unit dynamic. Things were chaotic. No one was happy. They were all going in anyway.What had gone wrong?While most children her age were texting their schoolmates, or tackling their homework, Aya Ruger ~ the alias of Nasusara Assiyaiá hamai ~ was getting briefings of her global, secret empire worth hundreds of billions and those of her equally nefarious compatriots. She received a very abbreviated version of what the Regents received, delivered by a member of Shawnee Arinniti's staff.When Aya hopped off her chair unexpectedly, everyone tensed. Her bodyguards' hands went to their sidearms and Lorraine (her sister by blood), also in the room on this occasion, stood and prepared to tackle her 'former' sibling to the ground if the situation escalated into an assassination attempt. No such attack was generated, so the security ratcheted down and the attendant returned her focus to her Queen. Aya paced four steps, turned and retraced her way then repeated the action three more times."How many people live in the combined areas?" she asked."The combined areas? Of Cabinda and Zaire?""Yes.""I," the woman referenced her material, "roughly 1.1 million.""What is the yearly value of the offshore oil and natural gas production?""Forty-nine billion, eighty hundred and sixty-seven million by our best estimates at this time,""How many live in Soyo City proper?""Roughly 70,000.""We take Soyo," she spoke in a small yet deliberate voice. "We take and hold Soyo as an independent city-state within the Cabindan-Zaire Union. From the maps it appears Soyo is a series of islands. It has a port and airport. It has an open border to an ocean with weaker neighbors all around.""What of the, Zairians?""Bakongo. As a people they are called the Bakongo," Aya looked up at the briefer. "We relocate those who need to work in Soyo into a new city, built at our expense, beyond the southernmost water barrier. The rest we pay to relocate elsewhere in Zaire, or Cabinda."By the looks of those around her, Aya realized she needed to further explain her decisions."This is more than some concrete home base for our People," she began patiently. "In the same way it gives our enemies a clearly delineated target to attack us, it is a statement to our allies we won't cut and run if things go truly bad.""In the same way it will provide us with diplomatic recognition beyond what tenuous handouts we are getting from Cáel Wakko Ishara's efforts through JIKIT. Also, it is a reminder we are not like the other Secret Societies in one fundamental way, we are not a business concern, or a religion. We are a People and people deserve some sort of homeland. We have gone for so long without.""But Soyo?" the aide protested. "We have no ties to it, and it backs up to, nothing.""Northern Turkey and southern Slovakia mean nothing to us now as well," Aya debated. "No place on Earth is any more precious than another. As for backing up to nothing, no. You are incorrect. It backs into a promise from our allies in the Earth & Sky that if we need support, they know where to park their planes and ships."Aya was surrounded with unhappy, disbelieving looks."The Great Khan is my mamētu meáeda," she reminded them, "and I have every reason to believe he completely grasps the concept's benefits and obligations."The looks confirmed 'but he's a man' to the tiny Queen."Aya, are you sure about this?" Lorraine was the first to break decorum."Absolutely. Do you know what he sent me when he was informed of my, ascension to the Queendom?""No," Lorraine admitted."We must go horse-riding sometime soon, Daughter of Cáel, Queen of the Amazons."More uncertain and unconvinced looks."He didn't congratulate me, or send any gifts. He could have and you would think he would have, but he didn't. He knew the hearts of me & my Atta and we weren't in the celebratory mood. No. The Great Khan sent one sentence which offered solace and quiet, atop a horse on a windswept bit of steppe."Nothing.Sigh. "I know this sounds Cáel-ish," Aya admitted, "but I strongly believe this is what we should do. We are giving the Cabindans and Bakongo in Zaire independence and the promise of a much better life than what they now face. We will be putting thousands of our sisters' lives on the line to accomplish this feat and well over two hundred million dollars.""What about governance of the city ~ Soyo?" the aide forged ahead."Amazon law," Aya didn't hesitate. "We will make allowances for the security forces of visiting dignitaries and specific allied personnel, but otherwise it will be one massive Amazon urban freehold.""I cannot imagine the Golden Mare, or the Regents, will be pleased," the attendant bowed her head."It is a matter of interconnectivity," Aya walked up and touched the woman's cheek with the back of her small hand. "We could liberate then abandon Cabinda with the hope a small band could help them keep their independence. Except we need the refinery at Soyo so the people of Cabinda can truly support that liberty.""So, we must keep Soyo and to keep Soyo, we must keep Zaire province. There is no other lesser border which makes strategic sense ~ a river, highlands, a massive river, an ocean ~ those are sustainable frontiers. You can't simply keep Soyo and not expect the enemy to strike and destroy that refinery, thus we must take Zaire province.""But the Bakongo of Zaire cannot defend themselves and will not be able to do so for at least a year, if not longer. That means we must do so, and for doing so, they will give us Soyo and we will be honest stewards of their oil wealth. We cannot expect any other power to defend this new Union and if we don't have a land stake we will be portrayed as mercenaries and expelled by hostile international forces.""So, for this project to have any chance of success, we must stay, fight and have an acknowledged presence, and if you can think of an alternative, please let me know," she exhaled."What if the Cabindans and Bakongo resist?""It is 'us', or the Angolans and they know how horrible the Angolans can be. Didn't you say the average person their lives on just $2 a day?""Yes.""We can do better than that," Aya insisted."How?" the aide persisted. "I mean, 'how in a way which will be quickly evident and meaningful?'""Oh," Aya's tiny brow furrowed. Her nose twitched as she rummaged through the vast storehouse of her brain."Get me in touch with William A. Miller, Director of the U.S. Diplomatic Security Service. He should be able to help me navigate the pathways toward getting aid and advisors into those two provinces ASAP.""I'll let Katrina know," the attendant made the notation on her pad."No. Contact him directly," Aya intervened. "We established a, rapport when we met. I think he might responded positively to a chance to mentor me in foreign relations.""Really?" Lorraine's brows arched."Yes," Aya chirped."Are you sure, Nasusara?" the attendant stared. She used 'Nasusara' whenever she thought Aya had a 'horrible' idea instead of a merely a 'bad' one."Yes. He owes me. Last time we met I didn't shoot him.""Didn't?" the woman twitched."Yes. I drew down on him with my captured Chinese QSW-06. I didn't want to kill him, but I felt I was about to have to kill Deputy National Security Advisor Blinken and he was the only other person in the room both armed and capable of stopping me.""Why is he still alive?""Cáel Ishara saw through my distraction and then took my gun from me, asked for it actually," she shyly confessed."Would you have shot him?" the aide inquired."What do you think?" Aya smiled.And Then:So, given t

