Podcasts about North Korea

Mary Kissel Mary Kissel addresses three foreign policy dilemmas: regarding Venezuela, the US military buildup is seen as leverage to force dialogue with Maduro following a successful playbook used against North Korea; in Europe, she notes a dichotomy between committed Eastern European states and "weaker lazier" Western powers regarding support for Ukraine; and the China dilemma involves whether to treat Beijing as a legitimate trading partner or an enemy narco-terrorist state responsible for exporting fentanyl precursors, with Kissel suggesting current US policy is confused and benefits the CCP.

SHOW  11-18-25 CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR 1894 "THE ANGEL OF THE REVOLUTION" THE SHOW BEGINS IN THE DOUBTS ABOUT GAZA. FIRST HOUR 9-915 Liz Peek Liz Peek discusses the "AI bubble," noting the Magnificent Seven stocks are priced to perfection amidst concerns that massive investments may not yield adequate returns, observes that although the market is "risk off" the US economy seems "okay" according to data points, and expresses alarm about New York Mayor-Elect Mamdani, a socialist without management expertise who is surrounding himself with ideologues, including Hassan Sheheryar, his transition director, who is "clearly anti-Semitic" and anti-Israel, raising significant concerns for the city.E 915-930 CONTINUED 930-945 Judy Dempsey Judy Dempsey addresses the rising costs and future decline of the global cocoa crop, linking it to transcontinental climate change caused by Amazon deforestation, criticizes the EU and NATO for reacting too slowly and lacking strategic vision concerning the Ukraine war and defense, notes European military infrastructure is inadequate for rapid deployment forcing reliance on ships instead of trains, and observes that while the Russian threat is understood by most member states, political fumbling in Germany is allowing the anti-NATO, pro-Russia AfD party to gain significant ground. 945-1000 Gregory Copley Gregory Copley discusses the US military presence off Venezuela, noting President Trump seeks a negotiated outcome with Maduro to avoid long-term intervention, covers Mohammed bin Salman's influence in the Abraham Accords and the challenge posed by Turkey-backed Hamas, analyzes the symbolic rail sabotage in Poland questioning Russian involvement, and addresses the declining viability of NATO's Article 5 and the potential for King Charles III to intervene in UK political chaos. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 Charles Burton Charles Burton discusses his book, The Beaver and the Dragon, illustrating China's fundamental untrustworthiness and statistical manipulation, which has intensified under centralized leadership, noting Canada's past cooperation with China's National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) failed as officials often falsely reported data, and despite historical deception and security risks, there is a push in Canada to increase trade with China to offset trade issues with the United States, with Burton cautioning that trusting the Chinese Communist Party has always "gone badly wrong." 1015-1030 CONTINUED. 1030-1045 Jonathan Schanzer Jonathan Schanzer discusses Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), calling him a deeply flawed but essential leader driving Saudi modernization and normalization with Israel, with a "pathway to a Palestinian state" as the current diplomatic objective, emphasizing that resolving the Gaza situation and achieving broader peace hinges on eliminating Hamas, while the region faces long-term challenges from Iran and Turkey, the latter complicating Israel's security operations in chaotic Syria, with the UN endorsement of the Trump 20-point plan for Gaza reconstruction considered a landmark win. 1045-1100 CONTINUED CONTINUED KING CHARLES THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 Gregory Copley Gregory Copley discusses the US military presence off Venezuela, noting President Trump seeks a negotiated outcome with Maduro to avoid long-term intervention, covers Mohammed bin Salman's influence in the Abraham Accords and the challenge posed by Turkey-backed Hamas, analyzes the symbolic rail sabotage in Poland questioning Russian involvement, and addresses the declining viability of NATO's Article 5 and the potential for King Charles III to intervene in UK political chaos. 1115-1130 CONTINUED MBS 1130-1145 CONTINUED KING CHARLES 1145-1200 CONTINUED FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 Mary Kissel Mary Kissel addresses three foreign policy dilemmas: regarding Venezuela, the US military buildup is seen as leverage to force dialogue with Maduro following a successful playbook used against North Korea; in Europe, she notes a dichotomy between committed Eastern European states and "weaker lazier" Western powers regarding support for Ukraine; and the China dilemma involves whether to treat Beijing as a legitimate trading partner or an enemy narco-terrorist state responsible for exporting fentanyl precursors, with Kissel suggesting current US policy is confused and benefits the CCP. 1215-1230 1230-1245 oseph Sternberg Joseph Sternberg analyzes the BBC political bias scandal, which is significant because the BBC is "omnipresent" and arranges the "mental furniture for British society," noting the BBC, funded largely by a mandatory license fee, faced allegations ranging from deceptive editing of President Trump's remarks to the Arabic service pushing Hamas propaganda potentially fueling anti-Semitism, while domestically discussing the UK Labour Party's dilemma over controversial immigration policies to control illegal channel crossings, a crisis that has strengthened Nigel Farage's Reform party. 1245-100 AM

PREVIEW: Venezuela and the State Department Playbook Guest: Mary Kissel John Batchelor discusses Venezuela with Mary Kissel, former senior adviser to the Secretary of State, regarding the Trump administration's offer to speak with Maduro while a fleet was offshore, with Kissel describing this strategy as the "playbook at State," recalling her North Korea experience in the first Trump term, interpreting the move as showing force ("show the guns") before engaging diplomatically.

This week, NK News Data Correspondent Anton Sokolin joins the podcast to discuss Russian participation in North Korea's fall trade fair and the latest in the two sides' military cooperation over the war in Ukraine. He talks about how over a dozen Russian commercial firms hawked their electronics and foods in Pyongyang last month, as well as about Moscow's announcement that DPRK military engineers have started work in Kursk to clear “hundreds of different types of explosive devices” left by Ukrainian troops. He also explains why the Russian communist party recently awarded North Korean leader Kim Jong Un the “Lenin Prize,” tracing the history and significance of the little known award. About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insights from our very own journalists.

In recent months, rocket testing and loudspeaker broadcasts have been added to the list of border incursions in South Korea by North Korean troops. We consider whether military talks could offer a solution. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Send us your feedback — we're listeningRevelation 19 : 16 — King of Kings and Lord of Lords : Faith Under Fire for the Persecuted Church “On his robe and on his thigh he has this name written: KING OF KINGS AND LORD OF LORDS.” — Revelation 19 : 16Recorded live here in London, England with Reverend Ben Cooper.Six-Line SEO Power IntroAt 9 A.M., we stand with the Church under fire — the believers who worship in silence but shine with faith. Revelation 19 : 16 declares Jesus as the King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Across China, Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, disciples gather in hidden rooms to pray. Their chains cannot silence their song. The Sceptre of Christ rules over every government and every cell. Today we pray for the persecuted and declare that Jesus reigns forever.Paragraph 1 – Context From the first century to today, followers of Christ have endured threats, loss and imprisonment. Revelation 19 : 16 reminds us that no authority can overthrow the throne of Christ. His Kingdom stands unshaken, and His Church prevails through suffering and faith.Paragraph 2 – Reflection Persecution reveals the purity of faith. When believers lose everything, they discover that Jesus is enough. Their whispers become worship; their suffering becomes seed for revival. The Spirit of God strengthens what the world cannot see.Paragraph 3 – Intercession & Vision We pray for China, Pakistan, Iran and North Korea. Protect the secret church and the prisoners of faith. Let revival rise in hidden places. May courage and peace fill every believer who calls Jesus Lord.Prayer PointsPrayer for persecuted Christians around the world.Ask God to strengthen the underground Church.Prayer for faith under fire to endure.Pray for prisoners of faith to be comforted.Declare that Jesus reigns over every closed nation.Pray for families divided by belief to be reunited in peace.Ask the Spirit to bring hope to those in captivity.Prayer for leaders to stand boldly for Christ.Pray for revival to spread through persecuted lands.Thank God for the eternal victory of His Church.Life ApplicationRemember the persecuted every day. Your prayers strengthen those who cannot speak freSupport the showFor more inspiring content, visit RBChristianRadio.net — your home for daily devotionals, global prayer, and biblical encouragement for every season of life. We invite you to connect with our dedicated prayer hub at DailyPrayer.uk — a place where believers from every nation unite in prayer around the clock. If you need prayer, or would like to leave a request, this is the place to come. Our mission is simple: to pray with you, to stand with you, and to keep the power of prayer at the centre of everyday life. Your support through DailyPrayer.uk helps us continue sharing the gospel and covering the nations in prayer. You can also discover our ministry services and life celebrations at LifeCelebrant.net — serving families with faith, dignity, and hope. If this devotional blesses you, please consider supporting our listener-funded mission by buying us a coffee through RBChristianRadio.net. Every prayer, every gift, and every share helps us keep broadcasting God's Word to the world.

Last time we spoke about the Soviet-Japanese Border Conflict. The border between Soviet Manchuria and Japanese-occupied territories emerges not as a single line but as a mosaic of contested spaces, marks, and memories. A sequence of incidents, skirmishes along the Chaun and Tumen rivers, reconnaissance sorties, and the complex diplomacy of Moscow, Tokyo, and peripheral actors to trace how risk escalated from routine patrols to calibrated leverage. On the ground, terrain functioned as both obstacle and argument: ridges like Changkufeng Hill shaping sightlines, river valleys shaping decisions, and markers weathered by snow, wind, and drift. In command tents, officers translated terrain into doctrine: contingency plans, supply routes, and the precarious calculus of restraint versus escalation. Both nations sought to establish firmer defensive barriers against the other. Inevitably they were destined to clash, but how large that clash would become, nobody knew.   #176 The Changkufeng Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the last episode we broke down a general history of the Soviet-Japanese Border Conflict and how it escalated significantly by 1938. Colonel Inada Masazum serving as chief of the 2nd Operations Section within the Operations Bureau in March of 1938 would play a significant role in this story. When the Japanese command's attention was drawn to the area of Changkufeng, consideration was given to the ownership and importance of the disputed high ground. Inada and his operations section turned to an appraisal of the geography. The officers had been impressed by the strategic importance of the Tumen, which served to cut off the hill country from North Korea. In the Changkufeng area, the river was a muddy 600 to 800 meters wide and three to five meters deep. Japanese engineers had described rowing across the stream as "rather difficult."  Russian roads on the left bank were very good, according to Japanese intelligence. Heavy vehicles moved easily; the Maanshan section comprised the Russians' main line of communications in the rear. To haul up troops and materiel, the Russians were obliged to use trucks and ships, for there were no railways apart from a four-kilometer line between the harbor and town of Novokievsk. Near Changkufeng, hardly any roadways were suitable for vehicular traffic. On the right, or Korean, bank of the Tumen, there were only three roads suitable for vehicular traffic, but even these routes became impassable after a day or two of rain. In the sector between Hill 52 to the south and Shachaofeng to the north, the most pronounced eminences were Chiangchunfeng and the humps of Changkufeng. Rocky peaks were characteristically shaped like inverted T's, which meant many dead angles against the crests. The gentle slopes would allow tanks to move but would restrict their speed, as would the ponds and marshes. In general, the terrain was treeless and afforded little cover against aircraft. Against ground observation or fire, corn fields and tall miscanthus grass could provide some shielding. Between Chiangchunfeng and the Tumen, which would have to serve as the main route of Japanese supply, the terrain was particularly sandy and hilly. This rendered foot movement difficult but would reduce the effectiveness of enemy bombs and shells. The high ground east of Khasan afforded bases for fire support directed against the Changkufeng region. Plains characterized the rest of the area on the Soviet side, but occasional streams and swamps could interfere with movement of tanks and trucks. The only towns or villages were Novokievsk, Posyet, Yangomudy, and Khansi. At Kozando there were a dozen houses; at Paksikori, a few. The right bank was farmed mainly by Koreans, whose scattered cottages might have some value for billeting but offered none for cover. On the left bank, the largest hamlets were Fangchuanting, with a population of 480 dwelling in 73 huts, and Yangkuanping, where there were 39 cottages. Shachaofeng was uninhabited. Japanese occupation of Changkufeng would enable observation of the plain stretching east from Posyet Bay, although intelligence made no mention of Soviet naval bases, submarine pens, or airstrips in the immediate area of Posyet, either in existence or being built in 1938. As Inada knew, the Japanese Navy judged that Posyet Bay might have another use, as a site for Japanese landing operations in the event of war. In Russian hands, the high ground would endanger the Korean railway. This line, which started from Najin in northeastern Korea, linked up with the vital system in Manchuria at the town of Tumen and provided a short cut, if not a lifeline, between Japan and the Kwantung Army and Manchuria from across the Sea of Japan. Even from relatively low Changkufeng, six or seven miles of track were exposed to Soviet observation between Hongui and Shikai stations. The port of Najin, with its fortress zone, lay 11 miles southwest; Unggi lay even nearer. It was not the danger of Japanese shelling of Vladivostok, at an incredible range of 80 miles that was at stake but the more realistic hypothesis of Russian shelling of the rail line, and Russian screening of the Soviet side of the border. Hills and questions were thought to have two sides. It was the consensus of Japanese that Changkufeng Hill's potential value to the Russians far outweighed its possible benefits to them, or at least that the Japanese had more to lose if the Russians took the high ground by the Tumen. Inada nurtured few illusions concerning the intrinsic value of the heights. Despite the fact that the high command always had good reasons for quiescence in the north, Inada believed that the latest border difficulty could not be overlooked. By mid-July 1938 Inada's thoughts crystallized. The Japanese would conduct a limited reconnaissance in force known as iryoku teisatsu in the strategic sense. Whereas, at the tactical schoolbook level, this might mean the dispatch of small forces into enemy territory to seek local combat intelligence, at the Imperial General Headquarters level the concept was far more sweeping. There would also be useful evidence of mobilization and other buildup procedures. The affair at Changkufeng was merely a welcome coincidence, something started by the Russians but liable to Japanese exploration. Inada had no intention of seizing territory, of becoming involved in a war of attrition at a remote and minor spot, or of provoking hostilities against the USSR. The Russians would comprehend the nature of the problem, too. If they were interested in interfering seriously with the Japanese, there were numberless better locations to cause trouble along the Manchurian front; those were the places to watch. The cramped Changkufeng sector, described as "narrow like a cat's brow," could too readily be pinched off from Hunchun to render it of strategic value to either side. The bog land to the north interfered with the use of armored forces, while artillery sited on the heights along the Tumen in Korea could as easily control the area as batteries emplaced east of the lake. It was Inada's professional opinion that the Russians could commit three or four infantry divisions there at most, with no mechanized corps—no heavy tanks, in particular. No decisive battle could be waged, although, once the Russians became involved, they might have to cling to the hill out of a sense of honor. The military action would be meaningless even if the Japanese let the Russians have the heights. For their part, the Japanese would ostensibly be fighting to secure the boundary and to hold Changkufeng peak, beyond which they would not move a step onto Soviet soil. There would be no pursuit operations. Troop commitment would be limited to about one division without tank support. Japanese Air Force intervention would be forbidden. Matters would be directed entirely by Imperial General Headquarters working through the Korea Army chain of command and carried out by the local forces. Calm, clear, and dispassionate overall estimates and instructions would be based on materials available only in Tokyo. The command would not allow the Kwantung Army to touch the affair. Inada foresaw that the Japanese government might also seek a settlement through diplomacy. Although border demarcation was desirable and should be sought, the command would not insist on it, nor would it demand permanent occupation of Changkufeng summit. As soon as reconnaissance objectives had been achieved, the local forces would be withdrawn. As Inada described it "In the process, we would have taught the Russians some respect and given them a lesson concerning their repeated, high-handed provocations and intrusions. If a show of force sufficed to facilitate the negotiations and cause the Russians to back down, so much the better; the affair would be over and my point proved." The instrument for carrying out Inada's strategic design appeared to be ideal, the 19th Division, strenuously trained and high-spirited. It could be expected to perform very well if unleashed within defined limits. Colonel Suetaka was just the commander to direct local operations. Since he had been pleading to fight in China, an operation at Changkufeng might prove to be an excellent "safety valve." His staff was full of experienced, fierce warriors eager for battle. Until recently, the Korea Army commanding general had wisely kept the aggressive division away from Changkufeng Hill, but now Imperial general headquarters had its own overriding ideas and needs. How could the Japanese ensure that any military action would remain limited if the Russians chose to respond with vigor? Naturally, one infantry division, without armor or air support, could not withstand all of the Soviet forces in the maritime province. Inada answered that the mission to be assigned the 19th Division was merely the recapture of Changkufeng crest. If the Japanese side had to break off the operation, evacuation would be effected voluntarily and resolutely on Imperial general headquarters responsibility, without considerations of "face." At worst, the Japanese might lose one division, but the affair would be terminated at the Tumen River without fail. "Even so, we ought to be able to prove our theory as well as demonstrate our true strength to the Russians." In case the Soviets opted for more than limited war, the Japanese were still not so overextended in China that they could not alter their strategic disposition of troops. Although the Kwantung Army's six divisions were outnumbered four to one and the Japanese were not desirous of a war at that moment, the first-class forces in Manchuria could make an excellent showing. In addition, the high command possessed armor, heavy artillery, fighters, and bombers, held in check in Manchuria and Korea, as well as reserves in the homeland. There was also the 104th Division, under tight Imperial general headquarters control, in strategic reserve in southern Manchuria. Inada recalled "How would the Russians react? That was the answer I sought. Victory in China depended on it." By mid-July, the high command, at Inada's urging, had worked out a plan titled, "Imperial General headqaurters Essentials for Dealing with the Changkufeng Incident." Tada's telegram of 14 July to Koiso described succinctly the just-decided policy: the central authorities concurred with the Korea Army's opinion regarding the Changkufeng affair, then in embryo. Considering that Changkufeng Hill posed a direct threat to the frontier of Korea, Imperial General headqaurters would immediately urge the foreign ministry to lodge a stern protest. Next day, Tojo sent a telegram stating the Japanese policy of employing diplomacy; whether the Russians should be evicted by force required cautious deliberation in case the USSR did not withdraw voluntarily. On the basis of the guidance received from Imperial General headqaurters, the Korea Army drew up its own plan, "Essentials for Local Direction of the Changkufeng Incident," on 15 July. Intelligence officer Tsuchiya Sakae was sent promptly to the front from Seoul. At the same time, military authorities allowed the press to release news that Soviet troops were constructing positions inside Manchurian territory in an "obvious provocation." The government of Manchukuo was demanding an immediate withdrawal. Even then, those Japanese most closely connected with the handling of the Changkufeng Incident were not in agreement that everybody at command level was as ardent a proponent of reconnaissance in force as Inada claimed to be. Some thought that most, if not all, of his subordinates, youthful and vigorous, were in favor of the notion; others denied the existence of such an idea. Inada remained clear-cut in his own assertions. Everything done by the local Soviet forces, he insisted, must have been effected with the permission of Moscow; it was customary for the USSR not to abandon what it had once started. The Japanese Army never really thought that the Soviet Union would withdraw just as the result of diplomatic approaches. Therefore, from the outset, preparations were made to deal the Russians one decisive blow. Inada had recommended his plan, with its clear restrictions, to his colleagues and superiors; the scheme, he says, was approved 14 July "all the way up the chain of command, through the Army general staff and the ministry of war, with unexpected ease." The only real opposition, Inada recalled, came from the navy, whose staff advised the army operations staff, in all sincerity, to give up the idea of strategic reconnaissance. Inada adhered to his opinion stubbornly. He never forgot the grave look on the face of Captain Kusaka, the UN operations section chief, as the latter gave in reluctantly. The navy view was that the Changkufeng affair typified the army's aggressive policies as opposed to relative passivity on the part of the navy. Like Kusaka, Japanese Navy interviewees shared the fear that Changkufeng might prove to be the most dangerous military confrontation ever to occur between the USSR and Japan. In view of navy objections, one wonders where Inada could have drawn support for his concept of reconnaissance in force. If one accepts the comments contained in a letter from a navy ministry captain, Takagi Sokichi, to Baron Harada Kumao at the beginning of August, in the army and in a portion of the navy there existed "shallow-minded fellows who are apt to take a firm stand in the blind belief that the USSR would not really rise against us, neglecting the fact that the Russians had foreseen our weak points." Takagi also had violent things to say about "white-livered" Gaimusho elements that were playing up to the army. Although Takagi's remarks, expressed in confidence, were sharp, cautious injunctions were being delivered by the high command to the new Korea Army commander, General Nakamura Kotaro, who was about to leave for Seoul to replace Koiso. Nakamura's attitude was crucial for the course and outcome of the Changkufeng Incident. More of a desk soldier than a warrior, he characteristic ally displayed a wariness that was reinforced by the guidance provided him. This personal quality assumes even greater significance if one believes that the Russians may have initiated the Changkufeng Incident by exploiting the special opportunities afforded them by the routine replacement of the Korea Army commander, the temporary absence from Moscow of Ambassador Shigemitsu Mamoru, and the geographical as well as subjective gap between the Kwantung and Korea armies that was exposed during the Lyushkov affair. At 10:00 on 15 July Nakamura was designated army commander by the Emperor at the palace. Soon afterward, he was briefed by Imperial General headquarters officers. Hashimoto, the operations bureau chief, recalled that when he saw Nakamura off on 17 July, Hashimoto stressed prudence, limitation of any military action, and diplomatic solution of the problem. The new commanding general, Inada asserted, promised full cooperation. There was no mention, at this level, of Inada's concept of reconnaissance in force. When Nakamura reached Seoul, he found an Imperial order from Tokyo dated 16 July awaiting him. This important document stipulated that he could concentrate units under his command in Korea near the border against the trespassing Soviet forces in the Changkufeng area. Resort to force, however, was dependent upon further orders. This message was followed by a wire from Kan'in, the Army general staff chief. The Imperial order, it was explained, had been designed to support diplomatic negotiations. Simultaneous approval was granted for concentrating forces to respond swiftly in case the situation deteriorated. As for implementation of the Imperial order, discretion should be exercised in line with the opinion expressed earlier by Korea Army Headquarters. Negotiations were to be conducted in Moscow and Harbin, the location of a Soviet consulate in Manchukuo. Meanwhile, the command was dispatching two officers for purposes of liaison: Lt. Colonel Arisue Yadoru in Operations and Major Kotani Etsuo a specialist in Soviet intelligence. Inada advised Arisue that, apart from liaison flights inside the frontiers, particular care should be exercised with regard to actions that might lead to air combat. Nevertheless, although Inada stated that the Imperial order called for "a sort of military demonstration," he admitted that it meant preparatory action for an attack. The Korea Army senior staff officer, Iwasaki, recalled hearing nothing about secret intentions. Nakamura briefed his staff about the need for restraint, especially during this key period of the Wuhan operation. Koiso had disposed of speculation that he had issued an order to concentrate the 19th Division before Nakamura arrived, although he and Nakamura did have the opportunity to confer in Seoul before he departed for Japan. The Imperial order of 16 July, in response to Koiso's inquiry received in Tokyo on 14 July, had arrived in Seoul addressed to Nakamura; thereupon, the Korea Army chief of staff, Kitano, had the message conveyed to the division. By 21 July Koiso was back in Tokyo where, the day afterward, he advised the war minister, Itagaki, "to act prudently with respect to the Changkufeng problem." Why did the high command dispatch two field-grade liaison officers to Korea from the outset of the Changkufeng Incident? The Korea Army lacked operations staff. Its commander had been allotted prime responsibility, within the chain of command, for defense of northeastern Korea. At the beginning, the highest-ranking staff officer at the front was a major. Since there were no fundamental differences of opinion between the command and the forces in Korea, it was proper to send experts from Tokyo to assist. Imperial General headqaurters would observe the situation carefully, devise measures on the basis of the overall view, and issue orders which the Korea Army would implement through ordinary channels. It had not been the type of incident which required the army commander to go to the front to direct. This was the Korea Army's first test, and political as well as diplomatic problems were involved that the army in the field should not or could not handle. If Tokyo had left decisions to the division and its regiments, the latter would have been held to account, which was not proper. Imperial General headquarters had to assume responsibility and reassure local commanders of its full support. Imaoka Yutaka explained that operational guidance by Imperial General headquarters and line operations conducted by the 19th Division formed the core of the affair; the Korea Army, placed between, was "shadowy." Koiso had not been enthusiastic; this set the mood among the staff. Nakamura, who arrived with a thorough comprehension of AGS thinking, was basically passive. The Korea Army staff, in general, included no "wild boars."    There was an urgent need to monitor developments. Not only was the Korea Army unfamiliar with handling this type of incident, but many hitches occurred. There had been no practice in emergency transmission of coded wires between the Korea Army and Tokyo. Now telegram after telegram had to be sent; most were deciphered incorrectly and many were not decoded at all. Another problem centered on the lack of knowledge in Tokyo about the situation on the spot, which only visual observation could rectify. As a result, the two Army general staff experts, Arisue and Kotani, arrived in Korea on 16 July. Kotani recalled that he was to collect intelligence and assist the local authorities. One of the first duties that he and Arisue performed was to disseminate the principle that use of force required a prior Imperial order. Also on 16 July, Japanese newspapers reported that the USSR was still concentrating troops, that the Manchukuoan government was watching intently, "decisive punitive measures" were being contemplated by the Japanese-Manchukuoan authorities, and there were signs of a worsening of the crisis. Despite good reasons for this gloomy appraisal, the Japanese press had not yet given the incident page-one treatment. More alarming news was being disseminated abroad. Domei, the official Japanese news agency, reported that the situation would probably become worse unless Soviet troops were withdrawn. The position of the Japanese government impressed foreign correspondents as unusually firm. Informants characterized the Changkufeng Incident as the most serious affair since the clash on the Amur River in 1937. Irked by the Korea Army's timidity and eager for first-hand information, the Kwantung Army dispatched two observers to the front: from Intelligence, Ogoshi Kenji, and from Operations, Tsuji Masanobu. If you listen to my pacific war week by week podcast or echoes of war, you know I highlight Tsuji Masanobu as one of the most evil Japanese officers of WW2. No other way to describe this guy, he was a shithead. In his memoirs, Tsuji asserted that he and Ogoshi climbed Changkufeng Hill, discerned Soviet soldiers digging across the peak in Manchurian territory, and concluded that "probably even Tokyo could not overlook such a clear-cut case of invasion." Although his account aligned with the general thrust, Ogoshi contended that Tsuji could not have accompanied him. According to sources with the 19th Division, when Koiso learned that Tsuji and Ogoshi were disparaging the Korea Army's ability to defend Changkufeng, he ordered "those spies" ousted. Ogoshi replied that the army staff was not angry, but Koiso did become furious and ordered Ogoshi "arrested for trespassing." Ogoshi surmised that Koiso's concern was that emotional outsiders such as Tsuji could provoke trouble, perhaps even war, if they visited Changkufeng. This view was widely shared. Inada stated that he made a practice of keeping away to maintain the degree of detachment and impartiality required of high command authorities. One sidelight to the "fraternal" visit to the Changkufeng area by observers from Hsinking was provided by Lt. Colonel Katakura Tadashi, chief of the Kwantung Army's 4th Section, which handled Manchukuo affairs, primarily political direction. When Katakura visited the Operations Section, Tsuji and Ogoshi told him that an intrusion had been confirmed and that the Kwantung Army staff was studying ways to evict the Soviets. Katakura consulted Maj. General Ishiwara Kanji, acting chief of staff, who was already in possession of the draft of an operations order calling for offensive preparations by the Kwantung Army against the Russians at Changkufeng. Katakura asked for reconsideration of the order. This was not a matter to be handled solely by the operations staff. Borders and international affairs were involved; hence the 4th Section, along with the Manchukuoan government, the Gaimusho, and other agencies, were concerned. Field observers were expressing exaggerated personal opinions based on having seen Soviet sentries on a hilltop. If the matter fell within the Korea Army's defensive prerogative, that army ought to handle it. Apparently the Kwantung Army commander and Ishiwara agreed with Katakura, for the draft order was not approved. The so-called private message dispatched by a Kwantung Army staff officer just before Koiso's departure may have been provoked by this rejection of direct participation by forces under Kwantung Army command. Staff officers in Tokyo believed that Hsinking could not see the forest for the trees. In the high command's view, the Kwantung Army's deliberate escalation of a negligible frontier incident undoubtedly stemmed from a failure to grasp the strategic requirements of national defense—pursuit of the campaign in China, the nurturance of Manchukuo, and the buildup of operational readiness for the ultimate solution of the Soviet problem. The high command felt obliged to remind the Kwantung Army that, in dealing with the Changkufeng Incident, the central authorities pressed for a Russian pullback through diplomacy. Consequently, the Korea Army had been instructed to be ready to concentrate troops near Changkufeng as a "background." Meanwhile, it remained the Imperial will that utmost prudence be exercised. The Kwantung Army commander accordingly issued cautious instructions to subordinate units, especially those on the eastern border. The high command's injunctions did not end the discontent and recrimination at the lower levels of Kwantung Army Headquarters, nor did they quiet the concern felt in Tokyo. A former war minister told Baron Harada repeatedly in late July that the Kwantung Army was "no good," while the superintendent of police added that the Kwantung Army was embarrassing Foreign Minister Ugaki. Nevertheless, the Kwantung Army did exert self-restraint. For its part, the Korea Army naïvely sought to achieve entente with an antagonist who considered the case nonnegotiable. First, the government of Manchukuo was asked to lodge a formal protest with the USSR. The commissioner for foreign affairs at Harbin phoned V. V. Kuznetzov, the acting consul, on the night of 14 July and saw him on the 18th. Basing its contentions on maps, the Haensing regime demanded Soviet withdrawal from Changkufeng. The Japanese government was lodging similar protests within the framework of Japanese-Manchukuoan joint defense agreements. On the spot, the situation inflamed. During the afternoon of 15 July, a Japanese military police patrol from Korea reconnoitered at the foot of Hill 52, southeast of Changkufeng. The party came under Soviet gunfire and was driven back, abandoning the body of Corp. Matsushima Shakuni. Japanese sources claimed that a Russian ambush had been set inside Manchuria. The Russian side insisted that it was the Soviet frontier that had been violated by thirty meters. Kuzma Grebennik, the colonel commanding the 59th BGU, which covered the Posyet sector, asserted that Matsushima's effects included a notebook containing reconnaissance results and a camera with film of Soviet-claimed terrain, particularly Changkufeng Hill. According to Maj. Gilfan Batarshin, a subordinate of Grebennik, two Russian border guards from Podgornaya opened fire when the Japanese fled after being challenged. Japanese protests to the USSR about the death of Matsushima and the taking of his body were added to the negotiations concerning the disputed border and the alleged trespassing. Charge Nishi Haruhiko lodged a vigorous complaint in Moscow on 15 July but was answered by a counterprotest. Ambassador Shigemitsu underwent an identical experience during a conversation with Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinov on 20 July. Shigemitsu retorted that the murder tended to exacerbate the negotiations. In his memoirs, he stated that the killing of Matsushima provoked the local Japanese border garrison unit. The shooting occurred as the Soviet military buildup continued, according to Japanese sources. Mechanized units were reported moving in the direction of Kyonghun from Barabash and Posyet Bay. Biplanes were reconnoitering the Hunchun Valley, within Manchurian territory, from the afternoon of 16 July. To the local Japanese authorities, it seemed that the Russians were adopting a challenging attitude. Although the Japanese-Manchukuoan side remained willing to negotiate—that is, to take no forceful actions if the Russians would withdraw, the latter appeared not to share such an intention. The Soviets were not only misinterpreting the Hunchun treaty to their advantage but were encroaching beyond what they claimed to be the line; they "lacked sincerity." Decisive use of force might have been imperative to secure the Manchurian border, which was Japan's legal responsibility. As far north as Tungning on the eastern Manchurian frontier, two Soviet ground divisions and considerable numbers of tanks and aircraft were reported massed in full view. At Changkufeng, Russian soldiers fortified the crest. Mountain guns were now seen with muzzles pointed toward Manchuria, and Japanese intelligence estimated that Soviet troop strength near Changkufeng had grown to 120 or 130 by the evening of 18 July. As Sawamoto Rikichiro, an Imperial aide, noted in his diary, "It would seem that settlement of the affair had become increasingly difficult." Korea Army staff officer Tsuchiya sent two emissaries bearing the notice to the Soviet border. The pair, "blazing with patriotic ardor,"set out on 18 July, carrying a message in one hand and a white flag in the other. From Kyonghun came the report the next day that there had been an urgent, well-attended Soviet staff meeting at BGU Headquarters in Novokievsk all night, and that the Russian side had been discomfited by the Japanese request, which had been transmitted to higher authorities. Still, the emissaries did not return, while a stream of reports indicated a Soviet buildup along a dozen frontier sectors. Russian authorities had reportedly forced the natives to evacuate an area twenty miles behind their borders. From Japanese observation posts, Soviet convoys of men, guns, and horses could be sighted moving toward Novokievsk after being unloaded from transports originating at Vladivostok. Japanese Army Intelligence reported that on 18 July a regimental-size force had arrived at Novokievsk; artillery displacements forward were particularly visible by night east of Khasan. A confidential Gaimusho message indicated that Soviet truck movements between Posyet, Novokievsk, and the front had increased since the 20th. Russian intrusions, kidnappings, and sniping incidents were reported along the Manchurian borders, from Manchouli on the west to Suifenho on the east, between 18 and 25 July. Aircraft on daytime reconnaissance were detected as far as three miles inside Manchurian territory in the Hunchun area. Although the Japanese asserted that their forbearance was being tested, Izvestiya charged "Japanese militarists" with manufacturing an affair at Ussuri as well as at Changkufeng. The Japanese themselves received reports from the Changkufeng front that by 20 July the Soviets had 250 soldiers, armed with field pieces, trench mortars, howitzers, and light and heavy machine guns, on the southern slopes. The Russians were putting up tents capable of holding 40 men each; officers could be observed for the first time. On the evening of the 20th, the Soviets lobbed illuminating shells toward Manchurian territory. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Inada Masazum, studying maps and mud, saw Changkufeng Hill as a prize with peril, a test of nerve rather than a conquest. Tokyo's orders pulsed through Seoul and Harbin: guard, probe, and deter, but avoid full-scale war. Across the border, Soviet units pressed closer, lights and tents flickering on the hillside. The sea within sight whispered of strategy, diplomacy, and a warning: a single misstep could redraw Asia. And so the standoff waited, patient as winter.

Critical Cybersecurity Updates: Fortinet Zero Day, North Korean Infiltration & JLR Cyber Attack In this episode of Cybersecurity Today, host David Chipley discusses the latest critical updates in the cybersecurity world. Fortinet faces a massive zero-day vulnerability actively exploited, leading to major security patches. North Korean IT workers have infiltrated 136 companies, massively impacting corporate security and funneling millions to the DPRK. Jaguar Land Rover's cyber attack results in a startling $220 million loss, affecting the UK's economy. Lastly, we delve into widespread copy-pasted flaws across leading AI platforms like Meta and Nvidia. Stay updated, stay secure! 00:00 Introduction and Sponsor Message 00:55 Fortinet Zero-Day Vulnerability 04:32 North Korean IT Worker Infiltration 07:45 Jaguar Land Rover Cyber Attack Impact 10:19 AI Platforms Hit with Copy-Pasted Flaw 13:42 Conclusion and Upcoming Events

Send us your feedback — we're listeningRevelation 19 : 16 — King of Kings and Lord of Lords : Faith Under Fire for the Persecuted Church “On his robe and on his thigh he has this name written: KING OF KINGS AND LORD OF LORDS.” — Revelation 19 : 16Recorded live here in London, England with Reverend Ben Cooper.At 9 A.M., the Church stands in solidarity with those who suffer for the name of Jesus. Revelation 19 : 16 declares Christ as the King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Across China, Iran, North Korea and Eritrea, believers worship in secret yet with unshaken faith. The power of Christ's throne outlasts every chain and prison door. The blood of the martyrs still speaks of victory and hope. Today we lift the persecuted Church and declare that Jesus reigns forever.Paragraph 1 – Context From the first century to now, followers of Jesus have faced fire and imprisonment for their faith. Revelation 19 : 16 reminds us that no empire, law or leader can dethrone the King of Kings. The Church under fire still testifies that Christ is Lord and His Kingdom cannot be crushed.Paragraph 2 – Reflection When the world sees weakness, heaven sees worship. Every whispered prayer and hidden gathering is a proclamation that Jesus is Lord. Persecution purifies faith; it reveals the strength of His Spirit within us.Paragraph 3 – Intercession & Vision We pray for China, Iran, North Korea and Eritrea. Strengthen the secret Church and protect every believer. Let revival rise in hidden rooms and mountain villages. May nations see the light of Christ through the courage of His people.Prayer PointsPrayer for persecuted Christians around the world.Ask God to strengthen believers in China and North Korea.Prayer for courage for the underground Church.Ask God to protect families divided by faith.Declare that Jesus reigns over every closed nation.Pray for revival in Iran and Eritrea.Ask the Holy Spirit to comfort those in prison.Prayer for pastors and leaders to stand firm in truth.Pray for open doors for the Gospel in restricted countries.Thank God that the faith under fire still burns bright.Life ApplicationPray daily for those who suffer for Christ. Your intercession joins their strengtSupport the showFor more inspiring content, visit RBChristianRadio.net — your home for daily devotionals, global prayer, and biblical encouragement for every season of life. We invite you to connect with our dedicated prayer hub at DailyPrayer.uk — a place where believers from every nation unite in prayer around the clock. If you need prayer, or would like to leave a request, this is the place to come. Our mission is simple: to pray with you, to stand with you, and to keep the power of prayer at the centre of everyday life. Your support through DailyPrayer.uk helps us continue sharing the gospel and covering the nations in prayer. You can also discover our ministry services and life celebrations at LifeCelebrant.net — serving families with faith, dignity, and hope. If this devotional blesses you, please consider supporting our listener-funded mission by buying us a coffee through RBChristianRadio.net. Every prayer, every gift, and every share helps us keep broadcasting God's Word to the world.

2025-11-16 | Silicon Wafers 057 | DAILY UPDATES | Russia's war against Ukraine is being fought on a scale that few seem to imagine or comprehend, and that includes the scale of resources that are being consumed, from tanks to vehicles, people to artillery shells. The proportions are huge, and the scale is vast, so it should not come as a surprise that certain commodities essential to war are starting to run out. Artillery shells – the supply from North Korea that Russia depends on is running dry, but at the same time the wildly successful Czech initiative that supplies Ukraine is starting to fall apart. Today's episode is about shells – who has them, who doesn't, and how that may decide on whether Ukraine holds the line or is forced to cede more territory. Two stories:1. North Korea's shell pipeline to Russia is faltering – Ukraine's intelligence says Pyongyang has more than halved its artillery shipments as its own stockpiles run low. (The Kyiv Independent)2. Czechia's ammunition lifeline to Ukraine is in political limbo – a populist coalition led by Andrej Babiš walks into Prague promising “Czechia first” and casting doubt on the country's landmark shell initiative. (The Kyiv Independent)----------SOURCES: Kyiv Independent – report on North Korea cutting shell shipments to Russia (Nov 15, 2025)https://kyivindependent.com/north-korea-halves-arms-shipments-to-russia-as-its-own-stockpiles-run-low-ukraines-intelligence-says/Ukrinform – “North Korea cuts shell supplies to Russia, launches drone production – Ukrainian intelligence” (Nov 15, 2025)https://www.ukrinform.net/rubric-ato/4058997-north-korea-cuts-shell-supplies-to-russia-launches-drone-production-ukrainian-intelligence.htmlUkrainska Pravda – “North Korea has reduced shell supplies to Russia and is sending outdated ones” (Nov 15, 2025)https://www.pravda.com.ua/eng/news/2025/11/15/8007392/Defence Express – “North Korea's ammunition pipeline to Russia shows signs of exhaustion” (Nov 16, 2025)https://en.defence-ua.com/industries/north_koreas_ammunition_pipeline_to_russia_shows_signs_of_exhaustion_ukrainian_intelligence_says-16502.htmlReuters – coverage of Russian glide bomb and drone production and North Korean shell supplies (Nov 2025)https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/russia-plans-make-up-120000-glide-bombs-this-year-ukrainian-intelligence-says-2025-11-14/Reuters, AP, The Guardian, Le Monde – various pieces on North Korean troop deployment and casualties in Kurskhttps://apnews.com/article/cf71c682b57863e4e5207d2c86295738----------SILICON CURTAIN FILM FUNDRAISERA project to make a documentary film in Ukraine, to raise awareness of Ukraine's struggle and in supporting a team running aid convoys to Ukraine's front-line towns.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur events of the first half of the year in Lviv, Kyiv and Odesa were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. Any support you can provide for the fundraising campaign would be gratefully appreciated. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------

진행자: 박준희, Chelsea Proctor기사 제목: Doubts grow over 'world-class' claims of Pyongyang General Hospital기사 요약: 이달 초 문을 연 북한 평양종합병원은 2천 병상 규모를 갖춘 대형 시설이지만, 이에 비해 의료 장비는 여전히 크게 부족해 보인다.[1] North Korea's newly opened Pyongyang General Hospital, hailed by state media as a facility at the "world's best level," is drawing skepticism after Seoul officials and observers said it appears to lack even basic modern medical equipment.* hail: (특히 신문 등에서 아주 훌륭하거나 특별한 것으로) 묘사하다* skepticism: 회의론* lack of: ~의 부족[2] The hospital, which began admitting patients Monday, according to the North's state-run Korean Central News Agency, after more than five years of construction, was touted by North Korean leader Kim Jong-un as the heart of national health modernization. Yet photographs and videos released by state outlets KCNA and Korean Central Television show only limited equipment — notably a computed tomography scanner and an X-ray machine, with no sign of a magnetic resonance imaging device or other high-end diagnostic systems.* admit: 입장하게 하다; (무엇이 사실임을 마지못해) 인정하다* tout: 장점을 내세우다, 홍보하다* modernization: 현대화* high-end: 고급의[3] Despite its impressive infrastructure — with a helipad, grand lobby and conference halls — as shown in photos and videos, the hospital's interior suggests serious technological shortfalls.* despite: ~에도 불구하고* impressive: 인상적인* suggest: 시사하다; 암시하다* shortfall: 부족한 양[4] A Seoul Unification Ministry official, requesting anonymity, said Wednesday that Seoul's assessment, based on the photos, indicates that the facility likely "struggled to secure high-priced, cutting-edge medical equipment." The official added that the most expensive device seen during Kim's inspection was a CT scanner, underscoring Pyongyang's continued challenges under international sanctions restricting imports of advanced medical technology.* anonymity: 익명성* assessment: 평가(한 의견)* indicate: (사실임·존재함을) 나타내다/보여주다* cutting-edge: 최첨단기사 원문: https://www.koreaherald.com/article/10609496[코리아헤럴드 팟캐스트 구독]아이튠즈(아이폰):https://itunes.apple.com/kr/podcast/koliaheleoldeu-paskaeseuteu/id686406253?mt=2네이버 오디오 클립(아이폰, 안드로이드 겸용): https://audioclip.naver.com/channels/5404팟빵 (안드로이드): http://www.podbbang.com/ch/6638

大沢孝司さん北朝鮮による拉致の可能性を排除できない「特定失踪者」の大沢孝司さん、新潟県、失踪当時、ら１２人について、国連人権理事会の作業部会が同国に安否確認などを求めるリストに追加したことが、特定失踪者問題調査会などへの取材で１６日までに分かった。 A U.N. Human Rights Council group added 12 missing Japanese people not officially recognized as victims of North Korea's abductions to a list compiled to urge Pyongyang to confirm their safety, sources have said.

A U.N. Human Rights Council group added 12 missing Japanese people not officially recognized as victims of North Korea's abductions to a list compiled to urge Pyongyang to confirm their safety, sources have said.

Send us your feedback — we're listeningRevelation 19 : 16 — King of Kings and Lord of Lords : Faith Under Fire — Prayer for China “On his robe and on his thigh he has this name written: KING OF KINGS AND LORD OF LORDS.” — Revelation 19 : 16Recorded live here in London, England with Reverend Ben Cooper.At 9 A.M., our hearts turn toward those whose faith endures behind closed doors. Revelation 19 : 16 proclaims Jesus Christ as King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Across China, North Korea, Iran and Afghanistan, believers whisper His name in secret. No chain or prison can silence the reign of Christ over His Church. The Lamb who was slain still reigns in power and glory today. This hour we lift our voices for the persecuted — His kingdom cannot be crushed.Paragraph 1 – Context Throughout history, persecution has tried to silence worship, yet faith thrives in fire. Revelation 19 : 16 reminds us that the rule of Jesus is unshakable. Though believers in China face pressure and pain, their courage testifies that Christ still reigns.Paragraph 2 – Reflection The Church under pressure shows the world what love truly costs. Every whispered hymn and hidden gathering is a victory of grace. When the faithful suffer, the King stands with them; His presence is their strength.Paragraph 3 – Intercession & Vision We pray for China, North Korea, Iran and Afghanistan. Strengthen every believer, protect every leader, and release divine courage. Let revival move through underground churches and bring light to the darkest places. May nations witness that Jesus Christ is still Lord of Lords.Ten Long-Tail Keyword Prayer PointsPray for persecuted Christians in China and Asia.Prayer for strength and courage for the underground Church.Ask God to protect believers facing imprisonment.Prayer for families separated by persecution.Declare that Jesus reigns over every closed nation.Pray for revival in China and persecuted regions.Ask the Holy Spirit to comfort hidden believers.Prayer for boldness to share the Gospel in secret.Pray for justice and freedom for imprisoned pastors.Thank God that the Church under fire still stands strong.Life ApplicationRemember persecuted believers when you pray todSupport the showFor more inspiring content, visit RBChristianRadio.net — your home for daily devotionals, global prayer, and biblical encouragement for every season of life. We invite you to connect with our dedicated prayer hub at DailyPrayer.uk — a place where believers from every nation unite in prayer around the clock. If you need prayer, or would like to leave a request, this is the place to come. Our mission is simple: to pray with you, to stand with you, and to keep the power of prayer at the centre of everyday life. Your support through DailyPrayer.uk helps us continue sharing the gospel and covering the nations in prayer. You can also discover our ministry services and life celebrations at LifeCelebrant.net — serving families with faith, dignity, and hope. If this devotional blesses you, please consider supporting our listener-funded mission by buying us a coffee through RBChristianRadio.net. Every prayer, every gift, and every share helps us keep broadcasting God's Word to the world.

This week, I'm excited to share a special rebroadcast from the Origins Podcast archives: my original Origins Podcast conversation with Noam Chomsky.We recorded this dialog over six years ago, as an update to a conversation we'd held three years prior , before the political upheavals of Trump and Brexit.Listening back now, it's striking how much of what Noam said remains relevant, and in many cases, deeply prescient. As always, he was incisive, informative, provocative, and brilliant. We covered a huge range of topics, starting with the history of anti-intellectualism in America and the role of intellectuals during the Vietnam War , before moving into the nature of American exceptionalism.We also dove into the pressing foreign policy issues of the day, including North Korea, Syria, Israel, Venezuela, and Brazil. While many of the underlying causes may be the same, it's fascinating to see how some of these situations have played out in ways we might never have predicted.From his analysis of free speech debates to his critical concerns about nuclear weapons and the environment, it's a conversation that remains incredibly important.I hope you enjoy revisiting this fascinating conversation.As always, an ad-free video version of this podcast is also available to paid Critical Mass subscribers. Your subscriptions support the non-profit Origins Project Foundation, which produces the podcast. The audio version is available free on the Critical Mass site and on all podcast sites, and the video version will also be available on the Origins Project YouTube. Get full access to Critical Mass at lawrencekrauss.substack.com/subscribe

During the first part of a fascinating discussion with host Iain Ballantyne, returning guest Dr James Bosbotinis provides insights into the naval significance of a big military parade in China. Also considered is the current status of the Russian threat and the scale of danger being faced by NATO. More specifically, Iain asks if a recent incident involving the allegedly broken down diesel-electric Kilo Class submarine RFS Novorossiysk indicates - as the head of NATO has contended - that the Russian Navy of today is less ‘Hunt for the Red October' and more like ‘the Hunt for a mechanic.' James explains the strengths and weaknesses of the Russian Navy, not least as embodied by its powerful Northern Fleet based in and around the Kola Peninsula in the Arctic. Moving on, Iain and James discuss the current defence posture of the USA, whose apparently hesitant commitment to NATO possibly creates an element of uncertainty that could prompt miscalculations…leading to the long-feared ‘Third World War'. Also on the topics list is the ‘Axis of bother' – Russia's global disruptor mission in concert with like-minded rogue states such as North Korea and Iran. When it comes to China, James offers an assessment on what was shown off during the recent military parade in Beijing and how it relates to naval forces and growing Chinese military power, a subject he also tackled in an article for the November edition of Warships IFR magazine. The December edition of Warships IFR is published on 21.11.25 in the UK and also deployed globally. It includes an article by James Bosbotinis on the North Korean threat and how it might be defanged without provoking a nuclear exchange. Visit the magazine web site http://bit.ly/wifrmag Also, follow it on X @WarshipsIFR Facebook @WarshipsIFR and Warships IFR TV on YouTube @warshipsifrtv3668  For more on the magazine https://warshipsifr.com/ • Dr James Bosbotinis is a freelance specialist in defence and international affairs and the Book Reviews Editor of ‘The Naval Review'. He has written widely on issues including: development of maritime strategy, long-range strike technologies (including hypersonic weapons) and their impact on strategy; Russian naval and wider military modernisation; China's evolving strategy and naval force development. Dr Bosbotinis contributes to various international media outlets. He is also an Associate Member of the Corbett Centre for Maritime Policy Studies, King's College London. For more information about Dr Bosbotinis visit https://www.linkedin.com/in/jamesbosbotinis He is on X @JamesBosbotinis •Iain Ballantyne is the founding and current Editor of ‘Warships IFR' magazine (first published in 1998) along with its ‘Guide to the Royal Navy' (since 2003) and ‘Guide to the US Navy' (since 2018). Iain is also author of the books ‘Hunter Killers' (Orion) and ‘The Deadly Trade' (Weidenfeld & Nicolson), both about submarine warfare, plus ‘Arnhem: Ten Days in The Cauldron' and ‘Bismarck: 24 Hours to Doom' (both published by Canelo). In 2017 Iain was awarded a Fellowship by the British Maritime Foundation, which promotes awareness of the United Kingdom's dependence on the sea and seafarers. Visit his web site Bismarckbattle.com and follow him on X @IBallantyn

横田めぐみさんの拉致現場を視察する木原稔官房長官、１５日午後、新潟市１９７７年に新潟市で１３歳の中学１年生だった横田めぐみさんが北朝鮮に拉致されてから４８年がたった１５日、拉致問題の早期解決を求める「県民集会」が市内で開かれた。 Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Minoru Kihara on Saturday expressed his resolve to end the issue of North Korea's abductions of Japanese nationals decades ago.

Send us your feedback — we're listeningMatthew 28 : 18 — Faith Under Fire : All Authority Belongs to Jesus Christ“Then Jesus came to them and said, ‘All authority in heaven and on earth has been given to me.'” — Matthew 28 : 18At the breaking of the day, Matthew 28 : 18 thunders across history with power and purpose. These are not words of comfort alone—they are words of command and victory. Every believer standing under persecution carries this same authority through Christ. From Pakistan to Nigeria, China to North Korea, the persecuted church still whispers His name. No wall, no prison, no regime can silence the One who reigns over heaven and earth. Today, faith under fire declares: Jesus still has all authority.Paragraph 1 – Context Around the world, millions of believers worship in secret places. Their courage is not born from safety but from conviction—Jesus reigns. Matthew 28 : 18 is their anthem: all authority belongs to Him. Governments may restrict, culture may oppose, but the Kingdom cannot be stopped.Paragraph 2 – Reflection When we see opposition, Christ sees opportunity. The same authority that conquered death now lives in His followers. The persecuted are not powerless; they are participants in His victory. Every whispered prayer in a hidden room echoes through eternity.Prayer PointsPray for persecuted Christians standing firm under pressure.Ask God to strengthen the secret church in Pakistan and Asia.Pray for underground believers in China and North Korea.Intercede for Nigerian Christians facing violence and fear.Declare that Jesus' authority overcomes every government restriction.Pray that courage and forgiveness flow through persecuted hearts.Ask God to multiply Bibles and disciples in closed nations.Pray for families of martyrs to be comforted by Christ's love.Lift up pastors and evangelists risking their lives for the Gospel.Thank God that His authority cannot be silenced or stopped.Life ApplicationRemember those who suffer for the faith. When fear tests your courage, stand on Matthew 28 : 18—all authority is His.DeclarationWe declare that Jesus Christ holds all authority in heaven and on earth, and His Church will stand unshaken in every nation.Support the showFor more inspiring content, visit RBChristianRadio.net — your home for daily devotionals, global prayer, and biblical encouragement for every season of life. We invite you to connect with our dedicated prayer hub at DailyPrayer.uk — a place where believers from every nation unite in prayer around the clock. If you need prayer, or would like to leave a request, this is the place to come. Our mission is simple: to pray with you, to stand with you, and to keep the power of prayer at the centre of everyday life. Your support through DailyPrayer.uk helps us continue sharing the gospel and covering the nations in prayer. You can also discover our ministry services and life celebrations at LifeCelebrant.net — serving families with faith, dignity, and hope. If this devotional blesses you, please consider supporting our listener-funded mission by buying us a coffee through RBChristianRadio.net. Every prayer, every gift, and every share helps us keep broadcasting God's Word to the world.

With Saturday marking 48 years since the abduction of a 13-year-old Japanese girl by North Korea, time appears to be running out for Japan to resolve the abduction issue.

Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Minoru Kihara on Saturday expressed his resolve to end the issue of North Korea's abductions of Japanese nationals decades ago.

Steve Forbes warns of the ever-increasing nuclear threat posed by North Korea and its erratic dictator Kim Jong Un—and proposes putting nuclear weapons in key U.S. ally South KoreaSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

President Trump is the author and preeminent practitioner of The Art of the Deal. The first year of his second presidency has been marked by many of them.  The question is: What happens when the other party to “the deal” lies, cheats or otherwise defeats its “object and purpose”? For example, the Iranian regime is clearly not complying with the basis for ending what the President dubbed “the 12-day war.” China, Russia and North Korea are helping the mullahs' regime rebuild its military capabilities, evidently including their nuclear weapons program. Hamas is neither disarming nor relinquishing power in Gaza, let alone disbanding. And the Chinese Communist Party is asserting that it will continue to deny rare earth minerals to American companies deemed to be “dual-use.”   There must be consequences for such deal-breaking, or there will be a lot more of it.    This is Frank Gaffney.

記者団の取材に応じる高市早苗首相、１４日午後、首相官邸高市早苗首相が意欲を示す日朝首脳会談の実現に向けた道筋が見えない。 With Saturday marking 48 years since the abduction of a 13-year-old Japanese girl by North Korea, time appears to be running out for Japan to resolve the abduction issue.

This week, a former Ukrainian lawmaker and a Ukrainian military official join the podcast to discuss North Korea's support of Russian forces, and why this poses a threat to South Korea's security. Dr. Hanna Hopko, co-founder of the International Center of Ukrainian Victory, and Ukrainian National Guard Lt. Volodymyr Vernygora examine the evolving DPRK-Russia military partnership, which they say should be raising alarms throughout the international community, as well as Seoul's response. The two experts also stress that South Korean President Lee Jae-myung and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy should boost bilateral engagements to counter these developments, while warning that North Korea's troops are obtaining something money can't always buy: battlefield experience. Hopko is a former member of Ukraine's parliament and the co-founder of the International Center of Ukrainian Victory, a nongovernmental organization seeking to mobilize international support for Kyiv's fight against Ukraine. Vernygora is a lieutenant and international cooperation officer in the 1st Corps Azov of the National Guard of Ukraine, with two decades of experience in international relations, academia, and strategic communications.  About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insights from our very own journalists.

Recorded: November 6, 2025 (Oaks Day)Hosts: Joel Hill (Jack the Insider) & Hong Kong JackEpisode DescriptionJoin Jack the Insider and Hong Kong Jack as they dissect the Coalition's spectacular implosion, the Nationals' abandonment of net zero, and why Dennis Shanahan called this opposition "the worst in 40 years." Plus: Trump's approval hits rock bottom, US midterm election results send shockwaves, and why Ireland elected a grim president who toured Syria with Assad.Timestamps & Show Notes00:00:25 - Welcome & Oaks Day ChatThe Jacks kick off discussing Melbourne's Oaks Day and why it was always better than the Cup for racing enthusiasts. Hong Kong Jack shares a memorable story about a judge who mysteriously adjourned court so everyone could hit the track.​00:02:39 - Coalition in Crisis: Net Zero AbandonedThe National Party abandons net zero emissions targets, putting enormous pressure on the Liberal Party. Dennis Shanahan declares this the "worst opposition in 40 years" after a horror question time where Alex Hawke couldn't understand basic parliamentary procedures.​00:05:38 - South Australian Liberal Party Mass ExodusOver 200 members quit the SA Liberal Party in protest of Susan Ley's leadership and failure to abandon net zero. The state branch, dominated by hard-right figures like Senator Alex Antic, has a history of internal bloodshed.​00:07:33 - What Does Net Zero Actually Mean?The Jacks discuss how net zero has become an "article of faith" for enough Australians to matter politically, even if most people can't define it. It essentially represents action on climate change in voters' minds.​00:12:29 - Can Susan Ley Survive to Christmas?Hong Kong Jack predicts Ley might not survive until Christmas as Liberal leader, noting the killing season is upon us with the last parliamentary sitting coming up. Her best chance? That nobody else wants the awful job.​00:14:38 - The James Patterson ProblemSenator James Patterson is described as a rising star who actually reads his briefs, but he's stuck in the Senate. Finding him a safe House seat in Victoria is virtually impossible with Monash (the safest Liberal seat) held by only 4%.​00:16:58 - Liberal Party: From Major to MinorJack the Insider argues we're witnessing the Liberal Party's descent from major to minor party status, not unlike what happened to the United Australia Party in 1943. With only 26 members in parliament and 24% primary vote, the party faces potential oblivion.​00:18:34 - One Nation's Rise: 15-16% and GrowingOne Nation's support has surged from 6% to 15-16%, with the party establishing branches across NSW and Queensland. The biggest threat isn't to the Liberals, but to the Nationals in mining-based seats like Hunter and Capricornia.​00:21:46 - COP in Adelaide: A Billion Dollar Boondoggle?The proposed Conference of the Parties climate summit in Adelaide carries a $1 billion price tag. Hong Kong Jack questions who would notice if it didn't happen "apart from the grifters."​00:23:27 - National Anti-Corruption Commission TroublesCommissioner Paul Brereton faces serious conflict of interest issues due to his Army Reserve role and involvement in Afghanistan war crimes inquiries. The commission operates largely in secret, disappointing those who wanted an ICAC-style public inquiry.​00:28:23 - RoboDebt: Why No Criminal Charges?Discussion of the SBS documentary on RoboDebt and why senior public servants who knew the scheme was illegal haven't faced criminal charges. Some even got promoted despite their roles in the scandal.​00:30:19 - Bureau of Meteorology Website DisasterThe BOM's new website launched right before severe Queensland storms, leaving users unable to understand warnings. The acting CEO was dragged before Minister Murray Watt for a ritual flogging and awkward video apology.​00:35:52 - "Free" Solar Power AnnouncementChris Bowen announces three hours of free solar power daily for homes with smart meters in NSW, SE Queensland, and SA. Hong Kong Jack calls it "smoke and mirrors" - really just an attempt to shift demand to low-usage periods.​00:38:16 - Streaming Services Must Fund Aussie ContentNew laws will require streaming platforms to invest 10% of expenditure or 7.5% of revenue in Australian content. Hong Kong Jack immediately asks if 98% can go to true crime documentaries.​00:41:56 - Coalition Support Crashes to Record Low 24%Newspoll shows Coalition primary vote at just 24%, down from 40% in February. Combined with Labor's 33-34%, less than 60% of voters support the major parties - down from 80% in 2004.​00:44:39 - Andrew Neil: The Death of Centre-Right PartiesDiscussion of Andrew Neil's speech to the Centre for Independent Studies about how conservative parties have lost the metropolitan, educated "lanyard class" who were once their base. The UK Conservatives now hold just 9 metropolitan seats.​00:48:34 - The Great Inversion: Rich Counties Vote DemocratIn the 1950s, Republicans won 56% of America's richest counties. In 2024, Democrats won 190 of the 200 richest counties. The establishment institutions - universities, judiciary, civil service - have all shifted centre-left.​00:51:19 - US Employment & Immigration CrackdownUS unemployment sits at 4.3%, but labor shortages are emerging as ICE sweeps up workers and visa costs skyrocket to $100,000. Meanwhile, Trump's disapproval rating hits 63% - the highest of either term.​00:52:53 - Virginia & New Jersey: Democrats DominateTuesday's elections saw Democrats win overwhelmingly in traditionally blue areas, with every single county shifting toward Democrats - the complete reverse of 2024's presidential election pattern. Latino voters showed 30% leads for Democrats.​00:59:28 - Cost of Living Kills AdministrationsBoth Trump and Biden made the same mistake: telling Americans inflation is under control while grocery bills say otherwise. The New York mayor-elect won by focusing relentlessly on reducing childcare and living costs.​01:02:21 - Trump Has the World's Biggest Laser PointerDiscussion of how Trump controls the news cycle while Americans struggle with real costs. "Trump has the biggest laser pointer in the world and all the media are cats" chasing wherever he points it.​01:03:23 - Millennials Aren't Becoming ConservativeUnlike previous generations, millennials in their 40s with mortgages and kids aren't shifting right. They continue voting left, with Liberals only leading in the 65+ demographic (52-48). Housing affordability drives cynicism and socialist sympathies.​01:07:20 - New York's New Socialist MayorMandami wins NYC mayor's race with strong support from new arrivals who feel they'll never get a fair go. Long-time residents still voted for the corrupt Andrew Cuomo, knowing what a "terrible human being" he is.​01:09:13 - News in BriefEuropean firms create $6.5B SpaceX rival - Hungary begs for Russian oil exemption - Israeli startup raises $60M for sun-reflecting climate tech that could disrupt weather - Gaza rebuilding cost hits $70B - Trump companies made $1B in crypto profits - North Korea builds museum for Ukraine war dead - Ireland elects grim anti-NATO president who toured Syria with Assad.​01:13:55 - Supreme Court Tariff ShowdownSCOTUS hears arguments on Trump's emergency tariff powers - a 50-50 call that could force refunds of all tariff money collected and potentially save the presidency by making him walk it back.​01:16:45 - Government Shutdown & Dick Cheney's DeathThe shutdown continues as 9 of 10 states most reliant on food assistance are red states. Dick Cheney dies at 84, described by critics as someone who should have been tried as a war criminal and by W as "among the finest public servants of his generation."​Suggested Episode Titles"The Coalition's 24% Problem""Net Zero to Hero: How the Nats Torpedoed the Libs""Worst Opposition in 40 Years: Coalition Chaos""Millionaires, Millennials, and the Death of Conservative Politics""The Laser Pointer Presidency: Trump's Media Circus""From Major to Minor: The Liberal Party's Long Goodbye""Cost of Living: The Killer That Never Misses""Susan Ley's Impossible Choice: Net Zero or Political Oblivion"Next Episode: Episode 134Produced by: Joel (currently surviving law school exams)Thanks for listening to Two Jacks - where Australian and international politics get the analysis they deserve.

In this episode of the Mike Drop podcast, host Mike Ritland sits down with Ken Rhee, a former Republic of Korea (ROK) Navy SEAL lieutenant who uniquely completed both Korean BUD/S and U.S. Navy SEAL training in Coronado. Raised in the U.S. from age three, Rhee returned to Korea driven by family patriotism, rising through Officer Candidate School to become a tier-one operator in the elite Special Mission Battalion (SMB). Rhee contrasts the brutal mental hazing of Korean SEAL training—complete with paddlings and concrete-head "thinking positions"—against the physical grind of U.S. BUD/S on Coronado's sandy beaches, while highlighting cultural clashes in discipline and confinement. He delves into ROK SEAL gear mirroring U.S. standards (HK416s, Glocks, Crye Precision kits), the ever-present North Korean threat with its massive artillery shadowing Seoul, and the high-tension skirmishes that nearly sparked war. This interview is a fascinating deep dive into cross-cultural special operations, North-South tensions, and the unyielding SEAL ethos. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

This week, NK News founder Chad O'Carroll joins the podcast to discuss the life of Kim Yong Nam, the longtime No. 2 in North Korea's leadership who died this month at 97.  He also unravels the mystery behind Pyongyang Papers, the website that anonymously published information on North Korea's sanctions-evading network before disappearing without warning last month. Lastly, he discusses U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's visit to South Korea and the possibility of a  future summit between President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.  About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insights from our very own journalists.

Last time we spoke about the Changsha fire. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: defend Wuhan to the last man or flood the land to slow the invaders. He chose both, pushing rivers and rallying a fractured army as Japanese forces pressed along the Yangtze. Fortresses at Madang held long, but the cost was high—troops lost, civilians displaced, a city's heart burning in the night. Wuhan fell after months of brutal fighting, yet the battle did not break China's will. Mao Zedong urged strategy over martyrdom, preferring to drain the enemy and buy time for a broader struggle. The Japanese, though victorious tactically, found their strength ebbing, resource strains, supply gaps, and a war that felt endless. In the wake of Wuhan, Changsha stood next in the Japanese crosshairs, its evacuation and a devastating fire leaving ash and memory in its wake. Behind these prices, political currents swirled. Wang Jingwei defected again, seeking power beyond Chiang's grasp, while Chongqing rose as a western bastion of resistance. The war hardened into a protracted stalemate, turning Japan from an aggressive assailant into a wary occupier, and leaving China to endure, persist, and fight on.   #175  The Soviet-Japanese Border Conflicts Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So based on the title of this one, you probably can see we are taking a bit of a detour. For quite some time we have focused on the Japanese campaigns into China proper 1937-1938. Now the way the second sino-japanese war is traditionally broken down is in phases. 1937-1938, 1939-1942 and 1942-1945. However there is actually even more going on in China aside from the war with Japan. In Xinjiang province a large full blown Islamic revolution breaks out in 1937. We will be covering that story at a later date, but another significant event is escalating border skirmishes in Manchukuo. Now these border skirmishes had been raging ever since the USSR consolidated its hold over the far east. We talked about some of those skirmishes prior to the Sino-Soviet war in 1929. However when Japan created the puppet government of Manchukuo, this was a significant escalation in tensions with the reds. Today we are going to talk about the escalating border conflicts between the Soviets and Japan. A tongue of poorly demarcated land extends southeast from Hunchun, hugging the east bank of the Tumen River between Lake Khasan to the east and Korea to the west. Within this tongue stands Changkufeng Hill, one of a long chain of highlands sweeping from upstream along the rivers and moors toward the sea. The twin-peaked hill sits at the confluence area several miles northwest of the point where Manchuria, Korea, and the Russian Far East meet. The hill's shape reminded Koreans of their changgo, which is a long snare drum constricted at the center and tapped with the hands at each end. When the Manchus came to the Tumen, they rendered the phonetic sounds into three ideographic characters meaning "taut drum peaks" or Chang-ku-feng. The Japanese admired the imagery and preserved the Chinese readings, which they pronounce Cho-ko-ho. From their eastern vantage, the Russians called it Zaozernaya, "hill behind the lake." Soviet troops referred to it as a sugar-loaf hill. For many years, natives and a handful of officials in the region cultivated a relaxed attitude toward borders and sovereignty. Even after the Japanese seized Manchuria in 1931, the issue did not immediately come to a head. With the expansion of Manchukuo and the Soviet Far East under Stalin's Five-Year plans, both sides began to attend more closely to frontier delimitation. Whenever either party acted aggressively, force majeure was invoked to justify the unexpected and disruptive events recognized in international law. Most often, these incidents erupted along the eastern Manchurian borders with the USSR or along the 350-mile frontier south of Lake Khanka, each skirmish carrying the seeds of all-out warfare. Now we need to talk a little bit about border history. The borders in question essentially dated to pacts concluded by the Qing dynasty and the Tsardom. Between the first Sino-Russian Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689 and the Mukden Agreement of 1924, there were over a dozen accords governing the borders. Relevant to Changkufeng were the basic 15-article Convention of Peking, supplementing the Tientsin Treaties of November 1860, some maps made in 1861, and the eight-article Hunchun Border Protocol of 1886. By the 1860 treaty, the Qing ceded to Tsarist Russia the entire maritime province of Siberia, but the meaning of "lands south of Lake Khanka" remained rather vague. Consequently, a further border agreement was negotiated in June 1861 known as "the Lake Khanka Border Pact", by which demarcations were drawn on maps and eight wooden markers erected. The border was to run from Khanka along ridgelines between the Hunchun River and the sea, past Suifenho and Tungning, terminating about 6 miles from the mouth of the Tumen. Then a Russo-Chinese commission established in 1886 drew up the Hunchun Border Pact, proposing new or modified markers along the 1860–1861 lines and arranging a Russian resurvey. However, for the Japanese, in 1938, the Chinese or Manchu texts of the 1886 Hunchun agreement were considered controlling. The Soviets argued the border ran along every summit west of Khasan, thereby granting them jurisdiction over at least the eastern slopes of all elevations, including Changkufeng and Shachaofeng.  Since the Qing dynasty and the house of Romanov were already defunct, the new sovereignties publicly appealed to opposing texts, and the Soviet side would not concede that the Russian-language version had never been deemed binding by the Qing commissioners. Yet, even in 1938, the Japanese knew that only the Chinese text had survived or could be located.    Now both the Chinese and Russian military maps generally drew the frontier along the watershed east of Khasan; this aligned with the 1861 readings based on the Khanka agreement. The Chinese Republican Army conducted new surveys sometime between 1915 and 1920. The latest Chinese military map of the Changkufeng area drew the border considerably closer to the old "red line" of 1886, running west of Khasan but near the shore rather than traversing the highland crests. None of the military delimitations of the border was sanctified by an official agreement. Hence, the Hunchun Protocol, whether well known or not, invaluable or worthless, remained the only government-to-government pact dealing with the frontiers.  Before we jump into it, how about a little summary of what became known as the Soviet-Japanese border conflicts. The first major conflict would obviously be the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905. Following years of conflict between the Russian Empire and Japan culminating in the costly Battle of Tsushima, Tsar Nicholas II's government sought peace, recognizing Japan's claims to Korea and agreeing to evacuate Manchuria.  From 1918 to 1920, the Imperial Japanese Army, under Emperor Taishō after the death of Meiji, assisted the White Army and Alexander Kerensky against the Bolshevik Red Army. They also aided the Czechoslovak Legion in Siberia to facilitate its return to Europe after an Austrian-Hungarian armoured train purportedly went astray. By 1920, with Austria-Hungary dissolved and Czechoslovakia established two years earlier, the Czechoslovak Legion reached Europe. Japan withdrew from the Russian Revolution and the Civil War in 1922. Following Japan's 1919-1920 occupations and the Soviet intervention in Mongolia in 1921, the Republic of China also withdrew from Outer Mongolia in 1921. In 1922, after capturing Vladivostok in 1918 to halt Bolshevik advances, Japanese forces retreated to Japan as Bolshevik power grew and the postwar fatigue among combatants increased. After Hirohito's invasion of Manchuria in 1931–1932, following Taishō's death in 1926, border disputes between Manchukuo, the Mongolian People's Republic, and the Soviet Union increased. Many clashes stemmed from poorly defined borders, though some involved espionage. Between 1932 and 1934, the Imperial Japanese Army reported 152 border disputes, largely tied to Soviet intelligence activity in Manchuria, while the Soviets accused Japan of 15 border violations, six air intrusions, and 20 cases of "spy smuggling" in 1933 alone. Numerous additional violations followed in the ensuing years. By the mid-1930s, Soviet-Japanese diplomacy and trust had deteriorated further, with the Japanese being openly labeled "fascist enemies" at the Seventh Comintern Congress in July 1935. Beginning in 1935, conflicts significantly escalated. On 8 January 1935, the first armed clash, known as the Halhamiao incident, took place on the border between Mongolia and Manchukuo. Several dozen cavalrymen of the Mongolian People's Army crossed into Manchuria near disputed fishing grounds and engaged an 11‑man Manchukuo Imperial Army patrol near the Buddhist temple at Halhamiao, led by a Japanese military advisor. The Manchukuo Army sustained 6 wounded and 2 dead, including the Japanese officer; the Mongols suffered no casualties and withdrew after the Japanese sent a punitive expedition to reclaim the area. Two motorized cavalry companies, a machine‑gun company, and a tankette platoon occupied the position for three weeks without resistance. In June 1935, the first direct exchange of fire between the Japanese and Soviets occurred when an 11‑man Japanese patrol west of Lake Khanka was attacked by six Soviet horsemen, reportedly inside Manchukuo territory. In the firefight, one Soviet soldier was killed and two horses were captured. The Japanese requested a joint investigation, but the Soviets rejected the proposal. In October 1935, nine Japanese and 32 Manchukuoan border guards were establishing a post about 20 kilometers north of Suifenho when they were attacked by 50 Soviet soldiers. The Soviets opened fire with rifles and five heavy machine guns. Two Japanese and four Manchukuoan soldiers were killed, and another five were wounded. The Manchukuoan foreign affairs representative lodged a verbal protest with the Soviet consul at Suifenho. The Kwantung Army of Japan also sent an intelligence officer to investigate the clash. On 19 December 1935, a Manchukuoan unit reconnoitering southwest of Buir Lake clashed with a Mongolian party, reportedly capturing 10 soldiers. Five days later, 60 truck‑borne Mongolian troops assaulted the Manchukuoans and were repulsed, at the cost of three Manchukuoan dead. On the same day, at Brunders, Mongolian forces attempted three times to drive out Manchukuoan outposts, and again at night, but all attempts failed. Further small attempts occurred in January, with Mongolians using airplanes for reconnaissance. The arrival of a small Japanese force in three trucks helped foil these attempts; casualties occurred on both sides, though Mongolian casualties are unknown aside from 10 prisoners taken. In February 1936, Lieutenant-Colonel Sugimoto Yasuo was ordered to form a detachment from the 14th Cavalry Regiment to "drive the Outer Mongol intruders from the Olankhuduk region," a directive attributed to Lieutenant-General Kasai Heijuro. Sugimoto's detachment included cavalry guns, heavy machine guns, and tankettes. They faced a force of about 140 Mongolians equipped with heavy machine guns and light artillery. On February 12, Sugimoto's men drove the Mongolians south, at the cost of eight Japanese killed, four wounded, and one tankette destroyed. The Japanese began to withdraw, but were attacked by 5–6 Mongolian armored cars and two bombers, which briefly disrupted the column. The situation was stabilized when the Japanese unit received artillery support, allowing them to destroy or repel the armored cars. In March 1936, the Tauran incident occurred. In this clash, both the Japanese Army and the Mongolian Army deployed a small number of armored fighting vehicles and aircraft. The incident began when 100 Mongolian and six Soviet troops attacked and occupied the disputed village of Tauran, Mongolia, driving off the small Manchurian garrison. They were supported by light bombers and armored cars, though the bombing sorties failed to inflict damage on the Japanese, and three bombers were shot down by Japanese heavy machine guns. Local Japanese forces counter-attacked, conducting dozens of bombing sorties and finally assaulting Tauran with 400 men and 10 tankettes. The result was a Mongolian rout, with 56 Mongolian soldiers killed, including three Soviet advisors, and an unknown number wounded. Japanese losses were 27 killed and 9 wounded. Later in March 1936, another border clash occurred between Japanese and Soviet forces. Reports of border violations prompted the Japanese Korean Army to send ten men by truck to investigate, but the patrol was ambushed by 20 Soviet NKVD soldiers deployed about 300 meters inside territory claimed by Japan. After suffering several casualties, the Japanese patrol withdrew and was reinforced with 100 men, who then drove off the Soviets. Fighting resumed later that day when the NKVD brought reinforcements. By nightfall, the fighting had ceased and both sides had pulled back. The Soviets agreed to return the bodies of two Japanese soldiers who had died in the fighting, a development viewed by the Japanese government as encouraging. In early April 1936, three Japanese soldiers were killed near Suifenho in another minor affray. This incident was notable because the Soviets again returned the bodies of the fallen servicemen. In June 1937, the Kanchazu Island incident occurred on the Amur River along the Soviet–Manchukuo border. Three Soviet gunboats crossed the river's center line, disembarked troops, and occupied Kanchazu Island. Japanese forces from the IJA 1st Division, equipped with two horse-drawn 37 mm artillery pieces, quickly established improvised firing positions and loaded their guns with both high-explosive and armor-piercing shells. They shelled the Soviet vessels, sinking the lead gunboat, crippling the second, and driving off the third. Japanese troops subsequently fired on the swimming crewmen from the sunken ships using machine guns. Thirty-seven Soviet soldiers were killed, while Japanese casualties were zero. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs protested and demanded the Soviet forces withdraw from the island. The Soviet leadership, apparently shocked by the incident and reluctant to escalate, agreed to evacuate their troops. By 1938 the border situation had deteriorated. The tangled terrain features, mountain, bog, stream, forest, and valley, would have complicated even careful observers' discernment of the old red line drawn in 1886. Fifty years later, the markers themselves had undergone a metamorphosis. Japanese investigators could find, at most, only 14 to 17 markers standing fairly intact between the Tumen estuary and Khanka—roughly one every 25 miles at best. The remainder were missing or ruined; five were found in new locations. Marker "K," for example, was 40 meters deeper inside Manchuria, away from Khanka. Japanese military experts noted that of the 20 markers originally set along the boundaries of Hunchun Prefecture alone, only four could be found by the summer of 1938. The rest had either been wrecked or arbitrarily moved and discarded by Russian or Chinese officials and inhabitants. It is even said that one missing marker could be seen on display in Khabarovsk. The Chinese had generally interpreted the boundary as the road line just west of Khasan, at least in practice. Free road movement, however, had become a problem even 20 years before the Japanese overran Manchuria in 1931–1932 during the so-called Manchurian Incident. The Japanese adopted, or inherited, the Chinese interpretation, which was based on the 1886 agreement on border roads; the key clause held that the frontier west of Khasan would be the road along the lake. Japanese sources emphasize that local residents' anger toward gradual Soviet oppression and penetrations westward into Manchurian territory fueled the conflict. Many natives believed the original boundaries lay east of the lake, but the Soviets adjusted the situation to suit their own convenience. In practice, the Russians were restricting road use just west of Khasan by Manchurian and Korean residents. There was speculation that this was a prelude to taking over the ridgelines, depending on the reaction of the Manchukuoan–Japanese side. Villagers who went to streams or the lake to launder clothing found themselves subjected to sniper fire. Along a 25-mile stretch of road near Shachaofeng, farmers reported coming under fire from new Soviet positions as early as November 1935. Nevertheless, Japanese and Koreans familiar with the Tumen area noted agrarian, seasonal Korean religious rites atop Changkufeng Hill, including fattened pigs sacrificed and changgo drums beaten. Village elders told Japanese visitors in 1938 that, until early the preceding year, no Russians had come as far as Changkufeng Hill. Looking only at the border sector around Changkufeng, the easy days were clearly behind us. In the summer of 1938, Gaimusho "Foreign Ministry" observers described the explosive situation along the Korea–Manchuria–USSR borders as a matter of de facto frontiers. Both sides pressed against each other, and their trigger-happy posture was summed up in the colloquial refrain: "Take another step and we'll let you have it." Near dawn on 13 June 1938, a Manchurian patrol detected a suspicious figure in the fog swirling over Changlingtzu Hill on the Siberian–Manchurian frontier. Challenged at 15 feet, the suspect hurled two pistols to the ground and raised his hands in surrender. At headquarters, the police soon realized this was no routine border-trespassing case. The man was a defector and he was a Russian general, in fact he was the director of all NKVD forces in the Soviet Far East. Beneath a mufti of spring coat and hunting cap, he wore a full uniform with medals. His identification card No. 83 designated him as G. S. Lyushkov, Commissar 3rd Class, countersigned by Nikolai Yezhov, NKVD head in Moscow. Lyushkov was promptly turned over to the Japanese military authorities, who transferred him to Seoul and then to Tokyo under close escort. On 1 July, the Japanese press was permitted to disclose that Lyushkov had sought refuge in Japan. Ten days later, to capitalize on the commissar's notoriety and to confound skeptics, the Japanese produced Lyushkov at a press conference in Tokyo. For the Japanese and foreign correspondents, who met separately with him, Lyushkov described Soviet Far East strength and the turmoil wracking the USSR, because for those of you unfamiliar this was during the Stalinist purges. Clearly, the Japanese had gained a unique reservoir of high-level intelligence and a wealth of materials, including notes scratched in blood by suspects incarcerated at Khabarovsk. A general tightening of Russian frontier security had recently been reported. Natives of Fangchuanting asserted that a Soviet cavalry patrol appeared in June, seemingly for the first time. Contact with Yangkuanping, northwest of Khasan, was severed. More importantly, Japanese Army Signal Corps intelligence detected a surge of Soviet message traffic from the Posyet Bay district. After Lyushkov's defection, a drastic reshuffle in the local Russian command apparently occurred, and responsibility for border surveillance seems to have been reallocated. Japanese records indicate that the Novokievsk security force commander was relieved and the sector garrison replaced by troops from Vladivostok. Gaimusho intelligence also received reports that a border garrison unit had been transferred from Khabarovsk or Chita to the Tumen sector. The Kwantung Army signal monitors also intercepted two significant frontline messages on 6 July from the new Russian local commander in the Posyet region, addressed to Lieutenant General Sokolov in Khabarovsk. Decoded, the messages suggested (1) that ammunition for infantry mortars amounted to less than half the required supply; and  (2) a recommendation that higher headquarters authorize Russian elements to secure certain unoccupied high ground west of Khasan.  The commander noted terrain advantages and the contemplated construction of emplacements that would command Najin and the Korean railway. As a start, at least one Russian platoon should be authorized to dig in on the highest ground (presumably Changkufeng) and deploy four tons of entanglements to stake out the Soviet claim. Korea Army Headquarters received a telegram from the Kwantung Army on 7 July conveying the deciphered messages. On the same day, the 19th Division in North Korea telephoned Seoul that, on 6 July, three or four Soviet horsemen had been observed reconnoitering Manchurian territory from atop a hill called Changkufeng. The alarming intelligence from the Kwantung Army and the front warranted immediate attention by the Korea Army. Some Kwantung Army officers doubted the significance of the developments, with one intelligence official even suggesting the Russian messages might be a deliberate ploy designed to entrap the Japanese at Changkufeng. On 7–8 July, all staff officers in Seoul convened at army headquarters. The name of Changkufeng Hill was not well known, but maps and other data suggested that neither the Japanese nor the Russians had previously stationed border units in the ridge complex west of Khasan. As early as March 1936, Army Commander Koiso Kuniaki had distributed maps to subordinate units, indicating which sectors were in dispute. No patrol was to enter zones lacking definitive demarcation. Until then, the only Japanese element east of the Tumen was a Manchurian policeman at Fangchuanting. Ownership of the high ground emerged as an early issue. A number of other points were raised by  the Kwantung Army: At present, Soviet elements in the area were negligible. The intrusion must not be overlooked. The Russians could be expected to exploit any weakness, and half-measures would not suffice, especially regarding the Japanese defense mission along a 125-mile frontier. In Japanese hands, Changkufeng Hill would be useful, but two excellent observation posts already existed in the neighboring sector of the Manchurian tongue. With dissidence and purges underway, the Russians may have judged it necessary to seal border gaps, particularly after Lyushkov's defection. They may also have sought to control Changkufeng to offset Japanese dominance of the high ground to the north. Soviet seizure of Changkufeng would upset the delicate status quo and could provoke a contest for equivalent observation posts. In broader terms, it mattered little whether the Russians sought a permanent observation post on Changkufeng Hill, which was of relatively minor strategic value. Japan's primary concern lay in the China theater; Changkufeng was peripheral. The Japanese should not expend limited resources or become distracted. The matter required consultation with the high command in Tokyo. In the absence of more comprehensive intelligence, the assembled staff officers concluded that the Korea Army should, at a minimum, ignore or disregard Soviet actions for the time being, while maintaining vigilant observation of the area. The consensus was communicated to Major General Kitano Kenzo, the Korea Army chief of staff, who concurred, and to Koiso. Upon learning that the recommendation advocated a low posture, Koiso inquired only whether the opinion reflected the unanimous view of the staff. Having been assured that it did, he approved the policy. Koiso, then 58, was at the threshold of the routine personnel changes occurring around 15 July. He had just been informed that he would retire and that General Nakamura Kotaro would succeed him. Those acquainted with Koiso perceived him as treating the border difficulties as a minor anticlimax in the course of his command tour. He appeared unemphatic or relaxed as he prepared to depart from a post he had held for twenty-one years. Although neither Koiso nor his staff welcomed the Soviet activities that appeared under way, his reaction likely reflected a reluctance to make decisions that could constrain his soon-to-arrive successor. On 8 July Koiso authorized the dispatch of warnings to the 19th Division at Nanam, to the Hunchun garrison, and to the intelligence branch at Hunchun. These units were instructed to exercise maximum precautions and to tighten frontier security north of Shuiliufeng. In response to the initial appearance of Soviet horsemen at Changkufeng, the Kucheng Border Garrison Unit of the 76th Infantry Regiment maintained close surveillance across the Tumen. By about noon on 9 July, patrols detected approximately a dozen Russian troops commencing construction atop Changkufeng. Between 11 and 13 July, the number of soldiers on the slopes increased to forty; there were also thirty horses and eleven camouflaged tents. Operating in shifts on the western side, thirty meters from the crest, the Russians erected barbed wire and firing trenches; fifty meters forward, they excavated observation trenches. In addition to existing telephone lines between Changkufeng, Lake Khasan, and Kozando, the Russians installed a portable telephone net. Logistical support was provided by three boats on the lake. Approximately twenty kilometers to the east, well within Soviet territory, large forces were being mobilized, and steamship traffic into Posyet Bay intensified. Upon learning of the "intrusion" at Changkufeng on 9 July, Lt. General Suetaka Kamezo, the commander of the 19th Division, dispatched staff officers to the front and prepared to send elements to reinforce border units.  The special significance of Suetaka and his division stemmed from a series of unusual circumstances. Chientao Province, the same zone into which Lyushkov had fled and the sector where Soviet horsemen had appeared, fell within Manchukuo geographically and administratively. Yet, in terms of defense, the configuration of the frontier, the terrain, and the transportation network more closely connected the region with North Korea than with southeastern Manchuria. Approximately 80% of the population was of Korean origin, which implied Japanese rather than Manchukuoan allegiance. Consequently, the Korea Army had been made operationally responsible for the defense of Chientao and controlled not only the three-battalion garrison at Hunchun but also the intelligence detachment located there. In the event of war, the Korea Army's mission was defined as mobilization and execution of subsidiary operational tasks against the USSR, under the control and in support of the Kwantung Army.  The Korea Army ordinarily possessed two infantry divisions, the 19th in North Korea and the 20th stationed at Seoul, but the 20th Division had already departed for China, leaving only the 20th Depot Division in the capital. Beyond sparse ground units, devoid of armor and with weak heavy artillery, there were only two air regiments in Korea, the nearest being the unit at Hoeryong. The Korea Army was designed to maintain public security within Korea as well as fulfill minimal defensive responsibilities. Such an army did not require a full-time operations officer, and none was maintained. When needed, as in mid-1938, the task fell to the senior staff officer, in this case Colonel Iwasaki Tamio. In peacetime, training constituted the primary focus.  Thus, the 19th Division was entrusted with defending northeastern Korea. Its commander, Suetaka, a seasoned infantryman, resented the fact that his elite force had never engaged in combat in China. He intensified training with zeal, emphasizing strict discipline, bravery, aggressiveness, and thorough preparation. Japanese veterans characterized him as severe, bullish, short-tempered, hot-blooded, highly strung, unbending, and stubborn. Nonetheless, there was widespread respect for his realistic training program, maintained under firm, even violent, personal supervision. His men regarded Suetaka as a professional, a modern samurai who forged the division into superb condition. Privately, he was reputed for sensitivity and warmth; a Japanese phrase "yakamashii oyaji" captures the dual sense of stern father and martinet in his character. At the outset, however, Suetaka displayed little aggression. Although not widely known, he did not welcome the orders from army headquarters to deploy to the Tumen. Until late July, he remained somewhat opposed to the notion of dislodging the Soviets from the crest, a proposition arising from neither the division staff nor, initially, Suetaka himself. Colonel Sato noted that, for a week after reports of Soviet excavation at Changkufeng, the division's response was limited to preparations for a possible emergency, as they perceived the matter as a local issue best settled through diplomacy. Korea Army officers acknowledged that, around the time the Soviets consolidated their outpost strength at Changkufeng, an informal and personal telegram arrived in Seoul from a Kwantung Army Intelligence field-grade officer who specialized in Soviet affairs. If the Korea Army hesitated, the Kwantung Army would be obliged to eject the Russians; the matter could not be ignored. While the telegram did not demand a reply and struck several officers as presumptuous and implausible, the message was promptly shown to Koiso. Koiso was driven to immediate action, he wired Tokyo asserting that only the Korea Army could and would handle the incident. One staff officer recalled "We felt we had to act, out of a sense of responsibility. But we resented the Kwantung Army's interference." The Korea Army staff convened shortly after receipt of the unofficial telegram from Hsinking. Based on the latest intelligence from the division dated 13 July, the officers prepared an assessment for submission to the army commander. The hypotheses were distilled into three scenarios: The USSR, or the Far East authorities, desires hostilities. Conclusion: Slightly possible. The USSR seeks to restrain Japan on the eve of the pivotal operations in China: the major Japanese offensive to seize Hankow. Conclusion: Highly probable. The Posyet district commander is new in his post; by occupying the Changkufeng ridges, he would demonstrate loyalty, impress superiors, and seek glory. Conclusion: Possible. Late on 13 July or early on 14 July, Koiso approved the dispatch of a message to the vice minister of war, and the Kwantung Army chief of staff:  "Lake Khasan area lies in troublesome sector USSR has been claiming . . . in accordance with treaties [said Secret Message No. 913], but we interpret it to be Manchukuoan territory, evident even from maps published by Soviet side. Russian actions are patently illegal, but, considering that area does not exert major or immediate influence on operations [Japan] is intending and that China Incident is in full swing, we are not going to conduct counterattack measures immediately. This army is thinking of reasoning with Soviets and requesting pullback, directly on spot. . . . In case Russians do not accede in long run, we have intention to drive Soviet soldiers out of area east of Khasan firmly by use of force."  The message concluded with a request that the Tokyo authorities lodge a formal protest with the USSR, on behalf of Manchukuo and Japan, and guide matters so that the Russians would withdraw quickly. Dominant in Japanese high command thinking in 1938 was the China theater; the Changkufeng episode constituted a mere digression. A sequence of Japanese tactical victories had preceded the summer: Tsingtao fell in January; the Yellow River was reached in March; a "reformed government of the Republic of China" was installed at Nanking several weeks later; Amoy fell in early May; Suchow fell on the 20th. With these gains, northern and central fronts could be linked by the Japanese. Yet Chinese resistance persisted, and while public statements anticipated imminent Chinese dissension, private admissions acknowledged that the partial effects of Suchow's fall were ominous: control might pass from Chiang Kai-shek to the Communists, Chinese defiance might intensify, and Soviet involvement could ensue. A Hankow drive appeared desirable to symbolize the conclusion of the military phase of hostilities. The Japanese and their adversaries were in accord regarding the importance of the summer and autumn campaigns. Even after Suchow's fall, the government discouraged public insinuations that enemy resistance was collapsing; when Chiang addressed the nation on the first anniversary of hostilities, Premier Konoe prophetically proclaimed, "The war has just begun." Colonel Inada Masazum served as the Army General Staff's principal figure for the Changkufeng affair, occupying the position of chief of the 2nd Operations Section within the Operations Bureau in March 1938. A distinguished graduate of the Military Academy, Inada completed the War College program and held a combination of line, instructional, and staff assignments at the War College, the Army General Staff, and the War Ministry. He was recognized as a sharp, highly capable, and driveful personality, though some regarded him as enigmatic. Following the capture of Suchow, Imperial General Headquarters on 18 June ordered field forces to undertake operational preparations for a drive to seize the Wuhan complex. Inada favored a decisive move aimed at achieving a rapid political settlement. He acknowledged that Soviet intervention in 1938, during Japan's involvement in China, would have been critical. Although Japanese forces could still defeat the Chinese, an overextended Japanese Army might be fatally compromised against the Russians. Soviet assistance to China was already pronouncedly unwelcome. The Soviets were reported to possess roughly 20 rifle divisions, four to five cavalry divisions, 1,500 tanks, and 1,560 aircraft, including 300 bombers with a range of approximately 3,000 kilometers, enabling reach from Vladivostok to Tokyo. Soviet manpower in Siberia was likely near 370,000. In response, Japanese central authorities stressed a no-trouble policy toward the USSR while seeking to "wall off" the border and bolster the Kwantung Army as quickly as possible. Nevertheless, the envisaged correction of the strategic imbalance could not occur before 1943, given shortages in ammunition, manpower, and materiel across existing theaters in China. By the end of 1937 Japan had committed 16 of its 24 divisions to China, bringing the standing force to roughly 700,000. Army General Staff planners reallocated three ground divisions, intended for a northern contingency, from north to central China, even as the Kwantung Army operated from a less favorable posture. Attitudes toward the northern problem varied within senior military circles. While concern persisted, it was not universal. As campaigns in China widened, planning at the high command level deteriorated, propagating confusion and anxiety to field armies in China. The Japanese Navy suspected that the Army general staff was invoking the USSR as a pretext for broader strategic aims—namely, to provoke a more consequential confrontation with the USSR while the Navy contended with its own strategic rivalries with the Army, centered on the United States and Britain. Army leaders, however, denied aggressive intent against the USSR at that time. The Hankow plan encountered substantial internal opposition at high levels. Private assessments among army planners suggested that a two-front war would be premature given operational readiness and troop strength. Not only were new War Ministry officials cautious, but many high-ranking Army general staff officers and court circles shared doubts.  Aggressive tendencies, influenced by subordinates and the Kwantung Army, were evident in Inada, who repeatedly pressed Tada Shun, the deputy army chief of staff, to endorse the Wuhan drive as both necessary and feasible, arguing that the USSR would gain from Japan's weakening without incurring substantial losses. Inada contended that Stalin was rational and that time favored the USSR in the Far East, where industrial buildup and military modernization were ongoing. He argued that the Soviet purges impeded opportunistic ventures with Japan. He posited that Nazi Germany posed a growing threat on the western front, and thus the USSR should be avoided by both Japan, due to China and Russia, due to Germany. While most of the army remained engaged in China, Tada did not initially share Inada's views; only after inspecting the Manchurian borders in April 1938 did he finally align with Inada's broader vision, which encompassed both northern and Chinese considerations. During this period, Inada studied daily intelligence from the Kwantung Army, and after Lyushkov's defection in June, reports suggested the Soviets were following their sector commander's recommendations. Russian troops appeared at Changkufeng, seemingly prepared to dig in. Inada recollects his reaction: "That's nice, my chance has come." I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The simmering Soviet–Japanese border clashes centered on Changkufeng Hill near Lake Khanka, set within a broader history of contested frontiers dating to Qing and Tsarist treaties. Japan, prioritizing China, considered Changkufeng peripheral but ready to confront Soviet encroachment; Moscow aimed to consolidate border gains, with high-level war planning overlaying regional skirmishes. Conflict loomed over Manchuria.

This week, we talk about the All Hallows Eve that came and went, from partying downtown to handing out the candy. The Boy's run down the gamut of the AB extradition, Anthony Edwards child support, and the actors and players with the most kids. We smell what's cooking with BBL's, and Travis fills us in on the North Korean Poop problem. we lock in our Tubi Time Homework for the week... He Played Me!Next time you're maxin' and relaxin' on the john, make sure to subscribe to our YouTube, and like and follow us on all of our socials!

Recorded November 4th, 2025 and September 17th, 2025 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mbpQoAp0AUc Episode 144 of the PetroNerds podcast is another heavy hitting PetroNerdy special. The body of this podcast is Trisha Curtis' talk to the Fort Worth Chamber of Commerce on September 17th, 2025. Trisha introduces this podcast with a fresh market update covering OPEC Plus' recent output increase, the Xi and Trump meeting, China and the US, geopolitics, the Fed, and the consumer. In this presentation and talk Trisha takes listeners through the oil market and the economy and begins the presentation and talk with oil prices and the health of the economy, the move to $65 oil on the back of Ukrainian strikes on Russian refineries, Putin and Russia's drone incursions into European airspace, and Xi Jinping's SCO meeting with North Korea, India, and Russia, and China's military parade. Trisha talks about natural gas prices and the natural gas outlook and AI demand and power generation, US vs. China and the AI race, and OPEC Plus and Saudi output and market share. She gets into oil prices and the sentiment of the oil industry, crude oil inventories, explaining tariffs and what they mean and why, tariffs on India and China, Chinese crude oil stockpiling, and China's support of Russia. Trisha further dives into tariffs being about China and competition with China, the US manufacturing industrial base, manufacturing and the role of power generation. She gets into the rig count, longer laterals, the efficiency of the service sector and the resilient output of US shale, LNG exports and prices, global LNG market, US natural gas prices and residential natural gas prices, EIA nat gas price spike projections, and electricity prices. She talks about global coal consumption, Chinese coal consumption, global electricity, Chinese electricity, and Chinese oil and gas consumption and their economy. The last 15 minutes are filled with excellent questions from the audience including peak oil, coal and electricity prices, and oil and natural gas prices projections. Trisha Curtis' interview on Real America's Voice Steve Guber Show Trisha Curtis' opinion piece in the Daily Caller, "Winning Against China Means Winning on Energy"

Today, our host Dominic Bowen joins live from Ukraine on The International Risk Podcast for a special episode examining resilience, leadership, and hybrid warfare in the heart of Europe's most critical conflict. In conversation with one of our international relations specialist, Dominic reflects on daily life in Kyiv amid the largest drone and missile attacks since the full-scale invasion began, the extraordinary resolve of Ukrainian society, and the lessons this holds for governments and businesses navigating instability. Together, they explore how Russia's partnerships with China, Iran, and North Korea are reshaping global security, how hybrid attacks and disinformation are redefining modern warfare, and what Europe must do to strengthen deterrence, protect infrastructure, and sustain democratic resilience. Dominic also shares practical insights from his work with companies across Europe, highlighting how Ukraine's example of transparent leadership, preparedness, and unity offers critical lessons for organisations facing uncertainty in an increasingly volatile world.The International Risk Podcast brings you conversations with global experts, frontline practitioners, and senior decision-makers who are shaping how we understand and respond to international risk. From geopolitical volatility and organised crime, to cybersecurity threats and hybrid warfare, each episode explores the forces transforming our world and what smart leaders must do to navigate them. Whether you're a board member, policymaker, or risk professional, The International Risk Podcast delivers actionable insights, sharp analysis, and real-world stories that matter.Dominic Bowen is the host of The International Risk Podcast and Europe's leading expert on international risk and crisis management. As Head of Strategic Advisory and Partner at one of Europe's leading risk management consulting firms, Dominic advises CEOs, boards, and senior executives across the continent on how to prepare for uncertainty and act with intent. He has spent decades working in war zones, advising multinational companies, and supporting Europe's business leaders. Dominic is the go-to business advisor for leaders navigating risk, crisis, and strategy; trusted for his clarity, calmness under pressure, and ability to turn volatility into competitive advantage. Dominic equips today's business leaders with the insight and confidence to lead through disruption and deliver sustained strategic advantage.The International Risk Podcast – Reducing risk by increasing knowledge.Follow us on LinkedIn and Subscribe for all our updates!Tell us what you liked!

How might we change the way we – and all our leaders think – so that we never go to war? The war between Russia and Ukraine, as well as the conflict in Gaza, have galvanised thinking about, and action by, the bodies administering, the laws of war. National court processes - applying ‘universal jurisdiction' for example – may bring international war criminals to justice. Informal processes can provide material capable of developing national laws and of providing evidence to assist the formal courts. But do these processes do anything to protect from future wars?This lecture was recorded by Professor Geoffrey Nice on 21th October 2025 at Barnard's Inn Hall, London.Sir Geoffrey Nice KC has practised as a barrister since 1971.  He worked at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia – the ICTY – between 1998 and 2006 and led the prosecution of Slobodan Milošević, former President of Serbia.Much of his work since has been connected to cases before the permanent International Criminal Court – Sudan, Kenya, Libya – or  pro bono for victims groups – Iran, Burma, North Korea – whose cases cannot get to any international court.  He works for several related NGO's and lectures and commentates in the media in various countries on international war crimes issues.  He has been a part-time judge since 1984 sitting at the Old Bailey and has sat as judge in other jurisdictions, tribunals and inquiries.  Between 2009 and 2012 he was Vice-Chair of the Bar Standards Board, the body that regulates barristers.The transcript and downloadable versions of the lecture are available from the Gresham College website: https://www.gresham.ac.uk/watch-now/whither-warGresham College has offered free public lectures for over 400 years, thanks to the generosity of our supporters. There are currently over 2,500 lectures free to access. We believe that everyone should have the opportunity to learn from some of the greatest minds. To support Gresham's mission, please consider making a donation: https://gresham.ac.uk/support/Website:  https://gresham.ac.ukTwitter:  https://twitter.com/greshamcollegeFacebook: https://facebook.com/greshamcollegeInstagram: https://instagram.com/greshamcollegeSupport the show

Get your passports out, we're going international for our celebrity gossip today… Brazil is upset with Ariana, Jelly Roll says he was treated poorly in Australia, and Seth Rogen would like some answers about North Korea allegedly hacking Sony Studios back in 2014. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Maarten Jongsma, a senior researcher at Wageningen University in the Netherlands, joins the podcast to discuss his years of collaboration with North Korean agricultural scientists and efforts to help improve potato cultivation in the DPRK. He shares his recollections from his multiple visits to North Korea between 2004 and 2012, describing the country's push to make potatoes a core part of the national diet, particularly in the cooler northern regions. He also explains the scientific and logistical challenges his team faced, and why yields ultimately declined after the collaboration ended. Dr. Maarten Jongsma is senior researcher at Wageningen University, where he focuses on how plants or plant products interact with other organisms. He once headed a project to make North Korean potatoes resistant to the disease phytophthora.  About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insight from our very own journalists. NK News subscribers can listen to this and other exclusive episodes from their preferred podcast player by accessing the private podcast feed. For more detailed instructions, please see the step-by-step guide at nknews.org/private-feed.

Europe is a prime target for global adversaries. There is a strong emphasis on eCrime across the region as well as a rise in hacktivism and espionage stemming from ongoing conflicts. The CrowdStrike 2025 European Threat Landscape Report breaks down these trends. In this episode, Adam and Cristian cover the highlights. They start with cybercrime, a major theme of the report. The five most targeted European nations were the U.K., Germany, Italy, France, and Spain, which also represent the region's largest economies (excluding Russia). The most targeted sectors were manufacturing, professional services, technology, industrials and engineering, and retail. Adam explains how eCrime threat actors are looking for victims with a high need to stay operational. “With manufacturing, if they're knocked offline because of ransomware, they can count the downtime in dollars and cents,” he shares as an example. On the nation-state front, Russia is top of mind. Since its invasion of Ukraine in 2022, many Russian threat actors who operated globally are more focused on Ukraine and areas related to the conflict. Adam and Cristian discuss reports of North Korean threat actors supporting the Russians with weapons and personnel, North Korea targeting Ukraine, and the tactics and techniques that stand out most. The European threat landscape is crowded and complex. Tune in to understand the key findings, and download the full report for more details. https://www.crowdstrike.com/en-us/resources/reports/2025-european-threat-landscape-report/

In this episode of One Decision, hosts Christina Ruffini and Sir Richard Dearlove, former head of Britain's MI6, are joined by Corey Hinderstein, former deputy administrator for defense nuclear nonproliferation at the National Nuclear Security Administration. As an expert on nuclear weapons and testing, Hinderstein breaks down President Trump's latest comments that the United States will resume testing of its nuclear weapons and what that means for foreign adversaries like Russia, China, and North Korea. She lays out the significance of a robust nuclear weapons state and the responsibilities attached, and what the process of testing actually entails. Plus, Hinderstein shares the story of when she first located the nuclear centrifuge facility in Natanz, Iran and how it shaped the legacy of the JCPOA.  Episode produced by Situation Room Studios. Original music composed and produced by Leo Sidran. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

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Stories from North Korea, Nigeria, the Netherlands, and elsewhere This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.foreignexchanges.news/subscribe

Retired Israeli Ambassador Yoram Ettinger warned in an interview that the United States and Israel are misplacing focus on Gaza and proxy groups while the core danger remains Iran, which he likened to a swamp spawning mosquitoes. “Chasing Hamas, the Houthis and Hezbollah is like chasing mosquitoes coming out of the Ayatollah's swamp,” Ettinger told interviewer Alan Skorski. The comments come after President Trump's 20-point Middle East peace plan and a joint U.S.-Israel operation inside Iran on June 13 that severely damaged Tehran's capabilities. Despite the setback, Ettinger said Russia, China and North Korea continue to rearm the Islamic Republic, endangering Israel and all U.S. interests in the region, including oil-producing Arab states. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Vice President JD Vance and top U.S. generals have visited Israel since the June strike, Ettinger noted. A 2026 threat assessment jointly compiled by the FBI, Department of Homeland Security and Director of National Intelligence warns that Iran, Russia and China are expanding sleeper-cell terror networks inside the United States, the ambassador said. On Palestinian statehood, Ettinger cited decades of PLO violence — from the 1960s and 1970s in Egypt, Syria, Jordan and Lebanon to the 1990s when Yasser Arafat's group backed Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait despite Kuwait hosting hundreds of thousands of Palestinians with full rights. “Every Arab country knows what a Palestinian state would mean,” he said. Saudi Arabia and others publicly tie normalization with Israel to Palestinian statehood, but Ettinger called it “talking the talk, not walking the walk.” President Trump's recent declaration against Israeli annexation of the West Bank is temporary and diplomatic, not a permanent endorsement of a future Palestinian state there, Ettinger said. Granting statehood to the Palestinian Authority in Judea and Samaria runs counter to U.S. interests, he added. Alan Skorski Reports 05NOV2025 - PODCAST

Millions of Americans are heading to the voting booths for elections in New York, New Jersey and Virginia. This government shutdown is set to become the longest in history. We explain why Israel's former top military lawyer has been arrested. A key political figure in North Korea has died. Plus, a multi-billion-dollar Starbucks deal in China. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

This week, three members of the NK News team unpack their time at the APEC summit in Gyeongju and discuss how North Korea featured in the week's diplomatic drama.  Despite high expectations, U.S. President Donald Trump did not meet North Korean leader Kim Jong Un during his trip to Korea, though Pyongyang still loomed large in many of the summit's side discussions. This week's episode features:  Jeongmin Kim — Executive Director at Korea Risk Group Shreyas Reddy — Lead Correspondent at NK News Joon Ha Park — Correspondent at Korea Risk Group About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insights from our very own journalists.

In Season 6, Episode 5 of Global Taiwan Insights, Ben Sando interviews Dr. Eun A Jo, an Assistant Professor at William and Mary and expert on South Korean politics. In June this year, the Democratic Party of Korea's Lee Jae Myung was elected president, triggering speculation that South Korea would discontinue its policy of clear alignment with the United States. Before Lee took office, Seoul had been working with Tokyo and Washington on military and economic collaboration intended to deter both China and North Korea. As a non-traditional politician, Lee's policies towards Taiwan are not easy to predict, and Jo explains how we can interpret his early political decisions.

South Korea stands at the crossroads of global power - caught between China, the United States, Japan, and its unpredictable neighbor to the north. Jacob Shapiro and Professor Jeffrey Robertson unpack how a nation long described as “the shrimp among whales” has learned to navigate the world's toughest geopolitical waters. From shifting alliances and nuclear restraint to the economic promise of unification, this episode reveals how Korea's pragmatism may shape the future of Asia.--Timestamps:(00:00) - Introduction(01:45) - Professor Jeff Robinson(02:08) - Jeff's Background and Experience in South Korea(02:55) - South Korea's Rapid Changes and Current Events(04:54) - US-South Korea Relations and Historical Context(12:43) - South Korea's Domestic Politics and Policy(16:51) - South Korea-Japan Relations(19:59) - South Korea's Perception of China(24:05) - South Korea's Stance on Taiwan and Nuclear Deterrent(25:48) - Nuclear Deterrence on the Korean Peninsula(27:40) - North Korea's Current Status and International Relations(29:10) - Prospects of Korean Peninsula Unification(37:57) - South Korea's Economic and Demographic Challenges(41:56) - Australia-South Korea Relations(48:27) - Impact of US-South Korea Relations on Education and Future Prospects(50:42) - Conclusion and Final Thoughts--Referenced in the Show:Jeffrey Robinson's Website: https://junotane.com/--Jacob Shapiro Site: jacobshapiro.comJacob Shapiro LinkedIn: linkedin.com/in/jacob-l-s-a9337416Jacob Twitter: x.com/JacobShapJacob Shapiro Substack: jashap.substack.com/subscribe --The Jacob Shapiro Show is produced and edited by Audiographies LLC. More information at audiographies.com --Jacob Shapiro is a speaker, consultant, author, and researcher covering global politics and affairs, economics, markets, technology, history, and culture. He speaks to audiences of all sizes around the world, helps global multinationals make strategic decisions about political risks and opportunities, and works directly with investors to grow and protect their assets in today's volatile global environment. His insights help audiences across industries like finance, agriculture, and energy make sense of the world.--This podcast uses the following third-party services for analysis: Podtrac - https://analytics.podtrac.com/privacy-policy-gdrp

This week, in honor of Halloween, we're presenting two classic stories about facing fears for science.Part 1: As a newly minted PhD student in geology, Erik Klemetti starts to question his decisions when Aucanquilcha, a 20,000-foot volcano in Chile, proves difficult to tame. Part 2: Explorer George Kourounis finds himself growing increasingly anxious as he prepares to enter a fiery sinkhole known as the “Doorway to Hell.” Erik Klemetti is an associate professor of Geosciences and volcanologist at Denison University. He works on volcanoes all over the planet, from Chile to New Zealand to the Cascades of Oregon and California. His research focuses on how crystals record the events inside a volcano before and between eruptions. For the past 9 years, he's been teaching all the “hard rock” classes at Denison. He also writes for Discover Magazine. His blog, Rocky Planet, have been running since Fall 2017. Before that, he wrote Eruptions, a blog about volcanoes, for Wired Science for 9 years. You can also find him on Twitter (@eruptionsblog), variously tweeting about volcanoes, baseball (mostly Red Sox and Mariners) and his love of punk. George Kourounis is a renowned global explorer and storm chaser who specializes in documenting extreme forces of nature including: tornadoes, hurricanes, volcanoes, deserts, caves, avalanches and more. He is an Explorer In Residence for The Royal Canadian Geographical Society, served as the Chairman of the Explorers Club Canadian Chapter, and has received several awards and medals for his efforts. He frequently finds himself driving into the eye of fierce storms, or descending ropes into actively erupting volcanic craters, often while hosting television programs including “Angry Planet” and others. He has given five TEDx talks, and has addressed the United Nations Environmental Emergencies Forum. George's expeditions have taken him to over 80 countries on all seven continents to such far-flung places as: Madagascar, Turkmenistan, Vanuatu, Greenland, North Korea, Myanmar, and Antarctica.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

PREVIEW: China's View on North Korea's Unsuccessful Military Involvement in Ukraine Guest: Anatol Lieven Anatol Lieven discusses China's perspective on North Korea and Russia regarding the Ukraine war. North Korea's participation in Ukraine is obvious and well documented, though China neither encouraged nor prevented the involvement. The direct engagement of approximately 10,000 North Korean soldiers fighting in Kursk appears to have been unsuccessful, suffering very heavy casualties before being withdrawn from active operations. 1917 PASCHENDALE 

Today's Headlines: Hurricane Melissa tore through the Caribbean just as feared, leaving dozens dead and catastrophic damage across Jamaica, Cuba, and Haiti before weakening to a Category 1 on its way to the Bahamas. Nearly 80% of Jamaica is still without power, and hundreds remain missing across the islands. In Gaza, Israel resumed airstrikes that killed around 100 people after a soldier was shot in Rafah — but quickly announced the ceasefire was back on. Hamas says it's delaying the return of hostage remains in response to the strikes. Trump, meanwhile, is still globe-trotting — now in South Korea, where he announced the U.S. will share sensitive nuclear submarine technology, one of the country's most tightly guarded military secrets. This comes months after North Korea bragged about its own nuclear-powered sub. Back home, a new Pentagon memo ordered all 50 states, D.C., and U.S. territories to form “quick reaction forces” — over 23,000 National Guard troops trained for riot control — to respond to potential unrest. The administration also indicted its first Gen Z political figure: 26-year-old Illinois Democrat Kat Abughazaleh, charged with assaulting an ICE officer during a protest — charges that could carry up to 14 years in prison. On the money front, the Senate symbolically voted against Trump's 50% tariffs on Brazil (which won't actually change anything), the Fed cut interest rates another 0.25%, and the shutdown continues as millions risk losing food aid. The Dow hit a record 48,000 — mostly thanks to AI stocks — even as layoffs surge at UPS, Nestlé, and Amazon. And in some good news for once, philanthropist Mackenzie Scott donated $60 million to the Center for Disaster Philanthropy and another $38 million to Alabama State University — the largest gift in the HBCU's 158-year history. Resources/Articles mentioned in this episode: AP News: Hurricane Melissa impacts southeastern Bahamas, after dozens killed across Caribbean AP News: Israel's military says ceasefire is back on as death toll from Gaza strikes reaches 104 AP News: Live updates: Donald Trump is meeting with China's leader Xi Jinping The Guardian: Revealed: Pentagon orders states' national guards to form ‘quick reaction forces' for ‘crowd control' | US military MSNBC: Kat Abughazaleh indicted over protests outside Chicago-area ICE facility Politico: Senate votes against Trump's 50 percent tariff on Brazil - Live Updates Axios: Fed cuts rates again, but signals December cut uncertain Yahoo Finance: Layoffs hit Amazon, UPS, Target, and more — what's fueling the cuts NYT: MacKenzie Scott Backs Disaster Recovery in Marginalized Communities  Morning Announcements is produced by Sami Sage and edited by Grace Hernandez-Johnson Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode, veteran KBS journalist Bong-Seung Shin shares his experience reporting from North Korea and communicating with journalists on the ground in the country. Shin first traveled to Pyongyang in 2008, crossing the demilitarized zone by air as part of a trip organized by an NGO. He describes the excitement of entering North Korea for the first time, the strict media controls he faced and the challenge of filming under constant supervision. A decade later, in 2018, Shin led KBS coverage of inter-Korean events from Seoul, coordinating live broadcasts with his team stationed in Pyongyang. He explains how they managed to send footage, the professionalism of North Korean media workers and how journalists on both sides found common ground despite political barriers. Reflecting on both trips, Shin discusses what these experiences taught him about inter-Korean relations, the divided culture of the two Koreas and his hope to one day open a KBS bureau in Pyongyang. Bong-Seung Shin is a TV journalist with South Korea's state-owned broadcaster KBS.  About the podcast: The North Korea News Podcast is a weekly podcast hosted by Jacco Zwetsloot exclusively for NK News, covering all things DPRK — from news to extended interviews with leading experts and analysts in the field, along with insight from our very own journalists. NK News subscribers can listen to this and other exclusive episodes from their preferred podcast player by accessing the private podcast feed. For more detailed instructions, please see the step-by-step guide at nknews.org/private-feed.

Meet my friends, Clay Travis and Buck Sexton! If you love Verdict, the Clay Travis and Buck Sexton Show might also be in your audio wheelhouse. Politics, news analysis, and some pop culture and comedy thrown in too. Here’s a sample episode recapping four takeaways. Give the guys a listen and then follow and subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. Get Ready to VOTE Election Day 2025. The hour kicks off with a discussion on the upcoming elections in New York City, Virginia, and New Jersey, emphasizing the stakes and voter turnout trends. Clay shares a personal anecdote about voting locally and previews an interview with Riley Gaines, who recently faced backlash from Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez over her stance on protecting women’s sports. The conversation quickly pivots to the New York City mayoral race, spotlighting controversial candidate Zohran Mamdani. Clay and Buck dissect Mamdani’s shifting narratives, including his disputed claims about Islamophobia post-9/11 and radical past statements such as “Defund the NYPD” and linking police to the IDF. They analyze why voters seem unfazed by these revelations and criticize Andrew Cuomo’s lackluster campaign strategy. The hosts warn that Mamdani’s progressive platform—featuring ideas like government-run grocery stores and fare-free buses—reflects a dangerous trend toward socialist policies that could devastate city infrastructure and small businesses. The "White Men Are Evil" Argument Clay and Buck discuss Zohran Mamdani, the leading candidate for New York City mayor, and dissect his radical platform and controversial family background. They highlight statements made by Mamdani’s father, a Columbia University professor, who accused the United States of inspiring Nazi genocide through its treatment of Native Americans. Clay and Buck push back hard, offering a detailed historical rebuttal that includes references to colonial history, tribal warfare, and global conquest, arguing that the left’s narrative is rooted in anti-American sentiment and historical ignorance. The conversation expands to critique the broader Democratic leadership, including figures like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Chuck Schumer, Hakeem Jeffries, and Gavin Newsom, warning that the “New York City liberal” and “California liberal” brands are becoming toxic in middle America. They praise more moderate Democratic mayors like Daniel Lurie in San Francisco and Muriel Bowser in Washington, D.C., for showing signs of pragmatism, especially in working with President Trump on crime reduction and urban policy. Trump '28 Unity Ticket? record-breaking highs in the S&P 500, Dow Jones, and NASDAQ, crediting President Trump’s economic policies for the surge. He contrasts this with media narratives from earlier in the year that predicted economic collapse, emphasizing the disconnect between Wall Street performance and lingering ground-level effects from the Biden-era economy. The hosts then pivot to Trump’s Asia tour, highlighting his meetings with leaders in Japan, South Korea, and potentially North Korea’s Kim Jong-un. Trump’s comments aboard Air Force One spark speculation about a JD Vance–Marco Rubio unity ticket for 2028, with Clay and Buck debating the plausibility of Trump stepping aside while endorsing his successors. A major segment features Trump’s challenge to Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) and Rep. Jasmine Crockett, mocking their intelligence and inviting them to take cognitive tests. Crockett fires back, accusing Trump of elitism and racial obsession, prompting Clay and Buck to critique the intellectual caliber of current congressional representatives across party lines. Riley Gaines vs. AOC Riley Gaines discusses her recent clash with AOC over women’s sports. Gaines shares her experience as a new mom, pushing back against cultural narratives that discourage young women from motherhood. She also responds to AOC’s dismissive comments about her athletic achievements, defending her fifth-place NCAA ranking and criticizing the left’s hypocrisy on women’s sports and fairness. Make sure you never miss a second of the show by subscribing to the Clay Travis & Buck Sexton show podcast wherever you get your podcasts! ihr.fm/3InlkL8 For the latest updates from Clay and Buck: https://www.clayandbuck.com/ Connect with Clay Travis and Buck Sexton on Social Media: X - https://x.com/clayandbuck FB - https://www.facebook.com/ClayandBuck/ IG - https://www.instagram.com/clayandbuck/ YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/c/clayandbuck Rumble - https://rumble.com/c/ClayandBuck TikTok - https://www.tiktok.com/@clayandbuck YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@VerdictwithTedCruzSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

PREVIEW: South Korea, Plutonium, and Nuclear Proliferation Guest: Henry Sokolski Henry Sokolski addresses the Department of Energy's plutonium availability and the possibility of South Korea acquiring or producing plutonium to match North Korea's nuclear capabilities. Greenlighting South Korea to recycle plutonium and enrich uranium represents a major nonproliferation concern. South Korea already possesses some technology to pursue these capabilities independently, raising the stakes for policy decisions. The proliferation implications of allowing advanced nuclear fuel cycle technologies to spread beyond current holders pose significant regional and global security challenges.

Today's Headlines: Trump kicked off his Asia trip with stops at the ASEAN Summit and meetings with China's Xi Jinping and North Korea's Kim Jong Un, bragging that a trade deal with China is “close” while hinting—again—that he might go for a third term. He also casually revealed he had an MRI and dementia test at Walter Reed that somehow didn't make it into his official health report (but don't worry, he says the scan was “perfect”). Meanwhile, Venezuela accused the U.S. of staging a “military provocation” after a U.S. warship docked in Trinidad and Tobago—an accusation that started sounding less wild after Lindsey Graham said Trump is considering “land strikes” against Venezuela and Colombia. A new study found that major chatbots—including ChatGPT, Gemini, and Grok—have been echoing Russian propaganda from sanctioned media outlets, while another report revealed that a leaked database exposed personal data from over 450 Americans with top secret clearances tied to Democratic House offices. The government shutdown drags on, threatening food benefits for nearly 50 million people and hiking health insurance premiums nationwide. In Indiana, Governor Mike Braun called a special session to fast-track a redistricting plan that could add two GOP House seats. Elsewhere, Hurricane Melissa is bearing down on Jamaica after killing several people in Haiti and the Dominican Republic, Amazon is reportedly laying off 30,000 workers in its biggest job cut ever, and—because it's apparently 1975 again—the Trump administration just ordered the FBI to dig through its files for anything related to Jimmy Hoffa's disappearance. Resources/Articles mentioned in this episode: NYT: Trump's China Deal May Avert a Crisis of His Own Making Axios: Trump underwent previously undisclosed MRI during Walter Reed visit Axios: Venezuela calls U.S.-Trinidad and Tobago military exercises a "provocation" Axios: Graham predicts Trump's war on "narco-terrorists" will expand to land strikes Wired: Chatbots Are Pushing Sanctioned Russian Propaganda Wired: Hundreds of People With ‘Top Secret' Clearance Exposed by House Democrats' Website The Guardian: Food benefits set to expire for 41 million people as US shutdown continues Axios Indianapolis: Indiana Gov. Mike Braun calls special redistricting session Axios: Jamaica braces for direct hit from potentially "catastrophic" Hurricane Melissa CNBC: Amazon to announce largest layoffs in company history, source says CNN: Amazon to announce largest layoffs in company history, source says Morning Announcements is produced by Sami Sage and edited by Grace Hernandez-Johnson Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices