Podcasts about stung

Predigt vom 13.7.2024Prediger: Nils SperlichThema: Die Waffenrüstung Gottes Bibellesung: Epheser 6, 10-18 ------------------------------------Links:Webseite:http://www.kdn-frankenthal.de Facebook:https://www.facebook.com/frankenthal.nazarenerInstagram:https://www.instagram.com/kdn.frankenthal/

Während alle Welt über Aufrüstung spricht, wünscht sich der Berliner Philosophieprofessor Olaf Müller einen "relativen Pazifismus" │ Russlands Außenminister Lawrow trifft Nordkoreas Machthaber Kim Jong Un und dankt für die Hilfe im Krieg gegen die Ukraine │ Gazaverhandlungen in Doha treten auf der Stelle │ Haben fast zwei Jahre Gazakrieg die islamistische Hamas dort eigentlich geschwächt?

Während Europa aufrüstet und der Krieg in der Ukraine unser Sicherheitsgefühl erschüttert, stellt der Berliner Philosophie-Professor Olaf Müller eine unbequeme Frage: Wie verteidigen wir unsere Werte, ohne sie zu verraten? Er spricht über die Idee eines "relativen Pazifismus", über die Gefahr nuklearer Eskalation - und über zivile Verteidigung als reale Alternative.

Einen Krieg mit so hohen Verlusten, wie sie Russland und die Ukraine verzeichnen, könnte Deutschland nie führen. Was ist die richtige Antwort darauf? Eine militärische Fähigkeit sticht heraus.

We get into our Question of the Day: What do you hope never happens to you again?

In Folge 107 unseres Podcasts Zeltgespräche haben wir mal wieder einen spannenden Gast: Eine Person, die gerade frisch von einer über 1000 Kilometer langen Wanderung zurückgekehrt ist. Sie ist nun zum dritten Mal bei uns zu Gast, und dennoch haben wir es wieder nicht geschafft, alle Themen zu besprechen. Es gibt einfach zu viele spannende Details. Wir sprechen hier natürlich von Christine Thürmer.Im Hauptteil der Folge sprechen wir über ein Thema, für das Christine mit ihrer langjährigen Erfahrung prädestiniert ist: Es geht darum, wann welche Gegenstände auf wirklich langen Thru-Hikes tatsächlich kaputtgehen. Wir gehen mit ihr Stück für Stück jeden Ausrüstungsgegenstand durch.Uns hat die Folge unglaublich viel Spaß gemacht, und wir hoffen, dass ihr für euch einige nützliche Informationen mitnehmen konntet für euren nächsten Thru-Hike. Schreibt uns auch gern in die Kommentare, wie eure Erfahrungen mit der Haltbarkeit von Ausrüstung sind!Links aus der Folge: Christine Thürmer Shows & Bücher: https://christinethuermer.de/Christine auf Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/christine_thuermer/Unsere Social Media Auftritte könnt ihr hier finden:Roberts YouTube-Kanal: https://www.youtube.com/@RobertKlinkOTZeltgespräche auf YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@Zeltgespr%C3%A4cheRoberts Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/robertklink.de/Sebastians Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/sebas_23

Doro Kröker

Die Erdmännchen Jan und Henry können nicht einschlafen, denn sie hören ein seltsames Geräusch. Es klingt wie eine Oma, aber in Ritterrüstung. Das Sandmännchen hat dir aber nicht nur diese Geschichte mitgebracht, sondern auch noch das Kinderlied "Oma" von Radau.

In Folge 106 unseres Podcasts Zeltgespräche kommen wir (mehr oder weniger) frisch von einem Biwak-Abenteuer beziehungsweise vom Fusion Festival zurück. Bevor wir mit unserem Hauptthema starten, besprechen wir eure Kommentare und Nachrichten zu den letzten Folgen. Vielen Dank für eure Zusendungen!Im Hauptteil der Folge sprechen wir darüber, bei welchen Ausrüstungs- und Konsumgegenständen man am besten Geld sparen kann. Es gibt nämlich auch Dinge, bei denen wir ausdrücklich davon abraten, zu sparen.Wir hoffen, dass euch die Folge gefallen hat. Schickt uns gerne eure Meinungen dazu!Links aus der Folge: Video Zecken-Mythen & Lösungen: https://youtube.oia.bio/dl2h63F UL Gear Rucksack: https://3fulgear.com/product/packs/tianshan-ultra/ Daniels Sun-Hoody Test: https://www.instagram.com/p/DJ96rOmI4m9/?img_index=7&igsh=MTZpZTZxanZyemh4MQ==CURREX Einlegesohlen: https://www.currex.de/collections/dynamische-einlegesohlenUnsere Social Media Auftritte könnt ihr hier finden:Roberts YouTube-Kanal: https://www.youtube.com/@RobertKlinkOTZeltgespräche auf YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@Zeltgespr%C3%A4cheRoberts Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/robertklink.de/Sebastians Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/sebas_23

Werden Sie JETZT Abonnent unserer Digitalzeitung Weltwoche Deutschland. Nur EUR 5.- im ersten Monat. https://weltwoche.de/abonnemente/Aktuelle Ausgabe von Weltwoche Deutschland: https://weltwoche.de/aktuelle-ausgabe/KOSTENLOS: Täglicher Newsletter https://weltwoche.de/newsletter/App Weltwoche Deutschland http://tosto.re/weltwochedeutschlandDie Weltwoche: Das ist die andere Sicht! Unabhängig, kritisch, gut gelaunt. EU-Aufrüstung: Schuldenlawine zulasten Deutschlands? Klingbeil: Vorne Harmonie, hinten Dolchstoss. Die Bundesrepublik: Eine Parteien-Oligarchie? Proteste in Ungarn und Serbien. Trump-Sohn Eric: Hexenjagd um eine halbe MilliardeDie Weltwoche auf Social Media:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/weltwoche/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/Weltwoche TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@weltwoche Telegram: https://t.me/Die_Weltwoche Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/weltwoche Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

"Stärker, fairer und tödlicher" soll die Nat onach dem Willen ihres neuen Generalsekretärs Mark Rutte werden. Ende Juni treffen sich die Regierungschefs der Nato-Staaten in Den Haag. Sandra Schwarte fragt nach Ergebnissen - und Herausforderungen für die Mitgliedsstaaten, vor allem für die europäischen.

Doro Kröker

Escucha una nueva edición de Los Ideales / The Indieals, 180 minutos de música alternativa cosidos a mano y sin algoritmos, como se hacía antes. Entrad sin llamar, aquí cabemos todos. Han sonado: 1) Julian Cubillos - Talking to Myself 2) Cosmorat - Backseat Baby 3) Liam Finn - Living Daylights 4) Chnnll - Little Stranger 5) bar italia - Cowbella 6) Psymon Spine - Be the Worm 7) Getdown Services - God Bless 8) Twen - Lucky Onze 9) Temples - The Golden Throne 10) Alexandra Savior - Shades 11) Akrobat - Trumpet Ain't No Gun 12) Polaroid Fade - Bliss 13) workfriends - Stunt Doubles 14) Hook-Ups - Souled Out 15) Bummers - Steve's Surf Expedition 16) The Limiñanas - My Black Sabbath 17) noonday underground - London 18) Goat - Run To Your Mama 19) Hooper Crescent - Two Hour Park 20) British Birds - Electricity 21) Blood Wizard - Devil Dressed In Disguise 22) The Make-Up - Walking on the Dune 23) Thee Oh Sees - Nite Expo 24) Meatbodies - Mountain 25) Kosmetika - Kosmetika Strikes Back 26) Gustaf - Design 27) The Cool Greenhouse - Hard Rock Potato 28) Holiday Ghosts - Sublime Disconnect 29) Parsnip - Nigella 30) Sunfruits - Made To Love 31) The Florets - Preacher's Son 32) Yellow Days - FINER THINGS IN LIFE 33) Dogmanjones - Tuk Tuk 34) Pond - (I'm) Stung 35) Habibi - Do You Want Me Now 36) The Joy Formidable - Austere 37) Dum Dum Girls - It Only Takes One Night 38) Deep Sea Diver - You Go Running 39) Telekinesis - Sylvia 40) Girl and Girl - Dance Now 41) Sex Mask - How To Be Cool At Parties 42) Beaks - Clueless 43) Billylildove - She got the bomb 44) Koala Disco - Romantics 45) Didion's Bible - Reach You 46) Penny & the Pits - Pool Party 47) The Usual Boys - I Want What You Have 48) The Setting Son - Sleep (Dedicated to Heinzz) 49) The Jacques - Ape Thing / Space Thing 50) Meatbodies - Creature Feature 51) The Detroit Cobras - Midnite Blues 52) Jonathan Fire Eater - When Prince Was A Kid 53) English Teacher - Good Grief 54) THUS LOVE - In Tandem 55) Low Hummer - Connected 56) Teleman - Short Life 57) The Beths - I'm Not Getting Excited 58) Babe Rainbow; Alex Knost - Wild Ones 59) Free The Birds - Baby's Gone

Daase, Christopher www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Studio 9

Die Vereinten Nationen unterzeichnen 1945 ihre Charta. Deren Ziel ist, weitere Kriege zu verhindern. Genau 80 Jahre später gibt es mehr bewaffnete Auseinandersetzungen als je zuvor. Das Völkerrecht wird vom Recht des Stärkeren verdrängt. Garvert, Jan www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Wortwechsel

Der Krieg zwischen Israel und Iran wirft Fragen zur Rolle der Schweiz und der Ausrichtung ihrer Verteidigungspolitik auf. Welche Auswirkungen hat die Eskalation im Nahen Osten auf die Schweiz? Und wie geht es beim F-35 weiter? Im Krieg zwischen Israel und Iran überschlagen sich die Ereignisse. Nach dem US-Angriff auf iranische Atomanlagen in der Nacht auf Sonntag, 22. Juni 2025, und einem Gegenschlag auf einen US-Militärstützpunkt in Katar rief US-Präsident Donald Trump zur Waffenruhe zwischen Israel und Iran auf. Liegt damit eine diplomatische Lösung des Konflikts in Griffweite? Welche Rolle kommt der Schweiz dabei zu? Wie soll sie sich positionieren? Unter dem Eindruck der zahlreichen Konflikte weltweit wollen die Nato-Staaten ihre Verteidigungsausgaben auf mindestens fünf Prozent des Bruttoinlandprodukts erhöhen. Auch die Schweiz hat den Zahlungsrahmen für die Armee jüngst erhöht. Wie viel Geld braucht die Armee? Und soll sich die Schweiz stärker der Nato annähern oder ihre Verteidigung eigenständig sicherstellen? Für Kontroversen sorgt aktuell auch eine Recherche von SRF. Demnach drohen bei der Beschaffung der F-35-Kampfjets Mehrkosten von über einer Milliarde Franken. Und das, obschon der Bundesrat stets von einem Fixpreis von sechs Milliarden Franken gesprochen hat. Was bedeutet das für die Beschaffung der Kampfjets? Zu diesen Fragen begrüsst Sandro Brotz am 27. Juni 2025 in der «Arena»: – Alfred Heer, Nationalrat SVP/ZH und Präsident parl. Freundschaftsgruppe Schweiz – Israel; – Priska Seiler Graf, Nationalrätin SP/ZH und Präsidentin Sicherheitspolitische Kommission Nationalrat; – Damian Müller, Ständerat FDP/LU und Mitglied Aussenpolitische Kommission Ständerat; und – Pirmin Bischof, Mitglied Parteipräsidium Die Mitte und Mitglied Aussenpolitische Kommission Ständerat.

Diese Woche hat Finanzminister Lars Klingbeil im Namen der Bundesregierung den Haushaltsentwurf 2025 sowie die sogenannte Eckpunkte-Planung bis 2029 vorgestellt. Daraus geht hervor, dass bis 2029 das Rüstungsbudget auf jährlich über 150 Milliarden Euro anwachsen soll. Die gesamten Bundeseinnahmen 2024 betrugen laut dem Bundesfinanzministerium 440 Milliarden Euro. Das hieße über ein Drittel aller Einnahmen desWeiterlesen

Im Vorfeld des NATO-Gipfels hat der spanische Ministerpräsident Pedro Sánchez angekündigt, er werde keine 5 Prozent des BIP für Verteidigung ausgeben. Damit ist er eine der wenigen Stimmen der Vernunft gegen die Remilitarisierung Europas. Artikel vom 24. Juni 2025: https://jacobin.de/artikel/pedro-sanchez-spanien-nato-aufruestung Seit 2011 veröffentlicht JACOBIN täglich Kommentare und Analysen zu Politik und Gesellschaft, seit 2020 auch in deutscher Sprache. Die besten Beiträge gibt es als Audioformat zum Nachhören. Nur dank der Unterstützung von Magazin-Abonnentinnen und Abonnenten können wir unsere Arbeit machen, mehr Menschen erreichen und kostenlose Audio-Inhalte wie diesen produzieren. Und wenn Du schon ein Abo hast und mehr tun möchtest, kannst Du gerne auch etwas regelmäßig an uns spenden via www.jacobin.de/podcast. Zu unseren anderen Kanälen: Instagram: www.instagram.com/jacobinmag_de X: www.twitter.com/jacobinmag_de YouTube: www.youtube.com/c/JacobinMagazin Webseite: www.jacobin.de

Die Zeitenwende in Europa kostet den Staaten viel Geld. Anstatt sich nur auf die Unterstützung der USA zu verlassen, wollen die Nato-Staaten in Europa künftig selbst fünf Prozent ihrer Wirtschaftsleistung in die Verteidigung investieren. Können sich wirklich alle Länder diese Zusatzausgaben leisten, welche anderen Projekte bleiben auf der Strecke, und was macht eigentlich Österreich? Darüber spricht heute András Szigetvari, Redakteur im Wirtschafts-Ressort des STANDARD

„Es war nicht einfach, aber wir haben sie alle dazu gebracht, sich zu den fünf Prozent zu verpflichten […] Europa wird auf GROSSE Art und Weise Geld ausgeben, so wie es sein sollte, und das wird Dein Sieg sein“, so formulierte es der devote NATO-Generalsekretär Rutte gegenüber dem US-Präsidenten Donald Trump. Fünf Prozent. DasWeiterlesen

Die Nachrichten an diesem Morgen: Trump spielt auf dem NATO-Gipfel in Den Haag die Hauptrolle, Selenskyj nur eine Nebenrolle. Israel will seinen Fokus wieder auf Gaza richten. Spahn äußert sich zu Corona-Masken. Und in Berlin wird ein Zaun errichtet.

Fünf Prozent des BIP fürs Militär: Die Nato folgt Trumps Forderung. Außerdem: Welche Unternehmen in Deutschland trotz Unsicherheiten investieren.

Nato-Staaten erhöhen Verteidigungsausgaben auf 5 % │ Militärexpertin ruft Europäer zu mehr Selbstbewusstsein auf │ Waffenruhe zwischen Israel und Iran scheint zu halten│Historiker: Israels Gesellschaft verroht│Mullah-Regime jagt Verräter

Last time we spoke about Operation Chahar. In July 1937, the tensions between Japan and China erupted into a full-scale conflict, ignited by the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Following a series of aggressive Japanese military maneuvers, Chiang Kai-shek, then enjoying a brief respite at Kuling, learned of the escalating clashes and prepared for battle. Confident that China was primed for resistance, he rallied his nation, demanding that Japan accept responsibility and respect China's sovereignty. The Japanese launched their offensive, rapidly capturing key positions in Northern China. Notably, fierce battle ensued in Jinghai, where Chinese soldiers, led by Brigade Commander Li Zhiyuan, valiantly defended against overwhelming forces using guerrilla tactics and direct assaults. Their spirit was symbolized by a courageous “death squad” that charged the enemy, inflicting serious casualties despite facing dire odds. As weeks passed, the conflict intensified with brutal assaults on Nankou. Chinese defenses, though valiant, were ultimately overwhelmed, leading to heavy casualties on both sides. Despite losing Nankou, the indomitable Chinese spirit inspired continued resistance against the Japanese invaders, foreshadowing a long, brutal war that would reshape East Asia.   #156 The Battle of Shanghai Part 1: The Beginning of the Battle of Shanghai Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On August 9, a bullet riddled sedan screeched to an abrupt halt at the entrance to the Hongqiao airport along Monument Road. The gruesome scene on the dashboard revealed that one of the victims had died in the car. He had been dragged out and subjected to brutal slashing, kicking, and beating until his body was a mangled mess. Half of his face was missing, and his stomach had been cut open, exposing the sickly pallor of his intestines, faintly glimmering in the night. The other man had managed to escape the vehicle but only got a few paces away before he was gunned down. A short distance away lay a third body, dressed in a Chinese uniform. Investigators swiftly identified the badly mangled body as belonging to 27-year-old Sub-Lieutenant Oyama Isao, while the other deceased Japanese man was his driver, First Class Seaman Saito Yozo. The identity of the Chinese victim remained a mystery. At first glance, the scene appeared to be the aftermath of a straightforward shootout. However, numerous questions lingered: What were the Japanese doing at a military airfield miles from their barracks? Who had fired the first shot, and what had prompted that decision? The Chinese investigators and their Japanese counterparts were at odds over the answers to these questions. As they walked the crime scene, searching for evidence, loud arguments erupted repeatedly. By the time the sun began to rise, they concluded their investigation without reaching any consensus on what had transpired. They climbed into their cars and made their way back to the city. The investigators were acutely aware of the repercussions if they failed to handle their delicate task with the necessary finesse. Despite their hopes for peace, it was evident that Shanghai was a city bracing for war. As they drove through the dimly lit suburbs on their way from Hongqiao back to their downtown offices, their headlights illuminated whitewashed trees, interspersed with sandbag defenses and the silhouettes of solitary Chinese sentries. Officially, these sentries were part of the Peace Preservation Corps,  a paramilitary unit that, due to an international agreement reached a few years earlier, was the only Chinese force allowed to remain in the Shanghai area. In the hours that followed, both sides presented their versions of the incident. According to the Chinese account, the Japanese vehicle attempted to force its way through the airport gate. When members of the Peace Preservation Corps stationed at the entrance signaled for Saito, the driver, to stop, he abruptly turned the car around. Sub-Lieutenant Oyama then fired at the Chinese guards with an automatic pistol. Only then did the Chinese return fire, killing Oyama in a hail of bullets. Saito managed to jump out before he, too, was gunned down. The commander of the Chinese guards told a Western reporter that this wasn't the first time someone Japanese had attempted to enter the airport. Such incidents had occurred repeatedly in the past two months, leading them to believe that the Japanese were “obviously undertaking espionage.” The Japanese account, predictably, placed the blame for the entire incident squarely on China. It asserted that Oyama had been driving along a road bordering the airfield with no intention of entering. Suddenly, the vehicle was stopped and surrounded by Peace Preservation Corps troops, who opened fire with rifles and machine guns without warning. Oyama had no opportunity to return fire. The Japanese statement argued that the two men had every right to use the road, which was part of the International Settlement, and labeled the incident a clear violation of the 1932 peace agreement. “We demand that the Chinese bear responsibility for this illegal act,”. Regardless of either side, it seemed likely to everyone in the region, war would soon engulf Shanghai.  Meanwhile, as the Marco Polo Bridge Incident escalated into a full blown in the far north, General Zhang Fakui was attending a routine training mission at Mount Lu in southeastern Jiangxi. A short and small man, not considered too handsome either, Zhang had earned his place in China's leadership through physical courage, once taking a stand on a bridge and single handedly facing down an enemy army. He was 41 years old in 1937, having spent half his life fighting Warlords, Communists and sometimes even Nationalists. In the recent years he had tossed his lot in with a rebel campaign against Chiang Kai-Shek, who surprisingly went on the forgive him and placed him in charge of anti communist operations in the area due south of Shanghai. However now the enemy seemed to have changed.  As the war spread to Beijing, on July 16th, Zhang was sent to Chiang Kai-Shek's summer residence at Mount Lu alongside 150 members of China's political and military elites. They were all there to brainstorm how to fight the Japanese. Years prior the Generalissimo had made it doctrine to appease the Japanese but now he made grandiose statements such as “this time we must fight to the end”. Afterwards Chiang dealt missions to all his commanders and Zhang Fakui was told to prepare for operations in the Shanghai area.  It had been apparent for weeks that both China and Japan were preparing for war in central China. The Japanese had been diverting naval troops from the north to strengthen their forces in Shanghai, and by early August, they had assembled over 8,000 troops. A few days later, approximately thirty-two naval vessels arrived. On July 31, Chiang declared that “all hope for peace has been lost.” Chiang had been reluctant to commit his best forces to defend northern China, an area he had never truly controlled. In contrast, Shanghai was central to his strategy for the war against Japan. Chiang decided to deploy his finest troops, the 87th and 88th Divisions, which were trained by generals under the guidance of the German advisor von Falkenhausen, who had high hopes for their performance against the Japanese. In doing so, Chiang aimed to demonstrate to both his own people and the wider world that the Chinese could and would resist the invader. Meanwhile, Chiang's spy chief, Dai Li, was busy gathering intelligence on Japanese intentions regarding Shanghai, a challenging task given his focus in recent years. Dai, one of the most sinister figures in modern Chinese history, had devoted far more energy and resources to suppressing the Communists than to countering the Japanese. As a result, by the critical summer of 1937, he had built only a sparse network of agents in “Little Tokyo,” the Hongkou area of Shanghai dominated by Japanese businesses. One agent was a pawnshop owner, while the rest were double agents employed as local staff within the Japanese security apparatus. Unfortunately, they could provide little more than snippets, rumors, and hearsay. While some of this information sounded alarmingly dire, there was almost no actionable intelligence. Chiang did not take the decision to open a new front in Shanghai lightly. Built on both banks of the Huangpu River, the city served as the junction between the Pacific Ocean to the east and the great Yangtze River, which wound thousands of kilometers inland to the west. Shanghai embodied everything that represented modern China, from its industry and labor relations to its connections with the outside world. While foreign diplomatic presence was concentrated in nearby Nanjing, the capital, it was in Shanghai that the foreign community gauged the country's mood. Foreigners in the city's two “concession” areas nthe French Concession and the British-affiliated International Settlement often dismissed towns beyond Shanghai as mere “outstations.” Chiang Kai-shek would throw 650,000 troops into the battle for the city and its environs as well as his modest air force of 200 aircraft. Chiang, whose forces were being advised by German officers led by General Alexander von Falkenhausen, was finally confident that his forces could take on the Japanese. A German officer told a British diplomat, “If the Chinese Army follows the advice of the German advisers, it is capable of driving the Japanese over the Great Wall.”   While Chiang was groping in the dark, deprived of the eyes and ears of an efficient intelligence service, he did have at his disposal an army that was better prepared for battle than it had been in 1932. Stung by the experience of previous conflicts with the Japanese, Chiang had initiated a modernization program aimed at equipping the armed forces not only to suppress Communist rebels but also to confront a modern fighting force equipped with tanks, artillery, and aircraft. He had made progress, but it was insufficient. Serious weaknesses persisted, and now there was no time for any remedial action. While China appeared to be a formidable power in sheer numbers, the figures were misleading. On the eve of war, the Chinese military was comprised of a total of 176 divisions, which were theoretically organized into two brigades of two regiments each. However, only about 20 divisions maintained full peacetime strength of 10,000 soldiers and officers; the rest typically held around 5,000 men. Moreover, Chiang controlled only 31 divisions personally, and he could not count on the loyalty of the others. To successfully resist Japan, Chiang would need to rely not only on his military command skills but also on his ability to forge fragile coalitions among Warlord generals with strong local loyalties. Equipment posed another significant challenge. The modernization drive was not set to complete until late 1938, and the impact of this delay was evident. In every category of weaponry, from rifles to field artillery, the Chinese were outmatched by their Japanese adversaries, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Domestically manufactured artillery pieces had shorter ranges, and substandard steel-making technology caused gun barrels to overheat, increasing the risk of explosions. Some arms even dated back to imperial times. A large proportion of the Chinese infantry had received no proper training in basic tactics, let alone in coordinated operations involving armor and artillery. The chief of the German advisory corps was General Alexander von Falkenhausen, a figure hard to rival in terms of qualifications for the role. Although the 58-year-old's narrow shoulders, curved back, and bald, vulture-like head gave him an unmilitary, almost avian appearance, his exterior belied a tough character. In 1918, he had earned his nation's highest military honor, the Pour le Mérite, while assisting Germany's Ottoman allies against the British in Palestine. Few, if any, German officers knew Asia as well as he did. His experience in the region dated back to the turn of the century. As a young lieutenant in the Third East Asian Infantry Regiment, he participated in the international coalition of colonial powers that quelled the Boxer Rebellion in 1900. A decade later, he traveled through Korea, Manchuria, and northern China with his wife, keenly observing and learning as a curious tourist. From 1912 to 1914, he served as the German Kaiser's military attaché in Tokyo. He was poised to put his extensive knowledge to good use in the months ahead. Chiang believed that Shanghai should be the location of the first battle. This decision was heavily influenced by Falkenhausen and was strategically sound. Chiang Kai-shek could not hope to win a war against Japan unless he could unify the nation behind him, particularly the many fractious warlords who had battled his forces repeatedly over the past decade. Everyone understood that the territory Japan was demanding in the far north did not need to be held for any genuine military necessity; it was land that could be negotiated. The warlords occupying that territory were unpredictable and all too willing to engage in bargaining. In contrast, China's economic heartland held different significance. By choosing to fight for the center of the country and deploying his strongest military units, Chiang Kai-shek signaled to both China's warlords and potential foreign allies that he had a vested interest in the outcome.  There were also several operational reasons for preferring a conflict in the Yangtze River basin over a campaign in northern China. The rivers, lakes, and rice paddies of the Yangtze delta were much better suited for defensive warfare against Japan's mechanized forces than the flat plains of North China. By forcing the Japanese to commit troops to central China, the Nationalists bought themselves the time needed to rally and reinforce their faltering defenses in the north. By initiating hostilities in the Shanghai area, Japan would be forced to divert its attention from the northern front, thereby stalling a potential Japanese advance toward the crucial city of Wuhan. It would also help safeguard potential supply routes from the Soviet Union, the most likely source of material assistance due to Moscow's own animosity toward Japan. It was a clever plan, and surprisingly, the Japanese did not anticipate it. Intelligence officers in Tokyo were convinced that Chiang would send his troops northward instead. Again in late July, Chiang convened his commanders, and here he gave Zhang Fukai more detailed instructions for his operation. Fukai was placed in charge of the right wing of the army which was currently preparing for action in the metropolitan area. Fukai would oversee the forces east of the Huangpu River in the area known as Pudong. Pudong was full of warehouses, factories and rice fields, quite precarious to fight in. Meanwhile General Zhang Zhizhong, a quiet and sickly looking man who had previously led the Central Military Academy was to command the left wing of the Huangpu. All of the officers agreed the plan to force the battle to the Shanghai area was logical as the northern region near Beijing was far too open, giving the advantage to tank warfare, which they could not hope to contest Japan upon. The Shanghai area, full of rivers, creaks and urban environments favored them much more. Zhang Zhizhong seemed an ideal pick to lead troops in downtown Shanghai where most of the fighting would take place. His position of commandant of the military academy allowed him to establish connections with junior officers earmarked for rapid promotion. This meant that he personally knew the generals of both the 87th and 88th Divisions, which were to form the core of Zhang Zhizhong's newly established 9th Army Group and become his primary assets in the early phases of the Shanghai campaign. Moreover, Zhang Zhizhong had the right aggressive instincts. He believed that China's confrontation with Japan had evolved through three stages: in the first stage, the Japanese invaded the northeast in 1931, and China remained passive; in the second stage, during the first battle of Shanghai in 1932, Japan struck, but China fought back. Zhang argued that this would be the third stage, where Japan was preparing to attack, but China would strike first.   It seems that Zhang Zhizhong did not expect to survive this final showdown with his Japanese adversary. He took the fight very personally, even ordering his daughter to interrupt her education in England and return home to serve her country in the war. However, he was not the strong commander he appeared to be, as he was seriously ill. Although he never disclosed the true extent of his condition, it seemed he was on the verge of a physical and mental breakdown after years in high-stress positions. In fact, he had recently taken a leave of absence from his role at the military academy in the spring of 1937. When the war broke out, he was at a hospital in the northern port city of Qingdao, preparing to go abroad for convalescence. He canceled those plans to contribute to the struggle against Japan. When his daughter returned from England and saw him on the eve of battle, she was alarmed by how emaciated he had become. From the outset, doubts about his physical fitness to command loomed large. At 8:30 a.m. on Tuesday, August 10, a group of officers emerged from the Japanese Consulate along the banks of the Huangpu River. This team was a hastily assembled Sino-Japanese joint investigation unit tasked with quickly resolving the shooting incident at the Hongqiao Aerodrome of the previous night. They understood the urgency of reaching an agreement swiftly to prevent any escalation. As they drove to the airport, they passed armed guards of the Chinese Peace Preservation Corps stationed behind sandbag barricades that had been erected only hours earlier. Upon arriving at Hongqiao, the officers walked up and down the scene of the incident under the scorching sun, attempting to piece together a shared understanding of what had transpired. However, this proved to be nearly impossible, as the evidence failed to align into a coherent account acceptable to both parties. The Japanese were unconvinced that any shootout had occurred at all. Oyama, the officer who had been in the car, had left his pistol at the marine headquarters in Hongkou and had been unarmed the night before. They insisted that whoever shot and killed the man in the Chinese uniform could not have been him. By 6:00 pm the investigators returned to the city. Foreign correspondents, eager for information, knew exactly whom to approach. The newly appointed Shanghai Mayor, Yu Hongjun, with a quick wit and proficiency in English, Yu represented the city's cosmopolitan image. However, that evening, he had little to offer the reporters, except for a plea directed at both the Japanese and Chinese factions “Both sides should maintain a calm demeanor to prevent the situation from escalating.” Mayor Yu however was, in fact, at the center of a complex act of deception that nearly succeeded. Nearly eight decades later, Zhang Fakui attributed the incident to members of the 88th Division, led by General Sun Yuanliang. “A small group of Sun Yuanliang's men disguised themselves as members of the Peace Preservation Corps,” Zhang Fakui recounted years later in his old age. “On August 9, 1937, they encountered two Japanese servicemen on the road near the Hongqiao military aerodrome and accused them of forcing their way into the area. A clash ensued, resulting in the deaths of the Japanese soldiers.” This created a delicate dilemma for their superiors. The two dead Japanese soldiers were difficult to explain away. Mayor Yu, likely informed of the predicament by military officials, conferred with Tong Yuanliang, chief of staff of the Songhu Garrison Command, a unit established after the fighting in 1932. Together, they devised a quick and cynical plan to portray the situation as one of self-defense by the Chinese guards. Under their orders, soldiers marched a Chinese death row inmate to the airport gate, dressed him in a paramilitary guard's uniform, and executed him. While this desperate ruse might have worked initially, it quickly unraveled due to the discrepancies raised by the condition of the Chinese body. The Japanese did not believe the story, and the entire plan began to fall apart. Any remaining mutual trust swiftly evaporated. Instead of preventing a confrontation, the cover-up was accelerating the slide into war.  Late on August 10, Mayor Yu sent a secret cable to Nanjing, warning that the Japanese had ominously declared they would not allow the two deaths at the airport to go unpunished. The following day, the Japanese Consul General Okamoto Suemasa paid a visit to the mayor, demanding the complete withdrawal of the Peace Preservation Corps from the Shanghai area and the dismantling of all fortifications established by the corps. For the Chinese, acquiescing to these demands was nearly impossible. From their perspective, it appeared that the Japanese aimed to leave Shanghai defenseless while simultaneously bolstering their own military presence in the city. Twenty vessels, including cruisers and destroyers, sailed up the Huangpu River and docked at wharves near "Little Tokyo." Japanese marines in olive-green uniforms marched ashore down the gangplanks, while women from the local Japanese community, dressed in kimonos, greeted the troops with delighted smiles and bows to the flags of the Rising Sun that proudly adorned the sterns of the battleships. In fact, Japan had planned to deploy additional troops to Shanghai even before the shooting at Hongqiao Aerodrome. This decision was deemed necessary to reinforce the small contingent of 2,500 marines permanently stationed in the city. More troops were required to assist in protecting Japanese nationals who were being hastily evacuated from the larger cities along the Yangtze River. These actions were primarily defensive maneuvers, as the Japanese military seemed hesitant to open a second front in Shanghai, for the same reasons that the Chinese preferred an extension of hostilities to that area. Diverting Japanese troops from the strategically critical north and the Soviet threat across China's border would weaken their position, especially given that urban warfare would diminish the advantages of their technological superiority in tanks and aircraft. While officers in the Japanese Navy believed it was becoming increasingly difficult to prevent the war from spreading to Shanghai, they were willing to give diplomacy one last chance. Conversely, the Japanese Army was eager to wage war in northern China but displayed little inclination to engage in hostilities in Shanghai. Should the situation worsen, the Army preferred to withdraw all Japanese nationals from the city. Ultimately, when it agreed to formulate plans for dispatching an expeditionary force to Shanghai, it did so reluctantly, primarily to avoid accusations of neglecting its responsibilities. Amongst many commanders longing for a swift confrontation with Japan was Zhang Zhizhong. By the end of July, he was growing increasingly impatient, waiting with his troops in the Suzhou area west of Shanghai and questioning whether a unique opportunity was being squandered. On July 30, he sent a telegram to Nanjing requesting permission to strike first. He argued that if Japan were allowed to launch an attack on Shanghai, he would waste valuable time moving his troops from their position more than 50 miles away. Nanjing responded with a promise that his wishes would be fulfilled but urged him to exercise patience: “We should indeed seize the initiative over the enemy, but we must wait until the right opportunity arises. Await further orders.” That opportunity arose on August 11, with the Japanese display of force on the Huangpu River and their public demand for the withdrawal of China's paramilitary police. Japan had sufficiently revealed itself as the aggressor in the eyes of both domestic and international audiences, making it safe for China to take action. At 9:00 p.m. that evening, Zhang Zhizhong received orders from Nanjing to move his troops toward Shanghai. He acted with remarkable speed, capitalizing on the extensive transportation network in the region. The soldiers of the 87th Division quickly boarded 300 trucks that had been prepared in advance. Meanwhile, civilian passengers on trains were unceremoniously ordered off to make room for the 88th Division, which boarded the carriages heading for Shanghai. In total, over 20,000 motivated and well-equipped troops were on their way to battle.  On August 12, representatives from the United Kingdom, France, the United States, Italy, Japan, and China gathered for a joint conference in Shanghai to discuss ceasefire terms. Japan demanded the withdrawal of Chinese troops from Shanghai, while the Chinese representative, Yu Hung-chun, dismissed the Japanese demand, stating that the terms of the ceasefire had already been violated by Japan. The major powers were keen to avoid a repeat of the January 28 Incident, which had significantly disrupted foreign economic activities in Shanghai. Meanwhile, Chinese citizens fervently welcomed the presence of Chinese troops in the city. In Nanjing, Chinese and Japanese representatives convened for the last time in a final effort to negotiate. The Japanese insisted that all Peace Preservation Corps and regular troops be withdrawn from the vicinity of Shanghai. The Chinese, however, deemed the demand for a unilateral withdrawal unacceptable, given that the two nations were already engaged in conflict in North China. Ultimately, Mayor Yu made it clear that the most the Chinese government would concede was that Chinese troops would not fire unless fired upon. Conversely, Japan placed all responsibility on China, citing the deployment of Chinese troops around Shanghai as the cause of the escalating tensions. Negotiations proved impossible, leaving no alternative but for the war to spread into Central China. On that same morning of Thursday, August 12, residents near Shanghai's North Train Station, also known as Zhabei Station, just a few blocks from "Little Tokyo," awoke to an unusual sight: thousands of soldiers dressed in the khaki uniforms of the Chinese Nationalists, wearing German-style helmets and carrying stick grenades slung across their chests. “Where do you come from?” the Shanghai citizens asked. “How did you get here so fast?” Zhang Zhizhong issued detailed orders to each unit under his command, instructing the 88th Division specifically to travel by train and deploy in a line from the town of Zhenru to Dachang village, both located a few miles west of Shanghai. Only later was the division supposed to advance toward a position stretching from the Zhabei district to the town of Jiangwan, placing it closer to the city boundaries. Zhang Zhizhong was the embodiment of belligerence, but he faced even more aggressive officers among his ranks. On the morning of August 12, he was approached by Liu Jingchi, the chief of operations at the Songhu Garrison Command. Liu argued that the battle of 1932 had gone poorly for the Chinese because they had hesitated and failed to strike first. This time, he insisted, should be different, and Zhang should order an all-out assault on the Japanese positions that very evening. Zhang countered that he had clear and unmistakable orders from Chiang Kai-shek to let the Japanese fire first, emphasizing the importance of maintaining China's image on the world stage. “That's easy,” Liu retorted. “Once all the units are deployed and ready to attack, we can just change some people into mufti and send them in to fire a few shots. We attack, and simultaneously, we report that the enemy's offensive has begun.” Zhang Zhizhong did not like this idea. “We can't go behind our leader's back like that,” he replied. Zhang Zhizhong's position was far from enviable. Forced to rein in eager and capable officers, he found himself acting against his own personal desires. Ultimately, he decided to seek the freedom to act as he saw fit. In a secret cable to Nanjing, he requested permission to launch an all-out attack on the Japanese positions in Shanghai the following day, Friday, August 13. He argued that this was a unique opportunity to capitalize on the momentum created by the movement of troops; any further delay would only lead to stagnation. He proposed a coordinated assault that would also involve the Chinese Air Force. However, the reply from Chiang Kai-shek was brief and unwavering: “Await further orders.” Even as Chiang's troops poured into Shanghai, Chinese and Japanese officials continued their discussions. Ostensibly, this was in hopes of reaching a last-minute solution, but in reality, it was a performance. Both sides wanted to claim the moral high ground in a battle that now seemed inevitable. They understood that whoever openly declared an end to negotiations would automatically be perceived as the aggressor. During talks at the Shanghai Municipal Council, Japanese Consul General Okamoto argued that if China truly wanted peace, it would have withdrawn its troops to a position that would prevent clashes. Mayor Yu responded by highlighting the increasing presence of Japanese forces in the city. “Under such circumstances, China must adopt such measures as necessary for self-defense,” he stated. Late on August 13, 1937, Chiang Kai-shek instructed his forces to defend Shanghai, commanding them to "divert the enemy at sea, secure the coast, and resist landings."  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In July 1937, tensions between Japan and China escalated into war following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Confident in his country's resolve, Chiang Kai-shek rallied the Chinese against Japanese aggression. On August 9, a deadly confrontation at Hongqiao Airport resulted in the deaths of Japanese soldiers, igniting further hostilities. As both sides blamed each other, the atmosphere became tense. Ultimately, negotiations failed, and the stage was set for a brutal conflict in Shanghai, marking the beginning of a long and devastating war.

Deutschland investiert in seine Verteidigung - aber es ist gefährlich, wenn das alternativlos erscheint, meint unser Gast. Unsere Kollegin vermisst Qualitätskriterien für die Ganztagsbetreuung. Und unser Host schaut auf das Compact-Urteil. Von WDR 5.

Die Nato verlangt mehr Geld für Verteidigung. Bald sollen die Mitgliedsländer 5 Prozent ihres BIP für Rüstung und verteidigungsrelevante Infrastruktur berappen. Kann Deutschland es sich überhaupt leisten, so viel Geld für die Verteidigung auszugeben?**********Ihr hört: Moderation: Nik Potthoff Gesprächspartner: Marcel Bohnert, Oberstleutnant bei der Bundeswehr Gesprächspartner: Henrik Müller, Professor für wirtschaftspolitischen Journalismus an der TU Dortmund Gesprächspartner: David Matei, Jugendoffizier, erklärt Sicherheitspolitik auf Social Media**********Den Artikel zum Stück findet ihr hier.**********Ihr könnt uns auch auf diesen Kanälen folgen: TikTok und Instagram .**********Ihr habt Anregungen, Wünsche, Themenideen? Dann schreibt uns an Info@deutschlandfunknova.de

Der verteidigungspolitische Sprecher der Linken-Bundestagsfraktion, Ulrich Thoden, hat die geplante Steigerung der Verteidigungsausgaben im Bundeshaushalt kritisiert. Dem liege der "Irrglaube" zugrunde, dass die Welt sicherer würde, je mehr Waffen man anschaffe. "Man muss allerdings auch zur Kenntnis nehmen, dass eine Zunahme von Waffen natürlich auch die Welt unsicherer macht", sagte Thoden.

The winning streak for the New York Red Bulls ended at 3 with a 2-1 loss at Austin. Can the team bounce back against a weaker Toronto FC? Musical Credit: True Believers by Bouncing Souls Help fund the Red Bull Rant by visiting our Patreon page and donating to the show on a monthly basis. https://www.patreon.com/RedBullRant WARNING: The Red Bull Rant is a free flowing conversation about soccer that may include adult language or topics. Listener discretion is advised. Follow Red Bull Rant on Bluesky https://bsky.app/profile/redbullrant.bsky.social Follow Red Bull Rant on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/redbullrant/ Follow Red Bull Rant on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/RedBullRant/ Follow Red Bull Rant on iTunes: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/red-bull-rant/id988617582 Follow Red Bull Rant on Spotify https://open.spotify.com/show/0RRsHC7U09nGQnJRQAseoz Follow Red Bull Rant on Google Play: https://play.google.com/music/listen?u=0#/ps/Ibdbqq7z4cbsgqqvvjhmquon47a

Während NATO-Generalsekretär Rutte eine deutliche Erhöhung der Verteidigungsausgaben fordert, stellt der slowakische Premierminister Robert Fico nicht nur deren Sinn infrage – er bringt sogar eine mögliche Neutralität seines Landes ins Spiel. Präsident Pellegrini kontert mit deutlicher Kritik.

Für das offizielle Russland ist die Schweiz nicht mehr neutral. Sie gilt als Teil des «kollektiven Westens», dem Russland feindlich gegenübersteht. In Russland haben wir ein Land im Kriegsmodus getroffen. Die Bevölkerung, insbesondere die Jugend, wird auf militärisch-patriotischen Kurs gebracht. «Reporter» ist unterwegs in Russland. Und trifft ein Land im Kriegsmodus, in dem seit Jahren eine Militarisierung der Gesellschaft, insbesondere der Jugend, betrieben wird. Begriffe wie Dienst am Vaterland, Heimat verteidigen oder Patriotismus sind weit verbreitet. Stark propagandiert durch die staatlichen Institutionen wie Medien oder Schulen. Aber auch gesellschaftlich verankert. Militärhistoriker sprechen von einer «heroischen Gesellschaft». «Reporter» ist dabei bei einer militärischen Schülerparade, im Museum des Sieges, wo der Kampf gegen Hitlerdeutschland gleich gesetzt wird mit dem Angriffskrieg in der Ukraine oder in einem Trainingscamp, das Freiwillige fit machen will für den Dritten Weltkrieg. Bilder, wie man sie nur mehr selten sieht, aus Russland. Dann fragt «Reporter» in der Schweiz nach: Müssen wir uns vor diesem Russland fürchten? Angehende Rekruten zeigen dabei überraschend viel Vertrauen in die Neutralität. Eine Neutralität, die auch in Zusammenhang mit Russland wieder zum politischen Zankapfel und ganz unterschiedlich interpretiert wird. Offiziere ihrerseits warnen: Die Schweizerinnen und Schweizer sind sich der neuen Gefahren nicht bewusst.

Charlie Weston, personal finance editor with the Irish Independent had some tips on how to manage costs when hiring a car abroad.Charlie also explained why an almost 50% increase in cattle prices could be passed on to the consumer in terms of food inflation.To catch the full conversation, press the play button on this page.

See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Aus Sorge vor Russland rüstet Litauen massiv auf. Das Land schafft im Eiltempo die Infrastruktur für eine deutsche Panzerbrigade. Es wird die erste dauerhaft im Ausland stationierte Einheit der Bundeswehr seit 1945. Tom Schimmeck, Felix Ackermann, Margarete Wohlan www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Weltzeit

Krieg, Columba www.deutschlandfunk.de, Kulturfragen

Deutschland rüstet auf: mehr Waffen, mehr Soldaten, mehr Geld für die Bundeswehr. So will die Regierung das Land verteidigungsfähiger machen. Aber braucht es wirklich Aufrüstung, um Frieden zu sichern? Wie soll das finanziert werden? Und was hat es mit den Plänen für einen neuen Wehrdienst auf sich? Jana und Robert fragen nach – bei Fachleuten und bei Jugendlichen. Was sie herausgefunden haben, zeigt diese Folge von neuneinhalb.

Kurswechsel in der Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik und mehr diplomatische Gespräche mit Russland: Das fordern mehr als 100 SPD-nahe Personen in einem offenen Brief. Bringt uns das dem Frieden in Europa näher? Diskussion mit Dr. Bernd Rother, Historiker und SPD-Experte. Moderation: Julia Schöning Von WDR 5.

Der Nato-Gipfel in Den Haag steht an. Dort sollen neue Fähigkeitsziele des Bündnisses beschlossen werden. Details sind schon bekannt. Es geht um ein großes Aufrüstungsprogramm in den einzelnen Mitgliedsstaaten.

Erfahre hier mehr über unseren Partner Scalable Capital - dem Broker mit Flatrate und Zinsen. Alle weiteren Infos gibt's hier: scalable.capital/oaws. Aktien + Whatsapp = Hier anmelden. Lieber als Newsletter? Geht auch. Das Buch zum Podcast? Jetzt lesen. Meta kauft 49% von Scale AI. Investoren verkaufen: Rüstung wegen nix, T-Mobile wegen Führungswechsel, BYD wegen Split. Investoren kaufen: Novo Nordisk wegen Führungswechsel, Insmed wegen Studiendaten, Alphabet wegen Cloud. Sonst: J.M. Smucker & Rolls-Royce. OPEC macht mehr. Ölkonzerne machen effizienter (trotz Schweinezyklus). USA dominiert. Europa hat's schwer. Außerdem: Aktivisten bei BP (WKN: 850517) & Phillips 66 (WKN: A1JWQU). Deals bei Chevron (WKN: 852552), ExxonMobil (WKN: 852549) & ConocoPhillips (WKN: 575302). Buffett bei Occidental (WKN: 851921). Diesen Podcast vom 11.06.2025, 3:00 Uhr stellt dir die Podstars GmbH (Noah Leidinger) zur Verfügung.

Vor dem NATO-Gipfel in Den Haag rüsten die Europäer auf. Um Europa sicherer zu machen, und auch, um die Amerikaner an Bord zu halten. Und: Bund-Länder-Debatte ums Geld: Wer bezahlt für die wirtschaftlichen Entlastungen? (17:25) Barbara Schmidt-Mattern

Die NATO-Verteidiungsminister haben sich siuf ein umfangreiches Aufrüstungsprogramm für die europäischen Mitgliedsländer geeinigt.Die Bundeswehr soll deutlich wachsen.

Im letzten Jahrhundert bestimmten Truppenstärke und Waffenproduktion die militärische Macht von Staaten. Im digitalen Zeitalter wird etwas anderes immer wichtiger: die Effektivität von Software, die Ressourcen automatisiert koordiniert und einsetzt. Vollmer, Jan www.deutschlandfunk.de, Hintergrund

Krieg, Columba www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Tacheles

Deutschland will aufrüsten. Das kostet viel Geld und hat Folgen für Wirtschaft, Sozialstaat und Klimaschutz. Kritik übt Wirtschaftshistoriker Adam Tooze. Sozial- und Bildungsausgaben würden zu wenig als Investitionen gesehen. Krieg, Columba www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Tacheles

Diese Woche mit Jonas Waack und Sandra Kirchner. Der Energiekonzern RWE muss nicht für Klimarisiken in Peru zahlen. Das hat das Oberlandesgericht Hamm entschieden und damit die Klage des peruanischen Landwirts und Bergführers Saúl Luciano Lliuya abgewiesen. Lliuyas Anwältin Roda Verheyen sieht das Urteil trotzdem als großen Erfolg. Das Gericht habe anerkannt, dass Konzerne eine Verantwortung für Klimaschäden haben. Die Rüstungsinvestitionen der Nato-Staaten könnten fast 200 Millionen Tonnen CO2 jährlich in die Atmosphäre blasen. Das zeigen Zahlen des Conflict and Environment Observatory (Ceobs). Schätzungen zufolge sind die Armeen der Welt zusammen für etwa 5,5 Prozent des globalen CO2-Ausstoßes verantwortlich. Das gemeinsame Klimaziel der EU-Staaten für 2030 ist nach wie vor erreichbar. Bis Ende dieses Jahrzehnts werden die CO2-Emissionen laut einer Prognose der EU-Kommission um 54 Prozent sinken, ein Prozent weniger als angestrebt. Dafür müssten die 27 Länder in der EU allerdings ihre geplanten Klimaschutzvorhaben und auch die EU-Vorschriften vollständig umsetzen. -- Das klima update° wird jede Woche von Spender:innen unterstützt. Wenn auch du dazu beitragen willst, geht das HIER https://www.verein-klimawissen.de/spenden. Wir danken hier und jetzt - aber auch noch mal namentlich im Podcast (natürlich nur, wenn ihr zustimmt).

Die Macher der ZDF-Reportage „Stresstest Verteidigung – wie abwehrbereit ist die Bundeswehr?“ lieferten in wahnwitzigen Aufrüstungszeiten aller Lebensbereiche eine interessante Produktion. Die Sendung muss aufmerksame, kritische und vielleicht auch dem Aufrüsten wohlwollend gesinnte Zuschauer zum Schluss kommen lassen, dass das Rüsten, Planen von Krieg, Stationieren von deutschen Soldaten im Osten alles andere als friedvoll,Weiterlesen

Kampfansage an den Verstand: „Bei Investition in Verteidigung gilt‚ No Limit‘“, schreibt Markus Söder auf der Plattform X. Das Feindbild sitzt sauber – offensichtlich auch in der bayerischen Regierung. Ein Kommentar von Marcus Klöckner. Dieser Beitrag ist auch als Audio-Podcast verfügbar. Der bayerische Ministerpräsident Markus Söder weiß, aus welchen Richtungen dieWeiterlesen

Aktien hören ist gut. Aktien kaufen ist besser. Bei unserem Partner Scalable Capital geht's unbegrenzt per Trading-Flatrate oder regelmäßig per Sparplan. Alle weiteren Infos gibt's hier: scalable.capital/oaws. Aktien + Whatsapp = Hier anmelden. Lieber als Newsletter? Geht auch. Das Buch zum Podcast? Jetzt lesen. Wie lief Q1 bei den DAX-Konzernen? Novo Nordisk lässt Köpfe rollen. Lilly ist reich. Die Cox-Familie dank Charter auch. United Internet pusht 1&1. JPMorgan pusht Renk. Lockheed pusht Europa. Globant leidet. Ob pünktlich oder nicht: Züge müssen bremsen. Knorr-Bremse (WKN: KBX100) freut's. Warren Buffett hat 1 Geheimnis und glaubt nicht an Finanzen: Nu Holdings (WKN: A3C82G) & Citigroup (WKN: A1H92V) fliegen raus. Antizyklisch bleibt Kaufargument Nummer 1: Pool Corporation (WKN: A0JMVJ) & Constellation Brands (WKN: 871918) fliegen rein. Sonst erwähnt: American Express (WKN: 850226), Apple (WKN: 865985), Coca-Cola (WKN: 850663), Chevron (WKN: 852552), Occidental Petroleum (WKN: 851921), Mastercard (WKN: A0F602), Kraft Heinz (WKN: A14TU4), Chubb (WKN: A0Q636), Capital One (WKN: 893413) & Bank of America (WKN: 858388). Diesen Podcast vom 19.05.2025, 3:00 Uhr stellt dir die Podstars GmbH (Noah Leidinger) zur Verfügung.

Jetzt ist die Katze aus dem Sack: 225 Milliarden Euro jährlich für Panzer, Waffen, Raketen. Die deutsche Regierung geht in die Vollen. Außenminister Johann Wadephul sprach sich öffentlich für das sogenannte „Fünf-Prozent-Ziel“ aus. Fünf Prozent vom Bruttoinlandsprodukt für die Verteidigung? Das ist durch nichts mehr zu rechtfertigen. Der Verteidigungshaushalt ist zu Wachs in den HändenWeiterlesen