The Federal Unionists Network (FUN for short) is an informal association of federal unionists and allies organizing to support each other in strengthening unions, improving agencies, and building solidarity across the federal sector of the labor movement. Adam Pelletier is a local organizer with FUN and spoke with Mark Dunlea and Benno Greene for Hudson Mohawk Magazine about organizing a rally to protest President Trump's massive layoffs of federal workers at the Federal O'Brien Building in Albany on Friday, March 14, at 5:00 PM.

Seachtain na GaeilgeSeachtain na Gaeilge used to run for one week but because it was so popular it was extended. It now runs annually from 1 March to 17 March – St. Patrick's Day. Is í Seachtain na Gaeilge an ceiliúradh is mó den Ghaeilge agus Cultúr na hÉireann ar domhan. Bhí an oiread sin ráchairt uirthi gur síneodh amach chuig coicís í. Bíonn sí ar siúl ó 1 Márta go dtí 17 Márta - Lá Fhéile Pádraig, achan bhliain.Seachtain na Gaeilge was founded in 1902 by Conradh na Gaeilge as part the Gaelic  revival of that time. Initially Seachtain na Gaeilge was limited to the island of Ireland but today it is now a global phenomenon and the largest celebration of our language and culture here and overseas.Seachtain is an opportunity to celebrate our native language and culture and to enjoy it all.  I was lucky to attend the Belfast launch in An Cultúrlann on the Falls Road last week. I certainly enjoyed it. It was a great event. Bia blasta agus ceol milis. You could tell a new generation is here to take the language movement forward with confidence.  To read what's on in the festival, go to Seachtain na Gaelige le energia or cnag.ie Death of Dafyyd Elis-ThomasNext week the funeral will take place in Cardiff of Dafyyd Elis-Thomas the former leader of Plaid Cymru, the Welsh independence party, who died in February. Forty-four years ago Dafyyd was an MP in the British Parliament where he played a pivotal role in the 1981 hunger strike.Bobby Sands commenced his hunger strike on 1 March 1981. He was to be followed in the weeks and months that followed by other blanket men. Five days after Bobby first refused food Frank Maguire, the Independent Republican MP for Fermanagh South Tyrone suddenly died of a heart attack. Following days of intense discussion, it was decided by Sinn Féin to stand Bobby Sands in the by-election. Harry West was the Unionist candidate.When the result was announced on the 9 April in Enniskillen's Technical College - “Sands, Bobby – Anti H-Block/Armagh Political Prisoner – 30,492; West, Harry – Unionist – 29,046” – history was made and the political landscape on the island of Ireland changed forever. Bobby was elected with a majority of 1447 on an 87% turnout. 

Kevon Stewart is the director of District 6 of the United Steelworkers union. In November 2024 he was elected the international union's first Black district director. Plus: the LabourStart report about union events. And celebrating in song Viola Desmond. RadioLabour is the international labour movement's radio service. It reports on labour union events around the world with a focus on unions in the developing world. It partners with rabble to provide coverage of news of interest to Canadian workers.

In 1981, the FBI raided the New York apartment of a 27-year-old Englishman who they believed had been commissioned by the Provisional IRA to murder a unionist politician. On Free State today, Aaron Edwards continues his journey inside the psyche of unionism and reveals the details of that extraordinary story. He talks to Dion and Joe about unionism's reluctance to change. The goodies and baddies might be different but the attitude is the same. Is it a philosophy or a state of mind? Aaron also talks about his next gripping book and Joe manages to achieve the impossible and rudely interrupt himself.Free State with Joe Brolly and Dion Fanning is a Gold Hat Production in association with SwanMcG.For more on Free State: https://freestatepodcast.com/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

CS Lewis wrote that there would be no better to place to live than Northern Ireland ‘if only I could deport the Ulstermen'. On Free State today Joe and Dion talk to the world-renowned historian Aaron Edwards about the predicament of unionism today. Is unionism a philosophy or an anxiety? Do unionist politicians have a strategy or are they trapped by parochialism? Edwards talks about his own upbringing on the hardline loyalist Rathcoole Estate in Belfast and why every victory gets turned to defeat.Free State with Joe Brolly and Dion Fanning is a Gold Hat Production in association with SwanMcG.For more on Free State: https://freestatepodcast.com/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Starmer Waiving The Rules. According to the British Prime Minister Keir Starmer his government is looking at "every conceivable way" to prevent me and at least 300 other people from receiving compensation for wrongful arrest and imprisonment in the 1970s. This issue of compensation arises from the decision by the British Supreme Court in May 2020 that the Interim Custody Order (ICO) or internment order issued against me was unlawful. Internment was demanded by the Unionist government in 1971 and imposed by the British on 9 August that year. It had been used in every decade since partition in 1920. Internment saw thousands of armed troops smash their way into nationalist homes to arrest 342 men and boys. They were dragged from their beds and many were beaten. Fourteen – the Hooded Men - were subjected to days of sustained torture. 25 people were killed in the following four days. In Ballymurphy in west Belfast eleven local citizens, including a priest and mother of eight, were killed by the Paras in the Ballymurphy Massacre.  Five months later the Paras attacked an anti-internment march in Derry and killed 14 people. Bloody Sunday was another of many dark days in the conflict. In July 1972 another five citizens, this time in Springhill, were killed by the British Army. They included another priest and a thirteen-year-old girl.Leonard Peltier - Going HomeLeonard Peltier is a native American activist. He has spent almost 50 years in prison in the USA for a crime he has always denied and which many, including some involved in jailing him, have long believed he was innocent of.  A short time before he left office US President Joe Biden commuted Leonard's life sentence to one of home confinement in his tribal homeland in North Dakota. Leonard is due to be released on 18 February.

Episode 59 –Tejanos during the civil war The Rio Grande, since it was the border between Texas and Mexico was important to both the Confederacy and the Union. The Confederacy wanted to use it to bring in supplies and the Union wanted to keep it bottled up. Regardless of their reasonings, both the North and the Sount did their best to recruit and draft Mexican Texans. The confederates set up camps in Laredo, Brownsville, Victoria, and Corpus Christi and trained approximately 2,550 Mexican Americans from Texas. They primarily served inside the state with the regular confederate army or with various companies of the state militia. José Agustín Quintero, who was actually a Cuban American and hailed from New Orleans, joined the Quitman Guards of Texas. That group saw action in Virginia and Quintero was later appointed by President Jefferson Davis to serve as the confidential agent (a sort of ambassador) of the Confederate government in Mexico. While the majority of those who joined were either in their teens or early twenties, there were some who were in their sixties. The majority did join the confederate army, still an estimated 960 joined the Union army. In many cases, their reasons for joining came about partly because they or their family members remember how they had been treated during some of the events of the Texas Revolution and in particular how Mexican were treated after the revolution. (Check out my books Years of Revolution 1830 to 1836. And A Failing Republic Becomes a State 1836-1850. For more about those time periods and what took place.)     One such union group was the Second Texas Cavalry (U.S.), which was comprised largely of Texas Mexicans and Mexican nationals; not sure why, but this unit suffered a high desertion rate.    Much like people everywhere Mexican Americans of Texas (Tejanos) were divided over the whole issue of secession. Before the war even started there were accusations of subversion and disloyalty being thrown about, which made many reluctant to even become involved. Part of the reasons that almost everyone who signed up to serve in a militia unit, especially from South Texas or from the frontier,  was a healthy fear of being sent to serve in the deep south and thus away from their families. Several people avoided conscription simply by claiming that they were actually residents and citizens of Mexico. There were at least 2,500 Mexican Texans who actually signed p to serve in the Confederate Army. Santos Benavides was perhaps the most famous of them, and he was eventually put in charge of the 33rd Texas Cavalry with the rank of colonel. The 33rd Texas Cavalry was never defeated in battle even though they did not have the best equipment or supplies. In fact, Colonel Benavides, and his Refugio and Cristóbal, put together what can only be thought of as an incredible record in defending the border. In May of 1861, they became folk heroes to southern sympathizers, after they defeated a band of anti-Confederates who were led by Juan N. Cortina at Carrizo (Zapata) . They also led incursions into northern Mexico seeking revenge for Unionist-inspired guerilla raids into Texas. In March of 1865, they also succeeded in repulsing a small group of Union solders that attacked Laredo. A few of the Tejano's who joined Hood's Texas Brigade actually were sent into Virginia where they fought in the battles of Gaines' Mill, Second Bull Run, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Gettysburg, the Wilderness, and Appomattox Court House. Some Thirty Tejanos from San Antonio, Eagle Pass, and the Fort Clark area signed up and joined Trevanion T. Teel's artillery company, and thirty-one more joined Charles L. Pyron's company, and ended up marching across West Texas to help in the fight to secure the Mesilla valley. Some Tejanos from San Antonio served in the Sixth Texas Infantry and fought in several of the eastern campaigns, including the battles of Chattanooga, Chickamauga, Atlanta,

About Dave O'Toole: I'm a retired trade union organiser. I favour progress and development and I'm not a fan of environmentalism.   00:00 Introduction to Individual Liberty and Environmentalism 01:03 Guest Introduction: Dave O'Toole 01:53 Skepticism Towards Environmentalism in Trade Unions 02:25 The Threat to Oil and Gas Workers 04:14 The Pushback Against Net Zero Policies 06:18 Luxury Beliefs and Climate Change 12:20 Extinction Rebellion and Just Stop Oil 20:53 Net Zero Legislation and Its Impacts 31:32 Critique of Multiculturalism and Environmentalism 34:24 Union Perspectives on Job Security 36:35 Debating Left-Wing Ideologies 39:25 The Crumbling of the Woke Left 43:21 Strategies for Climate Realists 49:00 Legacy Media vs. New Media 58:01 Environmentalism and Enlightenment Philosophy 01:01:10 Conclusion and Final Thoughts https://x.com/DavidJOToole https://substack.com/@davidjotoole Extinction Rebellion: enemies of the working class: https://www.spiked-online.com/2019/07/15/extinction-rebellion-enemies-of-the-working-class/ ========= AI summaries of all of my podcasts: https://tomn.substack.com/p/podcast-summaries My Linktree: https://linktr.ee/tomanelson1

The film, television, and theater industries were represented by some of the largest unions in the United States, and in the late 1940s, with the full cooperation of Screen Actors Guild President Ronald Reagan, organizations like the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Values sought to root out what they deemed the communist threat in entertainment. Unions from other industries were also targeted, and a narrative that communist infiltration was the true root cause of contemporary labor conflicts was embraced by a number of American politicians. Narrated by Rebecca Naomi Jones and featuring Thomas Doherty, author of Show Trial: Hollywood, HUAC, and the Birth of the Blacklist.  Image: Strikers on the picket line at Warner Bros., in the early morning hours before violence broke out, October 5, 1945. Photo by Keystone-France/Gamma-Keystone via Getty Images The Wreckage is part of the American Jewish Education Program, generously supported by Sid and Ruth Lapidus.

This holy defender of the One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church labored in the final days of the Byzantine Empire, when, pressed on all sides by the Turks, the Emperor in desperation sought union with (or rather submission to) the Papacy in hopes of obtaining aid from the West. It was St Mark who stood almost alone to prevent such a disaster to the Faith.   He was born in Constantinople in 1392 to devout parents. He received a thorough education and seemed destined for a secular career, but at the age of twenty- six he abandoned all worldly claims and became a monk in a small monastery in Nicomedia. Soon the Turkish threat forced him to return to Constantinople, where, continuing in the monastic life, he wrote a number of treatises on prayer and the dogmas of the Church. In time he was ordained priest, then, at the insistence of the Emperor John VIII Paleologos was made Metropolitan of Ephesus. The Emperor also prevailed on him to join the delegation which traveled to the Council of Florence to consider the reunion of the Orthodox Church and the churches under the Papacy. (Saint Mark went as exarch of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch and Alexandria, who were unable to attend.)   The Greek delegation included the Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople. All, including Metropolitan Mark, began with great hopes that a true union in faith might result from the Council, but as the sessions proceeded, it soon became clear that Pope Eugenius and his theologians were interested only in securing submission of the Eastern Church to the Papacy and its theology. The Metropolitan spoke forcefully against various Latin dogmas such as the filioque and Purgatory, but the Greek delegation, desperate for western aid, bowed to expediency and agreed to sign a document of Union which would have denied the Orthodox Faith itself. Saint Mark was the only member of the delegation who refused to sign. When the Pope heard of this, he said "The bishop of Ephesus has not signed, so we have achieved nothing!"   When the delegation returned to Constantinople, the signers of the false Union were received with universal condemnation by the people, while Metropolitan Mark was hailed as a hero. The churches headed by Unionists were soon almost empty, while the people flocked to the churches headed by those loyal to Orthodoxy. Saint Mark left the City to avoid concelebrating with the Unionist Patriarch. He was exiled by the Emperor to Lemnos, but was freed in 1442. He continued to oppose the Union until his repose in 1444. In 1452 the Union was officially proclaimed in Constantinople, but the hoped-for Western aid was not forthcoming, and the City fell to the Turks in 1453.

Unionist unity is an idea often proposed but has never seemed to progress. But now, The Belfast Telegraph can reveal secret DUP-UUP unity talks were held 18 months ago. Why did these talks take place, who was there, and could the idea of unionist unity come to fruition? Ciarán Dunbar is joined by The Belfast Telegraph Northern Ireland editor Sam McBride. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

A short story of a pro-Union industrialist trying to preserve his business in the Confederacy.   The Moving Through Georgia book is available on Amazon.   But they are dead - A look at mourning and notable burials in Northeast Georgia

Daniel interviews veteran educator, unionist and former political director of the United Federation of Teachers, Paul Egan. We discuss his nearly ten year tenure as the United Federation of Teachers' political director -- from the Bloomberg and Cuomo years to the De Blasio years. Egan dispels the tabloid controversies.

Unionists fiercely resist calls for a border poll for on a United Ireland, but that was not always the case. David Trimble campaigned for a poll in 2002 – secret files reveal he was dismissed. Newly released Dublin files reveal former taoiseach John Bruton was suspicious not only of Sinn Féin and the SDLP, but even his own Department of Foreign Affairs. Other files reveal a young John F Kennedy was happy enough with partition of Ireland and how Roger Casement was a source of controversy long after his execution. Ralph Reigel from the Irish Independent joins Ciarán Dunbar. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

jQuery(document).ready(function(){ cab.clickify(); }); Original Podcast with clickable words https://tinyurl.com/23l4dn39 Contact: irishlingos@gmail.com The government is unhappy about the cost of the Jeanie Johnston. An rialtas mí-shásta faoi chostas an Jeanie Johnston. RTÉ News and Current Affairs The Government was advised at the beginning of this century that the boat The Jeanie Johnston should be scrapped and no further funding should be provided to the project. Nuacht agus Cúrsaí Reatha RTÉ Comhairlíodh don Rialtas ag tús an chéid seo gur cheart fáil réidh leis an bhád An Jeanie Johnston agus gan a thuilleadh maoiniú a dhéanamh ar an tionscnamh. The intention was to build a replica of the famine-era boat and sail it to America and Canada. Bhí sé i gceist macasamhail den bhád ó aimsir an ghorta a thógáil agus seoladh go Meiriceá agus Ceanada inti. The boat would give the people of those countries an insight into their connection to Ireland and the underworld. Thabharfadh an bád léargas do phobal na dtíortha sin ar an cheangal a bhí acu le hÉirinn agus leis an drochshaol. The project also had an all-Ireland dimension and it was envisaged that young people from Unionist and Nationalist backgrounds would have the opportunity to train on it when the boat was being built. Bhí toise uile Éireann ag baint leis an togra fosta agus samhlaíodh go bhfaigheadh daoine óga ó chúlra Aontachtach agus Náisiúnach deis traenála uirthi nuair a bheadh an bád á thógáil. But by the beginning of 2002 the project was facing major difficulties. Ach fá thús na bliana 2002 bhí deacrachtaí móra ag an tionscnamh. The underlying company was insolvent and there were cases pending in the High Court against it. Bhí an comhlacht a bhí ina bhun dócmhainneach agus bhí cásanna ar siúl san Ard-Chúirt ina éadan. There were concerns that the company would have to shut down and dispose of the vessel. Bhíothas buartha go mbeadh ar an chomhlacht dúnadh síos agus go mbeadh orthu fáil réidh leis an árthach. The Minister for the Marine and Natural Resources, Frank Fahey, established a focus group to investigate the matter and their conclusions can be read in an Aide Memoire prepared by the Minister for a Government meeting on the subject. Bhunaigh Aire na Mara agus Acmhainní Nádúrtha, Frank Fahey, grúpa fócais chun an scéal a fhiosrú agus tá a gcuid conclúidí siúd le léamh in Aide Memoire a d'ullmhaigh an tAire do chruinniú Rialtais ar an ábhar. That document is now available in the National Archives as a result of the rule that forces the State to release documents relating to Anglo-Irish relations after twenty years. Tá an cháipéis sin ar fáil anois sa Chartlann Náisiúnta mar thoradh na rialach a chuireann iachall ar an Stát cáipéisí a bhaineann leis an chaidreamh Angla- Éireannach a scaoileadh tar éis fiche bliain. The Minister said in the Aide Memoire that the initiative had problems from the beginning. Dúirt an tAire san Aide Memoire go raibh fadhbanna ag an tionscnamh ón tús. The company that was contracted failed to meet their deadlines and the budget that was set for them. Theip ar an chomhlacht a bhí plé leis cloí lena gcuid spriocamanna agus leis an bhuiséad a bhí leagtha amach dóibh. The estimated cost had increased significantly from €3.8m to €14.4m - an increase of 377%. Bhí an costas measta ardaithe go mór ó €3.8m go €14.4m - ardú ionann is 377 faoin gcéad . The boat was supposed to sail to America in 2001 but it wasn't finished on time. Bhí an bád in ainm a bheith ag seoladh go Meiriceá i 2001 ach ní raibh sí críochnaithe in am. The focus group set up by the Minister did not put a dent in it in the report they gave him. Níor chuir an grúpa fócais a bhunaigh an tAire fiacal ann sa tuairisc a thug siad dó. They said the initiative had shortcomings from the beginning. Dúirt siad go raibh easnaimh sa tionscnamh ón tús. They outlined three options for Minister Fahey: 1. Not to provide any additional funding for the pr...

Also - Stephen talks to cyclist concerned about their safety on NI roads.

This episode explores how colonial histories, global capitalism, and systemic domination shape Western Asia or the Mashreq (often condensed as the Middle East) (post)colonial realities and, consequently, how we talk about the region. Joined by activist-scholars Dr Lina Koleilat and PhD candidate Tasnim Sammak, we unpack how to discuss and analyse the political machinations in the Mashreq, particularly in relation to recent developments in Syria. The episode also shows how diaspora communities situate these movements within the broader context of resistance against global power systems.The continuing and devastating Israeli genocidal assault on Gaza starkly shows how modernity, in its guise of progress and order, relegates Palestinian life to the peripheries of liberal humanity. It exposes the liberal world order—an order that prides itself on values of freedom and equality—as one that simultaneously perpetuates occupation, dispossession, and violence, dehumanising certain lives in favour of maintaining global capitalist order.Dr. Koleilat is a writer and an activist-scholar. She is a specialist in historical and ethnographic approaches to the study of protests, resistance, social movements and religion. She has been working with and learning from communities who resist war and government oppression to understand the genealogy of activism within specific historical, cultural and political contexts. Lina comes to the questions that drive her work and activism as a Lebanese-Palestinian scholar born and raised in Beirut and who directly experienced the horrors of war, dispossession and militarism.Tasnim Sammak is a PhD candidate at Monash University, a faculty member of education, and a Palestinian organiser with Free Palestine Coalition Naarm and Unionists for Palestine. Tasnim's grandparents were exiled from Yaffa during the Nakba in 1948 to a refugee camp in Gaza, where her father was born. She helped found the Elbit Out of Victoria campaign.

In any discussion of Texas history, we have to understand how and why Texas Argued for Secession. So, it's about time to talk about the one subject that is almost guaranteed to make someone, somewhere angry. Somone will absolutely tell me I'm wrong, or that I'm some kind of fanatic. What is the subject? Today the subject is what were the reasons Texas joined the Southern states to secede from the Union In 1861 the southern cotton-growing and slaveholding states decided to leave the union and to form the Confederate States of America. Texas was the seventh state to secede and the last to officially leave before the rebels opened fire on Fort Sumter.   Let me start with reading from the official “DECLARATION OF CAUSES” put forth by the Texas state government on February 2, 1861 "A declaration of the causes which impel the State of Texas to secede from the Federal Union. In view of these and many other facts, it is meet that our own views should be distinctly proclaimed.” We hold as undeniable truths that the governments of the various States, and of the confederacy itself, were established exclusively by the white race, for themselves and their posterity; that the African race had no agency in their establishment; that they were rightfully held and regarded as an inferior and dependent race, and in that condition only could their existence in this country be rendered beneficial or tolerable. (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({}); That in this free government all white men are and of right ought to be entitled to equal civil and political rights; that the servitude of the African race, as existing in these States, is mutually beneficial to both bond and free, and is abundantly authorized and justified by the experience of mankind, and the revealed will of the Almighty Creator, as recognized by all Christian nations; while the destruction of the existing relations between the two races, as advocated by our sectional enemies, would bring inevitable calamities upon both and desolation upon the fifteen slave-holding States.” Those are the official words put forth, but what caused them to put slavery ahead of their previous oath to the union?  When Republican Abraham Lincoln was elected president, the slaveholding states, feared that the executive branch would threaten their rights to own slaves. As an ancillary thought, they also did believe that if the federal government would outlaw slavery that meant they might also infringe on other rights. Some Texans were slow to accept secession, however, or never accepted it. They did not simply react to the election of Lincoln and emulate South Carolina. Indeed, the timing of the secession of Texas and the motivation behind it are of continued interest because they open up a series of questions about the nature of the Texas economy, the population, political parties, local needs, the role of such Unionists as Sam Houston, and the effects of public pressure to conform. Regardless, a common thread running through all of these questions is the role of slavery. As I have mentioned in previous episodes, in the 1850s, there were many Texans who were absolutely convinced that the institution of slavery was not only important, but it was also vital to keep the Texas economy going. It had become such an important part of the Texas economy that in the 15 years after Texas became a state, by 1860 approximately 30 percent of the total population were slaves. However, slaves were not dispersed equally throughout the state. In fact, the vast majority of them were concentrated in and along the rivers in East Texas and along the Gulf Coast near Houston and Galveston. The primary reason for this was something we mentioned in an earlier episode, they had easier access to markets. That concentration of slaves in a narrow geographic region, while economically powerful, meant that other parts of Texas had economies that depended upon livestock,

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The Belfast Telegraph's political editor Suzanne Breen joins Ciarán Dunbar with her analysis of Belfast Telegraph's LucidTalk polling, including a recent dip in support for Michelle O'Neill among recent Sinn Féin controversies and Unionist support for DUP ministers' meetings with Loyalist paramilitary representatives. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

If you're wondering which house in Terre Haute, Indiana has the most followers on Twitter, I think it's safe to say it's the one on N. 8th Street, surrounded by Indiana State University parking lots, just south of the marching band's practice fields.  It's the Eugene V. Debs museum. Long before it was a museum, it was the home of Eugene V. and Kate Debs.A hundred years ago, Eugene Debs was the most famous socialist in the U.S. He was the presidential candidate for the Socialist Party's first five attempts, which suggests how well he did on that front. The last time he ran, he was in prison. He got 6 percent of the vote. At the time, it seemed not bad for a convict.Now it's a museum, dedicated to the memory of the most popular American socialists before Bernie Sanders, and, along with Larry Bird, who got his start playing basketball for ISU, one of Terre Haute's most famous sons.The museum is run, as it should be, by one of Debs's biggest fans. Allison Duerk started giving tours of the house in college, and, just as she was graduating and looking for her first job, the Debs Museum opened up a search for a new director. She's been there ever since.This episode is about Eugene Debs and Allison Duerk. They've got some parallels. It's also about what makes a person devote their career to a house, and a man who died almost a century ago.

From the mysterious death of a marquess to one of the largest anti-independence rallies in Irish history, join me for a trip to 19th century Belfast.

Nasser has a conversation with Aran Mylvaganam, a former refugee, Tamil Refugee Council founder, trade unionist, and human rights activist. They speak about the discrimination against the Tamils in Sri Lanka, Aran's refugee story, his activism, and the socio-political effects of Australia's immigration policies and treatment of refugees, including the recent news of the self-immolation of 23-year-old asylum seeker, Mano Yogalingam.  For further info, visit Tamil Refugee Council.Free Palestine rally, State Library Victoria, Sundays 12pm.Info on upcoming events and actions via APAN and Free Palestine Melbourne.Daily broadcast updates via Let's Talk Palestine. Image credit: ‘Rest In Power, Mano Yogalingam' by Nicky Minus 

The Belfast Telegraph's latest LucidTalk polling took Northern Ireland's pulse on the levels of support for the parties, immigration and funding for the Casement Park rebuild. And after the resignation of Doug Beattie – is the UUP simply unleadable? Commentators David McCann and Sarah Creighton join Ciarán Dunbar. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

As the SNP annual conference looms large on the horizon an air of pessimism seems to be permeating even the most committed supporters of independence. Not about the movement but the performance of the Scottish government and the internal operations of the party.The latest Holyrood opinion polls still suggest that the SNP will be the largest party post 2026 but that Labour could be in the position of cobbling together a Unionist governmental coalition of some sort.Stephen Flynn has been talking about the essence of a team approach. Has the SNP been a team? Why have  innovative ideas from both withing and outwith the closed leadership ranks fallen on deaf ears?We explore what might lie behind this malaise and what can be done to combat it.Part of the fightback might be to focus on Sir Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves austerity measures particularly the means testing of the winter fuel allowance and the 10% rise in consumer electricity and gas prices. Could "It's Scotland's Energy" be the new "It's Scotland's Oil" battle cry?The usual suspects have been making political hay over the scrapping of the rail fares peak reduction pilot scheme, the axing of Creative Scotland's open fund, and the shifting of local authority monies allocated for improving nature and improving biodiversity to pay for council employees' pay rises.What is the Scottish government not telling us about what seems to be a black economic cloud emanating from Westminster?Lesley focuses on what might be behind the "failure" of the rail fares pilot and asks why no progress has been made on regional integrated transport systems.There's a whole host of great events coming up. Starting with a showing of Lesley's Denmark moviehttps://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/stonehaven-lesley-riddoch-film-denmark-a-state-of-happiness-tickets-951493612007Special screening by the National of 'To see ourselves' film with Q&A. Tuesday, 17th Sept 6pm. The Social Hub, Candleriggs, Glasgow.https://newsquestscotlandevents.com/events/Scot Currency group Carnegie Conference Centre Dunfermline Sept 21 - 22https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/scottish-currency-group-conference-tickets-965256055847Revive - the Big Land QuestionNov 10. Perthhttps://www.perththeatreandconcerthall.com/whats-on/revive-national-conference-the-big-land-question-319802BiS indy rally Scottish ParliamentSept 18th 7pmhttps://www.believeinscotland.org/rally_for_independence2014 - 2024: Scottish Independence And The British State Ten Years On - September 14th, at Glasgow Caledonian University.https://www.conter.scot/2024/7/26/2014-2024-scottish-independence-and-the-british-state-ten-years-on/All this plus Murdo Fraser playing the Rangers card, the BBC and propaganda, Tayport ceilidhs, and Freddie Flintoff. ★ Support this podcast ★

William and guests discuss the future of the Ulster Unionist Party.

Alison Morris - Crime Correspondent and columnist with the Belfast Telegraph.

West Belfast rap crew Kneecap have been in the headlines from day one, but their Sundance award-winning film has caused angered in some unionist circles because of its £1.6m funding from Northern Ireland Screen and BFI. Today's episode of The Indo Daily is brought to you by our sister podcast, The BelTel and originally released in February 2024. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This is the full 7-28-2024 episode of the Labor Express Radio program. The Chicago Teachers Union fights the CPS 2025 school budget. Palestinian trade unionists speak out on a call hosted by the National Labor Network for a Ceasefire. Labor Express Radio is Chicago's only labor news and current affairs radio program. News for working people, by working people. Labor Express Radio airs every Sunday at 8:00 PM on WLPN in Chicago, 105.5 FM. For more information, see our Facebook page... laborexpress.org and our homepage on Archive.org at: http://www.archive.org/details/LaborExpressRadio Labor Express is a member of the Labor Radio / Podcast Network, Working People's Voices – Broadcasting Worldwide 24 Hours A Day. laborradionetwork.org #laborradionetwork #LaborRadioPod #1u #UnionStrong

Keir Starmer and Simon Harris met yesterday to discuss strengthening ties between the UK and Ireland. One thing on their agenda was the ‘Legacy Bill' and Labour's plans to reform it... How do victims feel about this scrapping of the bill? Is it performative? Or will justice be served?Joining Kieran to discuss is Joe Campbell, whose Father was a Catholic RUC officer shot dead in Cushendall, and Raymond McCord, Victims Advocate for both Unionists and Nationalists.

In New York for the annual New York New Belfast Conference, Máirtín Ó Muilleoir swung by the Irish Stew Global Headquarters for a transatlantic conversation with co-host John Lee.In this episode, the Belfast Media Group and Irish Echo publisher tells of growing up during The Troubles, watching gun battles on his Belfast street, his move into politics, the less-than-warm reception he got as a Sinn Féin Belfast City Councillor, the superpower he discovered during his eventful year as the Lord Mayor of Belfast, and his tireless efforts to reach across divides, connect communities, and build bridges.“When I had to reach out to the other side--sometimes that was tough--but every time I did I was met halfway--not 50 percent of the time, not 70 percent--every time,“ he says. “Every initiative we did reaching out to the Protestant or Unionist people, they responded with generosity and grace.”He reflects on personal challenges, the conundrum he found waiting for him in the Lord Mayor's office, his fondest memory from his one-year term, the electricity in the air of the new Belfast, the ongoing need for social justice, the imperative to grow economic opportunity, the indispensable contributions of Irish America, and reason the Northern Ireland Hospice earned his “Seamus Plug,”And you'll hear the curious story behind the remarkable Robert Ballagh portrait of him that broke the mold in the “Dome of Delight.”LinksSocial MediaTwitter/XLinkedInFacebookBusiness InterestsBelfast Media GroupIrish EchoAisling EventsSeamus PlugNorthern Ireland Hospice

Deirdre Heenan, Professor of Social Policy at Ulster University // Noel Doran, Former editor of The Irish News

The Catalan snap election is over, and the voters gave the Catalan Socialist Party, PSC, a whopping 28% of the vote, which translates into 42 seats. But falling short of an absolute majority of 68 seats, the results mean that the Socialists now have to find new alliances to form a government. This episode of Filling the Sink was recorded bright and early on the first morning of the new political cycle. Gerard Eschaich Folch joins Lea Beliaeva Bander to break down the election results and answer the question: who will govern Catalonia for the next four years and what is in store for us? The early May elections, the result of a failed budget deal in the Catalan Parliament in March, showed how the Catalan independence parties seem to have lost momentum, even though Junts+Puigdemont for Catalonia won three more seats compared to 2021.   The biggest loss was seen in the left-wing Esquerra Republicana, a party that went from governing to losing 13 seats, while the anti-capitalist formation CUP lost half of its seats, ending up with only 4. At the same time, the conservative pro-unionist People's Party celebrated its biggest victory in years with 12 new seats, becoming the fourth largest party in the Catalan parliament, while the far-right VOX maintained its 11 seats from the last cycle. The biggest surprise was the entry of the far-right pro-independence party Aliança Catalana, which won 2 seats in Catalonia. We will hear the reactions from all the major presidential candidates and talk about what coalitions we can expect - with some being more likely than others. The Catalan phrase of the week is ‘colze a colze' which means arm in arm, something the parties will now have to do to form a lasting coalition.

The Jarlath Burns interview on Talkback

On this special throwback episode of Tent Show Radio, Different Drums of Ireland take the stage for a celebratory performance showcasing Irelands unique indigenous sounds and rich cultural diversity. Different Drums of Ireland was created in Derry, Northern Ireland in 1991 as an exercise to use art and music as a vehicle to do something positive in the community. Different Drums of Ireland celebrates the musical traditions, customs, and sounds of that wee part of the world, crossing boundaries in an effort to promote peace and unity. Primarily a joint celebration of the Bodhrán and the Lambeg, drums seen as representative of the Nationalist and Unionist cultures respectively in Ireland, Different Drums of Ireland play a unique form of Irish music which also borrows from other cultures. Influenced by the Kodo drummers from Japan, they explore a wide variety of percussive sounds as the employ the African Djembe drum for the rhythmic engine of the band and you'll also hear the high-tension snare and various other percussion from around the world. As Different Drums of Ireland, Roy Arbuckle, Stevie Matier, Dolores O'Hare, Paul Marshall, & Richard Campbell have played across the world, for everyone from US & Irish presidents to school children. Their performances are a unique celebration of cultural diversity and linkages - the sound and passion of Different Drums of Ireland is something truly unique and unforgettable.     EPISODE CREDITSMichael Perry - Host Phillip Anich - Announcer Gina Nagro - Marketing Support FOLLOW BIG TOP CHAUTAUQUA https://www.facebook.com/bigtopchautauqua/ https://www.instagram.com/bigtopchautauqua/ https://www.tiktok.com/@bigtopchautauqua https://twitter.com/BigBlueTent FOLLOW HOST MICHAEL PERRYhttps://sneezingcow.com/ https://www.facebook.com/sneezingcow https://www.instagram.com/sneezingcow/ https://twitter.com/sneezingcow/ 2024 TENT SHOW RADIO SPONSORSAshland Area Chamber of Commerce - https://www.visitashland.com/    Bayfield Chamber and Visitor Bureau - https://www.bayfield.org/  Bayfield County Tourism - https://www.bayfieldcounty.wi.gov/150/Tourism  The Bayfield Inn - https://bayfieldinn.com/  Cable Area Chamber of Commerce - https://www.cable4fun.com/  Kylmala Truss - https://www.kylmalatruss.com/ SPECIAL THANKSWisconsin Public Radio - https://www.wpr.org/ 

This holy defender of the One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church labored in the final days of the Byzantine Empire, when, pressed on all sides by the Turks, the Emperor in desperation sought union with (or rather submission to) the Papacy in hopes of obtaining aid from the West. It was St Mark who stood almost alone to prevent such a disaster to the Faith.   He was born in Constantinople in 1392 to devout parents. He received a thorough education and seemed destined for a secular career, but at the age of twenty- six he abandoned all worldly claims and became a monk in a small monastery in Nicomedia. Soon the Turkish threat forced him to return to Constantinople, where, continuing in the monastic life, he wrote a number of treatises on prayer and the dogmas of the Church. In time he was ordained priest, then, at the insistence of the Emperor John VIII Paleologos was made Metropolitan of Ephesus. The Emperor also prevailed on him to join the delegation which traveled to the Council of Florence to consider the reunion of the Orthodox Church and the churches under the Papacy. (Saint Mark went as exarch of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch and Alexandria, who were unable to attend.)   The Greek delegation included the Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople. All, including Metropolitan Mark, began with great hopes that a true union in faith might result from the Council, but as the sessions proceeded, it soon became clear that Pope Eugenius and his theologians were interested only in securing submission of the Eastern Church to the Papacy and its theology. The Metropolitan spoke forcefully against various Latin dogmas such as the filioque and Purgatory, but the Greek delegation, desperate for western aid, bowed to expediency and agreed to sign a document of Union which would have denied the Orthodox Faith itself. Saint Mark was the only member of the delegation who refused to sign. When the Pope heard of this, he said "The bishop of Ephesus has not signed, so we have achieved nothing!"   When the delegation returned to Constantinople, the signers of the false Union were received with universal condemnation by the people, while Metropolitan Mark was hailed as a hero. The churches headed by Unionists were soon almost empty, while the people flocked to the churches headed by those loyal to Orthodoxy. Saint Mark left the City to avoid concelebrating with the Unionist Patriarch. He was exiled by the Emperor to Lemnos, but was freed in 1442. He continued to oppose the Union until his repose in 1444. In 1452 the Union was officially proclaimed in Constantinople, but the hoped-for Western aid was not forthcoming, and the City fell to the Turks in 1453.

This holy defender of the One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church labored in the final days of the Byzantine Empire, when, pressed on all sides by the Turks, the Emperor in desperation sought union with (or rather submission to) the Papacy in hopes of obtaining aid from the West. It was St Mark who stood almost alone to prevent such a disaster to the Faith.   He was born in Constantinople in 1392 to devout parents. He received a thorough education and seemed destined for a secular career, but at the age of twenty- six he abandoned all worldly claims and became a monk in a small monastery in Nicomedia. Soon the Turkish threat forced him to return to Constantinople, where, continuing in the monastic life, he wrote a number of treatises on prayer and the dogmas of the Church. In time he was ordained priest, then, at the insistence of the Emperor John VIII Paleologos was made Metropolitan of Ephesus. The Emperor also prevailed on him to join the delegation which traveled to the Council of Florence to consider the reunion of the Orthodox Church and the churches under the Papacy. (Saint Mark went as exarch of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch and Alexandria, who were unable to attend.)   The Greek delegation included the Emperor and the Patriarch of Constantinople. All, including Metropolitan Mark, began with great hopes that a true union in faith might result from the Council, but as the sessions proceeded, it soon became clear that Pope Eugenius and his theologians were interested only in securing submission of the Eastern Church to the Papacy and its theology. The Metropolitan spoke forcefully against various Latin dogmas such as the filioque and Purgatory, but the Greek delegation, desperate for western aid, bowed to expediency and agreed to sign a document of Union which would have denied the Orthodox Faith itself. Saint Mark was the only member of the delegation who refused to sign. When the Pope heard of this, he said "The bishop of Ephesus has not signed, so we have achieved nothing!"   When the delegation returned to Constantinople, the signers of the false Union were received with universal condemnation by the people, while Metropolitan Mark was hailed as a hero. The churches headed by Unionists were soon almost empty, while the people flocked to the churches headed by those loyal to Orthodoxy. Saint Mark left the City to avoid concelebrating with the Unionist Patriarch. He was exiled by the Emperor to Lemnos, but was freed in 1442. He continued to oppose the Union until his repose in 1444. In 1452 the Union was officially proclaimed in Constantinople, but the hoped-for Western aid was not forthcoming, and the City fell to the Turks in 1453.

The first three days of July 1863 saw the bloodiest single battle of the American Civil War. This clash between the Unionist and Confederate armies quickly became the stuff of legend.But what actually happened at Gettysburg? Professor Glenn LaFantasie joins Don for this episode to take us through the key figures in the battle, their strategies and whether this really was the turning point of the Civil War.Produced by Sophie Gee. Edited by Teän Stewart-Murray. Senior Producer was Charlotte Long.Discover the past on History Hit with ad-free original podcasts and documentaries released weekly presented by world-renowned historians like Dan Snow, Suzannah Lipscomb, Lucy Worsley, Matt Lewis, Tristan Hughes and more.Get 50% off your first 3 months with code DANSNOW. Download the app or sign up here.If you want to get in touch with the podcast, you can email us at ds.hh@historyhit.com, we'd love to hear from you!You can take part in our listener survey here. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

How can personal lawyers help and hurt embattled presidents?  Heather and Joanne use the current chaos engulfing former President Trump's legal team to explore the blurry roles of private presidential attorneys in American history. They explore conservative Unionist lawyer Reverdy Johnson's effective role in helping President Lincoln to find legal rationale for escalations in the Civil War. And they compare Johnson's role to the not-so-effective counsel of Nixon's lawyer-fundraiser Herb Kalmbach.  How did the popular culture surrounding the Watergate scandal affect Heather and Joanne? Join CAFE Insider to listen to “Backstage,” where Heather and Joanne chat each week about the anecdotes and ideas that formed the episode. Head to: cafe.com/history For references & supplemental materials, head to: cafe.com/now-and-then/presidential-lawyer-problems/ Now & Then is presented by CAFE and the Vox Media Podcast Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices