British fascist political party
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2 episodes with british union
2 episodes with british union
2 episodes with british union
2 episodes with british union
2 episodes with british union
7 hours and 4 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.This is the complete audio to the series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley. Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
7 hours and 4 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.This is the complete audio to the series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley. Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
7 hours and 4 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.This is the complete audio to the series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley. Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
65 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas and Pete conclude a series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley. Thomas talks about the British Free Corps.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
63 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas and Pete continue a series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
61 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas and Pete continue a series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
66 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas and Pete continue a series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
64 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas and Pete continue a series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
67 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas and Pete continue a series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
This is a teaser preview of one of our Radical Reads episodes, made exclusively for our supporters on patreon. You can listen to the full 87-minute episode without ads and support our work at https://www.patreon.com/posts/e101-radical-and-120598405In this episode, we speak to Alex Charnley and Michael Richmond about their excellent book, Fractured: Race, Class, Gender and the Hatred of Identity Politics. The book pushes back against the idea of 'identity politics' as a vaguely defined and universal bogeyman for both left and right-wing politics.Instead, they show how 'identity' is not just a ‘subjective' idea in people's heads, but the result of real, material ways the working class is structured according to race, gender, nationality etc by the various divisions of labour, immigration laws, etc. And, as we discuss in the episode, what often gets called ‘identity politics' is actually an attempt to think through how class functions, and is acted upon, in the reality through which it's lived.Listen to the full episode here:E101: Radical Reads – ‘Fractured: Race, Class, Gender and the Hatred of Identity Politics'More information:Buy Fractured: Race, Class, Gender and the Hatred of Identity Politics from an independent bookshop'Aliens at the Border' – a lightly edited version of Chapter Four from Fractured, looking at Jewish immigration to Britain from Eastern Europe in the late nineteenth/early twentieth century'Fascism and the Women's Cause: Gender Critical Feminism, Suffragettes and the Women's KKK' – piece by Alex and Michael looking at the link between contemporary transphobic feminists and the far-right by placing it against reactionary elements within the women's suffrage movement, and trajectories which led some into the Ku Klux Klan and British Union of FascistsListen to an earlier Radical Reads episode with Michael, discussing David Baddiel's hilariously terrible book, Jews Don't CountBooks and merch related to Black history and struggleBooks and merch related to women's history and struggleBooks and merch related to LGBTQ history and struggleWebpage for the episode is available here: https://workingclasshistory.com/blog/e101-radical-reads-fractured-race-class-gender-and-the-hatred-of-identity-politics/AcknowledgementsThanks to our patreon supporters for making this podcast possible. Special thanks to Jazz Hands, Jamison D. Saltsman, Fernando López Ojeda, Jeremy Cusimano, and Nick Williams.The episode image of a London Black Lives Matter protest, 2020. Credit: Katie Crampton, Wikimedia UK (with additional design by WCH). CC BY-SA 4.0.Edited by Louise BarryOur theme tune is Montaigne's version of the classic labour movement anthem, ‘Bread and Roses', performed by Montaigne and Nick Harriott, and mixed by Wave Racer. Download the song here, with all proceeds going to Medical Aid for Palestinians. More from Montaigne: website, Instagram, YouTubeBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/working-class-history--5711490/support.
54 MinutesPG-13Thomas777 is a revisionist historian and a fiction writer.Thomas and Pete begin a series exploring the life and work of British Union of Fascists founder, Oswald Mosley.Thomas' SubstackRadio Free Chicago - T777 and J BurdenThomas777 MerchandiseThomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 1"Thomas' Book "Steelstorm Pt. 2"Thomas on TwitterThomas' CashApp - $7homas777Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
In this fiery episode of History Rage, host Paul Bavill welcomes back historian, journalist, and author Guy Walters to rage against the sanitized veneration of the Mitford Sisters. These interwar aristocrats have often been glamorized in books, media, and society, but beneath their glittering façade lies a much darker reality.Fascist Fables:Unity Mitford's Obsession with Hitler: Unity stalked Adolf Hitler, met him over 130 times, and became one of his closest British confidantes. Her diaries, recently unearthed and published, reveal her disturbing Nazi sympathies and personal infatuation with the Führer.Diana Mitford's Glamour and Extremism: Diana married Oswald Mosley, leader of the British Union of Fascists, in Joseph Goebbels' living room, with Hitler himself in attendance. Despite her aristocratic charm, Diana remained an unrepentant fascist even decades after the war.The Mitford Dynamic:The Extreme Spectrum: With parents steeped in fascist ideology, the Mitford siblings included fascists like Diana and Unity, alongside Jessica Mitford, an avowed communist. Guy explores how political extremism permeated the family's psyche.Romanticisation in Media: From syrupy books to glossy TV dramas, the Mitfords are too often depicted as glamorous, eccentric aristocrats, overshadowing their political extremism and disturbing sympathies.Guy's Call to Action:Stop the Mitford glorification. Shift your fascination to figures like the women of the SOE—glamorous, courageous, and committed to fighting tyranny, not enabling it.Join Guy Walters as he dismantles the myths surrounding the Mitford Sisters and rages against the misplaced admiration for these controversial figures.
We're still looking at 1936, a year packed with so many events that it's taken two episodes to review the main ones. This week, on the domestic, British front: - The year of three kings, as one died, another abdicated for love, and the third took the throne - The Battle of Cable Street where 100,000-300,000 or more counter demonstrators turned out to stop the British Union of Fascists marching through Jewish districts of East London - The Jarrow March and Ellen Wilkinson, the fiery MP for the constituency, and the campaign to tackle the problems of poverty and unemployment in the world's greatest enpire And in foreign affairs: • Hitler makes clear that whatever's wrong, it's down to the Jews • Then silences anti-Semitism and general oppression for a while, to make a success of the Berlin Olympics, spoiled only by an outstanding black athlete from the US • Despite the attempts of the British government, backed by Churchill, to curry favour with Mussolini, he signs the Axis agreement with Hitler • Labour's policy on rearmament and on the Spanish Civil War remains incoherent and badly in need of revision. Plus from the left of Labour comes an extraordinary call for defeatism in front of Nazi Germany Lots of exciting stuff, then. And it wraps up the year so we can move on next week. Illustration: Ellen Cicely Wilkinson leading the Jarrow Marchers, Fox Photos Ltd, 31 October 1936. National Portrait Gallery x88278 Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License
Dimes and Judas discuss the racially traitorous Tim Walz on the campaign trail, The Longshoreman Union's blue collar mafia shakedown, and their idealistic dreams for the recent escalation of conflict between Israel and Iran. They then review the autobiography of the BUF leader Oswald Mosley titled “My Life,” exploring a life which stands in sharp contrast to his political contemporaries as a distinctly Anglo realization of fascism. Lastly on this edition of Copepranos Society, Dimes speaks with creator of Unreconstructed, Garak Obama, and the two discuss the concept of the Western Thaw as it relates to an irregular and uncoordinated victory for the Right, and how to plan for a world after a Trump victory. Timestamps: 00:18 – The Montreal Smoked Meat Steaming Debate 07:39 – Judas for prime Minster Campaign Song, by RWP 10:38 – JD Vance vs. Tim Walz at Vice Presidential Debate 17:26 – Is America Ready for a Problem Drinker President? (Yes.) 21:48 – RFK Jr. Moderating While Covered In Animal Blood 24:00 – White Sitcom Dads Betrays the American Military 28:19 – The Escalating Conflict Between Israel and Iran 31:42 – The Damaged International Reputation of Iran After Repeated Unanswered Assassinations 41:17 – Everyone is Scared of a Nuclear Exchange Not Being Scary 49:33 – Is it Different This Time, and Does BRICS Matter? 55:15 – Longshoreman Union Strike as Cool White Mafia Shakedown 58:39 – Harold Dagget, ChatGPT's Tony Soprano 1:07:01 – Blood $atellite News: Latest Releases, Articles, Spaces 1:13:46 – Crimes Chat: Chemspray 1:18:43 – Oswald Mosley's “My Life” Discussion Begins 1:22:56 – Reformer Rather Than Revolutionary 1:27:00 – Mosley's Relationship With His Degenerate Father 1:31:30 – Experiences in and Hatred of War 1:37:16 – A Charmed Life Leads to Extravagant Escape 1:40:14 – Experiences in British Parliament 1:42:12 – Position Against Antisemitism and Oppressive Racism (Except India) 1:46:40 – Tour of America Inspires Economic Model 1:58:50 – Relationship with the International Fascist Coalition 2:02:04 – The British Union of Fascists as Street Defense Against Communism 2:07:45 – Garak Obama Interview Begins
This Day in Legal History: Lord Haw-Haw Sentenced to HangOn September 19, 1945, William Joyce, infamously known as "Lord Haw-Haw," was sentenced to death by a British court for treason. Joyce, an American-born British subject, became notorious for his English-language radio broadcasts during World War II, where he spread Nazi propaganda designed to demoralize Allied forces and sway public opinion. His broadcasts, aired from Germany, ridiculed Britain and encouraged defeatism, earning him the mocking nickname "Lord Haw-Haw" due to his affected, sneering tone.Interestingly, before aligning with Nazi Germany, Joyce had served as an informant for the British government on Irish Republican Army (IRA) activities. In the 1920s, Joyce had strong anti-communist and anti-Irish Republican sentiments, and his knowledge of far-right politics in the U.K. led him to assist British authorities in monitoring IRA movements. However, his extreme right-wing views eventually drew him to fascism, and by the late 1930s, he joined Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists before fleeing to Germany at the onset of World War II.The nickname "Lord Haw-Haw" was coined by British journalist Jonah Barrington in reference to the exaggerated aristocratic accent of an anonymous broadcaster. Though it initially referred to another German propagandist, the label stuck to Joyce, who became the most infamous voice behind Nazi broadcasts. His broadcasts, filled with mockery of the British government and predictions of their downfall, made him a household name in Britain, and the face of enemy propaganda. Despite his American birth, Joyce's use of a British passport for his travels was enough for the court to convict him of treason. His execution in January 1946 marked the end of one of the most infamous figures of wartime propaganda.The Compton Courthouse in Los Angeles suffered two major floods in January 2024, caused by burst water valves, resulting in closures and significant disruptions to court operations. Nearly 5,000 cases were impacted, and emergency repairs cost California almost $2.6 million. This courthouse, along with many others in L.A. County, is deteriorating due to a "run to failure" maintenance approach, where repairs are made only after systems break. Budget constraints have forced the California Judicial Council to prioritize only critical repairs, leaving many courthouses vulnerable to failure. Compton is a "medium priority" for repairs, raising concerns about more urgent locations, such as the Clara Shortridge Foltz Criminal Justice Center, which has also faced severe plumbing and hazardous material issues.Los Angeles has 36 courthouses, many of which are well past their 50-year lifespans, and costly maintenance bills continue to rise. The challenges are compounded by seismic safety risks, as many of these buildings are not built to withstand earthquakes, presenting a significant danger to the public. Renovation and replacement of courthouses are progressing slowly, with only a few new facilities funded each year. Experts suggest modernizing courthouse designs and incorporating technology to reduce the need for large, outdated structures. However, without substantial investment, L.A.'s court infrastructure remains vulnerable to both natural disasters and everyday wear and tear.L.A. Courthouses Crumble With ‘Run to Failure' MaintenanceSecond indoor flood causes Compton Courthouse to close until further noticeCOMPTON COURTHOUSE CLOSED FOR THE NEXT SEVERAL DAYS DUE TO ADDITIONAL FLOODING ISSUES AFFECTING ELEVATORS AND LOBBAlso in California legal news, a judge has denied a request to reopen Golden Gate University's law school, which closed after 123 years of operation. California Superior Court Judge Richard Ulmer ruled against the plaintiffs, a group of former students and alumni, who had sought an injunction to reinstate the school. The plaintiffs had sued for breach of contract, claiming the university kept students in the dark about its financial struggles before announcing the closure.Golden Gate University cited declining enrollment, poor bar exam pass rates, and a weak job market as reasons for shutting down its law program. While most of the affected students have transferred to other American Bar Association-accredited schools, such as the University of San Francisco School of Law and Mitchell Hamline School of Law, the plaintiffs argue that the school failed to provide adequate transfer options.Although the school will not reopen, the plaintiffs can still pursue monetary damages for claims such as breach of contract and false advertising. A hearing is scheduled for October 22 to determine whether their case will proceed. Golden Gate Law is the latest in a series of law schools nationwide facing closures due to similar challenges.California judge rejects bid to reopen 123-year-old law school | ReutersMark Esper, former U.S. Secretary of Defense, joined Squire Patton Boggs as a part-time senior adviser, where he will focus on advising clients on national security and foreign policy. Although Esper has extensive experience in government and previously worked for defense contractor Raytheon, he will not lobby for the firm's clients in Congress or executive branch agencies. His role will leverage his public policy expertise from over 30 years in high-level government positions.Esper's move comes after his public break with Donald Trump in 2020, particularly over disagreements about invoking the Insurrection Act during protests following George Floyd's murder. He has since emerged as a critic of Trump, calling him a “threat to democracy” while also critiquing President Biden. While at Squire Patton Boggs, Esper will continue his work with venture capital firm Red Cell Partners and European think tank GLOBSEC.The firm views Esper's hire as a key step toward becoming a leader in national security advisory services. His work is expected to focus more on helping multinational corporations navigate the intersection of economic policy and national security rather than direct governmental advocacy.Trump Defense Secretary Esper Joins Squire Patton BoggsEx-Trump defense secretary Esper joins law firm Squire Patton Boggs | ReutersSenate Democrats are working to strike a deal with Republicans to confirm a backlog of President Biden's judicial nominees before the end of the year. Senate Judiciary Chair Dick Durbin is hopeful that Republicans will agree to a package of nominees, a practice that was more common in less partisan times. With the Senate's slim Democratic majority, confirmations have been challenging, particularly for nominees like Rebecca Pennell and Mustafa Kasubhai, whose votes were delayed due to attendance issues and GOP opposition.Some nominees, such as Charnelle Bjelkengren, faced significant hurdles, with Bjelkengren withdrawing earlier this year due to a failed confirmation hearing. Kasubhai, who is still awaiting a vote, has been scrutinized by Republicans over his stance on diversity and past writings. Additionally, Democrats have faced internal opposition, with key senators refusing to support Adeel Mangi's nomination due to allegations of affiliations with controversial groups. The Senate faces a tight deadline, with a limited five-week "lame duck" session following the upcoming election recess, during which they must juggle these nominations alongside other legislative priorities.Democrats Look to Strike Deal With Republicans on Judicial PicksEU antitrust regulators have initiated proceedings to ensure Apple complies with the Digital Markets Act (DMA), which requires the company to open its closed ecosystem to rivals. The European Commission aims to clarify what Apple must do to meet its obligations, focusing on iOS interoperability for devices like smartwatches, headphones, and VR headsets, as well as how Apple handles third-party and developer requests for connectivity. The Commission expects to finalize the guidelines within six months, with Apple at risk of fines up to 10% of its annual global turnover if it fails to comply. Apple has expressed willingness to cooperate but warned that opening its systems could expose users to security risks.EU antitrust regulators tell Apple how to comply with tech rules | ReutersAnd something of a double-dip in the Apple news bowl, in a piece I wrote for Forbes I spoke about the European Union's recent win in a legal battle requiring Ireland to collect €13 billion in unpaid taxes from Apple–a significant victory in the fight against multinational tax avoidance. Although the EU's highest court upheld the decision, Ireland remains reluctant to claim the windfall, as doing so could threaten its status as a low-tax haven that attracts large corporations. Ireland had argued, alongside Apple, that the taxes were not owed, reflecting its desire to maintain control over its tax policies.This case highlights the tension between national tax sovereignty and EU regulations aimed at curbing unfair competition through favorable tax deals. While the EU can force Ireland to reclaim the unpaid taxes, it cannot dictate how the country spends the money, leaving the Irish government with a difficult decision. Ireland's low corporate tax rate has been key to its economic growth, but the Apple ruling could have global ramifications as more countries adopt minimum tax frameworks to address tax avoidance by multinational corporations.The case underscores broader issues in international tax law, as countries like Luxembourg and the Netherlands, also known for favorable tax policies, may face similar pressures. While Ireland is legally obligated to collect the money, its cautious approach reflects a concern about maintaining its attractiveness to global businesses. The funds remain in escrow, and Ireland has yet to reveal how it plans to utilize the money, which is equivalent to 2.43% of its GDP.You Can Give Ireland Tax Revenue—But Can You Make Ireland Spend It? This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe
Tracy-Ann Oberman has reprised her role as Eastenders' Chrissie Watts. She talks to Nuala about stepping back into this character after almost two decades, and her recent adaptation of Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice. In it, Tracy-Ann plays a female version of the Jewish character, Shylock, and sets the action in 1930s London during the rise of Oswald Mosley, the antisemitic founder of the British Union of Fascists.We look back at Tuesday's special programme, live from the Radio Theatre in Broadcasting House in London, looking at the support for children with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities – or SEND as it's often known in England. Nuala heard from guest panellists including Kellie Bright, an actress in EastEnders but also a mum to a child with SEND, Katie, who is 17 and says she was completely failed by the SEND system, Marsha Martin, the founder and CEO of the charity Black SEN Mamas and the Minister for School Standards, Catherine McKinnell.Visual artist Bharti Kher's new exhibition, Target Queen at the Southbank Centre, features supersized bindis reimagined from their microscopic form to the macro size worn by the goddess, transforming the brutalist building into a powerful feminine force. Bharti joins Anita to discuss the exhibition.The newly elected Chair of the Women and Equalities Select Committee, Labour MP Sarah Owen, joins Anita Rani on the programme to discuss the remit of her new role and what she hopes to achieve.A new play, The Lightest Element, which has opened at Hampstead Theatre, explores the life and career of astronomer Cecila Payne-Gaposchkin, the first person to work out what stars are made of. Anita is joined by actor Maureen Beatie, who plays Cecilia, and the playwright Stella Feehilly.
Social media influencer Andrew Tate and his brother Tristan are facing charges in Romania of human trafficking and organised crime. If found guilty, they could be jailed for more than 10 years. They strongly deny the charges against them. Now, two British women not involved with the Romanian case, have given detailed first-hand accounts to the BBC, against Andrew Tate, of alleged rape and sexual violence. The allegations date back at least 10 years, to when Mr Tate was living in Luton. BBC Panorama reporter Ruth Clegg joins Nuala McGovern to discuss. Tracy-Ann Oberman has reprised her role as Eastenders' Chrissie Watts. She talks to Nuala about stepping back into this character after almost two decades, and her recent adaptation of Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice. In it, Tracy-Ann plays a female version of the Jewish character, Shylock, and sets the action in 1930s London during the rise of Oswald Mosley, the antisemitic founder of the British Union of Fascists.Around 1,700 prisoners will be freed tomorrow when the government's new early release scheme, SDS40, comes in to effect. We look at both the impact that this scheme will have on women who have been the victims of crime and the experiences of women in prison. Nuala speaks to Andrea Coomber KC, Chief Executive of the Howard League for Penal Reform which campaigns for prison reform.Rebecca Middleton was in her late 30s when she was diagnosed with a brain aneurysm. It is a condition that's believed to be more common in women than men and in Rebecca's case it was hereditary – she lost her grandmother and mother to the condition, which is what led to her own genetic testing. Rebecca has since had successful surgery to remove the aneurysm and has also created the charity, Hereditary Brain Aneurysm Support to help other people going through it. In Paris, pouring rain and exploding fireworks ended the Paralympics last night with drenched, dancing Paralympians. Nuala is joined by Paralympian turned broadcaster, Rachael Latham to talk about the standouts, surprises and legacy of the Games.Presenter: Nuala McGovern Producer: Maryam Maruf Studio Manager: Bob Nettles
"Hvis I virkelig tror, at det nuværende system kan hjælpe jer, er det så meget desto bedre for vores nye og virile form for fascisme. Jeg kommer til jer med et nyt og revolutionerende tankesæt" Ordene kom fra Sir Oswald Mosley, en 36-årig adelsmand, der stod i spidsen for det nystiftede parti, British Union of Fascists. Året var 1932, den økonomiske krise bed, arbejdsløshedskøen voksede og det britiske imperium slog sprækker. Foran en talstærk forsamling af unge mænd med sorte skjorter og højre arm strakt i en heilende hilsen, talte Mosley om alt det, der måtte gøres for at komme elendigheden til livs. Mosley blev aldrig Storbritanniens Fører, men hans ætsende kritik af racesammenblanding og multikultur stikker fortsat sit hoved frem, bl.a. under de nylige optøjer i flere britiske byer. Hvem Sir Oswald Mosley var? Hvordan hans britiske fascisme adskilte sig fra den kontinentale udgave? Og hvilke spor den har sat i eftertiden? Det er nogle af spørgsmålene i Kampen om historien, hvor Adam Holm taler med lektor i historie Claus Bundgård Christensen. Redaktør: Thomas Vinther Larsen. I redaktionen: Nanna Sloth Skardhamar og Clara Faust Spies. Musik: Adi Zukanovic.
The so-called ‘Battle of Cable Street' in 1936 is often held up by counter-protesters as a model of how to defeat fascism - but it failed to stop antisemitic violence and actually led to a recruitment boost for the British Union of Fascists. Professor Nigel Copsey separates the history and the myth for us.
In this episode, which is the 3rd in Danny Hurst´s Unusual Histories Bridge Series, he takes a look at one of the city's lesser-known bridges – Cannon Street Railway Bridge, one side of which was first built in a medieval steelyard, (not what you think it is). Danny also shares the connection between the oldest known monument in London, Alfred the Great, Shakespeare, candle-makers, and Oswald Mosely. KEY TAKEAWAYS Cannon Street was the first street to run through the City of London. The name Cannon Street has nothing to do with armaments. The area was especially important during Roman times. It is the site of the London Stone, which possibly dates back to Druid times. The London Stone is said by some to be the stone Arthur drew Excalibur from. The railway station hotel is where both the Congress of the Communist Party of Great Britain and the New Party, which became British Union of Fascists were founded. BEST MOMENTS ‘In Roman times, Cannon Street was the heart of ancient Londinium. ´ ‘London will flourish as long as the stone remains in the city.' ‘As a result, his head was mounted on London Bridge afterwards.' EPISODE RESOURCES https://www.citybridgefoundation.org.uk/ HOST BIO Historian, performer, and mentor Danny Hurst has been engaging audiences for many years, whether as a lecturer, stand-up comic or intervention teacher with young offenders and excluded secondary students. Having worked with some of the most difficult people in the UK, he is a natural storyteller and entertainer, whilst purveying the most fascinating information that you didn't know you didn't know. A writer and host of pub quizzes across London, he has travelled extensively and speaks several languages. He has been a consultant for exhibitions at the Imperial War Museum and Natural History Museum in London as well as presenting accelerated learning seminars across the UK. With a wide range of knowledge ranging from motor mechanics to opera to breeding carnivorous plants, he believes learning is the most effective when it's fun. Uniquely delivered, this is history without the boring bits, told the way only Danny Hurst can. CONTACT AND SOCIALS https://instagram.com/dannyjhurstfacebook.com/danny.hurst.9638 https://twitter.com/dannyhurst https://www.linkedin.com/in/danny-hurst-19574720 Podcast Description "History is a nightmare from which I am trying to awake." James Joyce. That was me at school as well. Ironically, I ended up becoming a historian. The Unusual Histories podcast is all about the history you don't learn at school, nor indeed anywhere else. Discover things that you didn't know that you didn't know, fascinating historical luminaries and their vices and addictions, and the other numerous sides of every story. Danny continues his Unusual Histories podcast with the Bridge Series, remaining in London travelling east to west to look at the bridges which span the Thames. He looks at their design, construction and history, along with the history of the areas in which they're located on both sides of the river. This series kicks off with an exclusive interview with Dirk Bennett of the City Bridge Foundation, the organisation which looks after London's bridges. Tower Bridge is marking its 130th anniversary this month and Dirk talks to Danny about the history of the bridge as well as the new exhibition that is opening for it. If you love history; or indeed if you hate history, this is the podcast for you…
RNIB Connect Radio's Toby Davey is joined again by Vidar Hjardeng MBE, Inclusion and Diversity Consultant for ITV News across England, Wales, Northern Ireland and the Channel Islands for the next in his regular Connect Radio theatre reviews. This week Vidar was reviewing The Merchant of Venice 1936 at the RSC in Stratford-upon-Avon with the production centred around a planned march by Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists through the Jewish East End of London. Audio described at the RSC in Stratford-upon-Avon with description by professional Audio Describers Julia Grundy and Ellie Packer. About The Merchant of Venice 1936 London, 1936 the threat of fascism grows day by day. Shylock (Tracy-Ann Oberman - Eastenders, Doctor Who, Friday Night Dinner) a widow, single mother and survivor of attacks on Jewish people in Russia, runs a small business from her home in Cable Street. Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists plan a march through the Jewish East End and a fragile peace is shattered. Into Shylock's world enters antisemitic Antonio in need of a loan, a dangerous deal is made. Will Shylock take her revenge? A powerful reminder of a key moment in British history. ‘If you prick us do we not bleed? If you poison us do we not die? And if you wrong us shall we not revenge?' For more about access at the Royal Shakespeare Company and for details about audio described performances of tier productions do visit - https://www.rsc.org.uk/your-visit/access (Image shows RNIB logo. 'RNIB' written in black capital letters over a white background and underlined with a bold pink line, with the words 'See differently' underneath)
We don't normally include event recordings on the Golau podcast feed (instead you can find a number of interesting speakers and public lectures on the Cardiff University podcast). However, this talk from the 2019 Wales Governance Centre Annual Lecture, delivered by Philip Rycroft (the former Permanent Secretary at the UK Government's Department for Exiting the EU) is… well… something else. The audience in Cardiff Bay's Pierhead found it interesting and provocative and we think you will too. In the talk Philip talks about the choppy waters ahead for the constitutional future of the UK and the challenges that will be posed for future prime ministers by the as the bonds holding together the nations of the British Union come under increasing strain. You can find out more about the research of the Wales Governance Centre here: www.cardiff.ac.uk/wales-governance-centre If you've enjoyed this episode of Golau, please like and subscribe on your podcast player of choice to have the next episode download automatically.
In the early 1930s, a new movement threatened to smash the established ruling party, the Conservatives, as well as the Labour party. Led by a charismatic leader, capable of brilliant oration, the British Union of Fascists attracted many to their cause, most notably aristocrats and even royalty.Joining our editor today is Alec Marsh, journalist and author of Rule Britannia, along with historian of the period Martin Pugh, author of Hurrah for the Blackshirts. They discuss it's causes, the great counter-factual of whether they could have take control, and whether there are modern day fascists around.Martin & Alec LinksHurrah for the BlackshirtsRule BritanniaAlec on X/TwitterOllie LinksOllie on X/Twitter
Edward VIII (1936) ruled for 325 days, the shortest reign of any English monarch since Lady Jane Grey in the 16th century. The first monarch to abdicate since James II in 1688 and the first to do so voluntarily. The abdication crisis shook the British establishment to its core. His connections to Nazi Germany has undoubtedly shrouded his life in ignominy. Even after the war, he was known to describe Hitler as ‘not such a bad chap'. Shunned by the royal family for the crisis he had created and for putting private desire above public duty. It could also have been because they knew, unlike the country, that he was a traitor. Characters Edward VIII - King of the United Kingdom and British Dominions. Emperor of India (1936). Duke of Windsor (1937-72) Wallis Simpson - Duchess of Windsor (1937-86), wife of Edward George V - King of the United Kingdom and British Dominions. Emperor of India (1910-36), father of Edward VIII and George VI Mary of Teck - Queen consort of the United Kingdom and British Dominions. Empress of India (1910-36), mother of Edward VIII and George VI George VI - King of the United Kingdom and British Dominions (1936-52). Emperor of India (1936-47). Younger brother of Edward. Elizabeth Bowes-Lyon - Queen consort of the United Kingdom and British Dominions (1936-52. Empress of India (1936-47). Wife of George VI Queen Victoria - Queen of the United Kingdom (1837-1901), great-grandmother of Edward Edward VII - King of the United Kingdom (1901-10), grandfather of Edward Herbert Warren - Edward's tutor and President of Magdalen college, Oxford Lord Kitchener - Secretary of War Cosmo Lang - Archbishop of Canterbury Alec Hardinge - Private Secretary to the Sovereign Louis Mountbatten - British Statesman and friend of Edward David Lloyd George - Leader of the Liberal Party, Prime Minister (1916-22) Stanley Baldwin - Leader of the Conservative Party, Prime Minister (1935-37) Winston Churchill - Leader of the Conservative Party, Prime Minister (1940-45, 51-55) Clement Attlee - Leader of the Labour Party, Prime Minister (1945-51) Anthony Eden - Foreign Secretary, Prime Minister (1955-57) Winifred Dudley Ward - mistress of Edward Thelma Furness - mistress of Edward Ernest Simpson - husband of Wallis (1928-37) Lord Rothermere - media mogul, founder of the Daily Mail Lord Beaverbrook - owner of the Daily Express Oswald Mosley - leader of the British Union of Fascists Ricardo Espirito Santo - Portuguese banker and associate of Edward Adolf Hitler - Chancellor of Germany (1933-45), Fuhrer (1934-45) Joseph Goebbels - Reichminister of Propaganda Hermann Goering - Reichsmarschall and leading Nazi figure Joachim von Ribbentrop - German ambassador to the United Kingdom, Reichminister of Foreign Affairs, Wallis Simpson's lover. Credits Pomp and Circumstance No. 3Erika (German Soldier's song) When Eliza Rolls Her Eyes Bbc_d-i-y--and_07045141Bbc_air-raids-_07048098 Bbc_sirens---g_07033180 675234__craigsmith__s03-38-model-t-ford-in-stop Bbc_world-war-_07046171 Bbc_marching_00008067 640655__barkenov__soft-rain 36430__c97059890__fiji-beach-stereo 588640__urkki69__a-soldier-playing-bagpipes-in-edinborough 233068__newciv1__loud-tiger-ii-audio-test 559820__jackmichaelking__walking-on-wet-and-muddy-marsh-land-with-clothing-rustle 416703__funwithsound__laugh-group-of-children
The fascists in Britain have found a leader known across the country: the sinister yet complex Oswald Mosley. Following stints as an MP for both the Tories and Labour, Mosley, a veteran of the First World War, forms the British Union of Fascists in 1932, making a big effort to appeal to women and the working class. Although his rhetoric is surprisingly anti-militarist, the violence that occurs at his fascist meeting in Kensington Olympia in 1934, the same month as the Night of the Long Knives, will have irreversible effects on the development of his new party. Join Tom and Dominic in the second episode of our series on British Fascism, as they look at Oswald Mosley, his influences, his role within British society, and the rise of the British Union of Fascists… *The Rest Is History Live Tour 2023*: Tom and Dominic are back on tour this autumn! See them live in London, New Zealand, and Australia! Buy your tickets here: restishistorypod.com Twitter: @TheRestHistory @holland_tom @dcsandbrook Producer: Theo Young-Smith Executive Producers: Jack Davenport + Tony Pastor Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Den socialdemokratiska riksdagsledamoten Åsa Erikssons bok "Farväl till Bullerbyn" har av partikamrater kallats för en "modig uppgörelse" och kritiker för ett försök till historierevisionism kring sossarnas brutalt misslyckade massinvandring. Kanske är den både och. I det här avsnittet talar vi om boken, läser avslöjande stycken ur den och resonerar kring socialdemokratins försök till nylansering. Det blir intressanta citat från Anna-Greta Leijon, Olof Palme, Mona Sahlin och många andra av de värsta förbrytarna i svensk historia. Men också en tydlig bild av socialdemokratins svenskfientliga framtidsvision. Eftersom det är måndag blir det också Hänt i historien. Den här veckan hittar vi allt ifrån surströmmingens dag till Oswald Mosleys grundande av British Union of Fascists. Inlägget Ett farväl till Bullerbyn: Åsa Eriksson avslöjar mer än hon tror dök först upp på Svegot.
Faschismus V - Oswald Mosley und die British Union of FascistsHeute werfen wir einen Blick nach England und schauen uns die Lebensgeschichte von Sir Oswald Ernald Mosley an, einem britischen Politiker, aristokratischen Faschisten und Gründer der British Union of Fascists (BUF).Weiterführende Literatur:Pugh, Martin (2005). Hurrah for the Blackshirts!: Fascists and Fascism in Britain between the Wars.Skidelsky, Robert (1969). "The Problem of Mosley: Why a Fascist Failed". Encounter. Vol. 33, no. 192. pp. 77–88.https://www.zukunft-braucht-erinnerung.de/oswald-mosley/https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_Union_of_Fascists---Dir gefällt der Podcast? Dann unterstütze unsere Arbeit auf Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/allezeitderweltWir freuen uns auch sehr, wenn du uns eine Bewertung da lässt und uns bei Twitter (https://twitter.com/allezeit_pod) & Youtube (https://www.youtube.com/@allezeitderwelt) folgst! Danke :)---Tags: Zeitgeschichte, Europa, England, Faschismus, Oswald Mosley
In England just after the war this church set itself up in West Surry. Its members were former members of the British Union of Fascists before the war. We meet a man who's father was a founding member of this extraordinary Hitler cult. You couldn't make this stuff up! dioramastories@gmail.com The Mad Hatter is a novel by Canadian author Amanda Hale. Present History Podcast. https://www.presenthistory.co.uk/ There's a brilliant 5 part series on Present History titled Hitler's Kingdom Come. More detail about this incredible story.
The British union is under a lot of strain thanks to the tension between growing independence movements in Wales and Scotland and the post-2016 UK Government's brand of muscular unionism which offers a rigid and inflexible vision of centralised authority in the UK. Adding to these pressures are the implications of Brexit, specifically with regards Northern Ireland and its relationship with both Ireland and the UK. For those who want to see the union persist and thrive, structural reform is one of the best hopes for the future. As we await the publication of Gordon Brown's long-expected proposals for the UK Labour Party to adopt and the report of the Welsh Government's own commission led by Laura McAllister and Rowan Williams, others, including our guests, are making their own proposals. Joining us to discuss their slightly differing visions of a confederal British union are: - Professor Jim Gallagher: https://twitter.com/ProfJimG Honorary professor at Glasgow University and the University of St. Andrew's and a former senior civil servant in UK and Scottish Governments, including a period in the No 10 Policy Unit advising on devolution under prime minister Gordon Brown 2007-2010 - Glyndwr Cennydd Jones: https://twitter.com/GlyndwrCJ Fellow of the Institute for Welsh Affairs and longstanding advocate for greater cross-party consensus in Wales and for a UK-wide constitutional convention For all the latest from the Hiraeth team, you can follow us here: And if you're enjoying the podcast, please share a rating and subscribe in your podcast app of choice. If you're able to spare a few pounds to support the production of the podcast, please hear to our Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/HiraethPod
Great Britain is facing an economic crisis and a grim winter as the Tory government, under new Prime Minister Liz Truss, cuts taxes for the wealthy as ordinary people struggle to heat their homes and put food on the table.This latest trickledown, meltdown has sunk the British pound, and workers and trade Unions are once again readying to take on the Conservative government that has all but abandoned working people.Britain saw a wave of industrial action across all sectors as it sweltered through summer, and it's likely to see plenty more as workers and unions say enough is enough.Our guest this week is Kevin Rowan. Kevin is Head of Organising, Services and Learning with the Trade Union Congress (TUC) in Great Britain.Kevin talks with us about how there's still power in a Union! _____________________________________________________________ * You can now email us with your comments, story ideas, tip-offs, flip offs, and questions - otjpodcast@protonmail.com *On the Job is made by Australian Unions. More about On The Job podcast Need help with working conditions? Call Australian Union Support Centre - 1300 486 466 About the host Francis Leach, ACTU - @SaintFrankly Support the show: https://www.onthejobpodcast.com.au/See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Peaky Blinders is an epic centred on a crime family of mixed Irish Catholic and Romani origins based in Birmingham, England, starting in 1919, several months after the end of the First World War in November 1918. It centres on the Peaky Blinders street gang and their ambitious, cunning crime boss Tommy Shelby (Murphy). The gang comes to the attention of Major Chester Campbell (Neill), a detective chief inspector in the Royal Irish Constabulary sent over by Winston Churchill from Belfast, where he had been sent to clean up the city of the Irish Republican Army flying columns, the Communist Party of Great Britain, street gangs, and common criminals.Winston Churchill (played by Andy Nyman in series 1 and Richard McCabe in series 2) charged him with suppressing disorder and uprising in Birmingham and recovering a stolen cache of arms meant to be shipped to Libya. The first series concluded on 3 December 1919—"Black Star Day", the event where the Peaky Blinders plan to take over Billy Kimber's betting pitches at the Worcester Races.The second series has the Peaky Blinders expand their criminal organisation in the "South and North while maintaining a stronghold in their Birmingham heartland." It begins in 1921 and ends with a climax at Epsom racecourse on 31 May 1922, Derby Day.The third series starts and ends in 1924, as it follows Tommy and the gang entering an even more dangerous world as they once again expand, this time internationally. The third series also features Father John Hughes (Paddy Considine), who is involved in an anticommunist organisation; Ruben Oliver (Alexander Siddig), a painter whom Polly enlists to paint her portrait; Russian Grand Duchess Tatiana Petrovna (Gaite Jansen); and Linda Shelby (Kate Phillips), new wife of Arthur.The fourth series begins on Christmas Eve 1925, with the Peaky Blinders getting word that the New York Mafia is coming to avenge the murders they committed the previous season and ends following the general strike of May 1926, with Tommy using Jessie Eden for information and being elected as a Member of Parliament in 1927.The fifth series begins two years later on 29 October 1929 (Black Tuesday) and ends on 7 December 1929, the morning after a rally led by British Union of Fascists leader Sir Oswald Mosley.The sixth series begins on 5 December 1933, as prohibition is repealed in the United States. The Nazi Party has also obtained power in Germany, leading to a growth in membership of the British Union of Fascists. Tommy must not only deal with Mosley but also with plots from the Irish Mob as well as the Anti-Treaty IRA. ★ Support this podcast on Patreon ★
America is waking up, and realizing that Progressives aren't interested in democracy or Americans, just the New Liberal World Order. 00:00 – Sam's introduction for THURSDAY JULY 7, 2022. :00:31 – Sam, Chuck & Tom – 8 min – Open conversation about the “Putin Tax” and other Biden delusions, Presidential Depends, beautiful Scottish woman music, and strong and beautiful and smart Mexican legislators. 08:10 – Steve Moore – Economic Advisor to President Trump – 10 min – Steve lambasted Biden for lying so insultingly obviously. He said that leftists all over the world are being exposed as buffoons and taking the international press with them. He and Sam talked about how Steve's book “Fueling Freedom” applies to the situation Biden and the left have put us in. He admitted that he has finally come to realize that what Sam said about them tearing up America deliberately must be true, because instead of celebrating the creation of the freest country ever to exist, they denigrated it on the Fourth of July. 18:16 – Rabbi Yaakov Menken – Managing Director, Coalition for Jewish Values & Chief Architect, Torah.org – 11 min -- – Rabbi Menken talked about sending a delegation to a religious freedom forum in England to talk about anti-Semitism, and the (British) Union of Jewish Students refused to represent Jews at the event. The Rabbi said that the Union would not appear with his group at the event because his group is orthodox instead of progressive. 29:27 – Meghan Barth — Political Blogger at ReganBabe.com – 13 min – Meghan said she has been keeping track of Joe Biden's schedule and he works from 10:30 AM to 3:00 PM every day. She said Biden does a lot of damage in 4 hours per day, but the Democrats don't have anyone to replace Biden with. She said the only Democrat who is more hated then Kamala is Hillary. She intimated that a vote for Democrats is a vote for pedophilia. 42:53 - CloseSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
The Island of Doctor Moreau by H. G. Wells audiobook. The Island of Doctor Moreau is an 1896 science fiction novel written by H. G. Wells, addressing ideas of society and community, human nature and identity, religion, Darwinism, and eugenics. When the novel was written in the late 19th century, England's scientific community was engulfed by debates on animal vivisection. Interest groups were even formed to tackle the issue: the British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection was formed two years after the publication of the novel. The novel is presented as a discovered manuscript, introduced by the narrator's nephew; it then 'transcribes' the tale.
Before we get started… Writing elsewhereI have recently written about modern Russian literature for CapX, as well Victorian YIMBYs and Katherine Mansfield and 1922, for The Critic.Tours of LondonSign up here to get updates when we add new tour dates. There will be three tours a month, covering the Great Fire, Barbican, Samuel Johnson and more!Helen Lewis is a splendid infovore, which is how she has come to be one of the most interesting journalists of her generation. You will see in this conversation some of her range. We chatted before we recorded and she was full of references that reflect her broad reading. She reminded me of Samuel Johnson saying that in order to write a book you must turn over half a library. I recommend her book Difficult Women to you all, perhaps especially if you are not generally interested in “feminist” books. Helen is also working on a new book called The Selfish Genius. There's an acuity to Helen, often characterised by self-editing. She has the precision — and the keenness to be precise — of the well-informed. She was also, for someone who claims to be a difficult woman, remarkably amiable. That seeming paradox was one of the things we discussed, as well as biography, late bloomers, menopause, Barbara Castle, failure, Habsburgs and so on... I had not realised she was such a royal biography enthusiast, always a good sign. Helen's newsletter, by the way, has excellent links every week. It's a very good, and free, way to have someone intelligent and interesting curate the internet for you. Her latest Atlantic feature is about defunct European royals who are not occupying their throne. Let's hope one of Helen's screenplays gets produced…(I do not know, by the way, if Tyler Cowen would endorse the reference I made to him. I was riffing on something he said.)[This transcript is too long for email so either click the title above to read online or click at the bottom to go to the full email…]Henry: Is Difficult Women a collective biography, a book of connected essays, feminist history or something else?Helen Lewis: Start nice and simple. It was designed as the biography of a movement. It was designed as a history of feminism. But I knew from the start I had this huge problem, which is that anyone who writes about feminism, the first thing that everybody does is absolutely sharpens their pencils and axes about the fact that you inevitably missed stuff out. And so I thought what I need to do is really own the fact that this can only ever be a partial history. And its working subtitle was An Imperfect History of Feminism, and so the thematic idea then came about because of that.And the idea of doing it through fights, I think, is quite useful because that means that there was a collision of ideas and that something changed. You know, there were lots and lots of subjects that I thought were really interesting, but there wasn't a change, a specific "We used to be like this, and now we're like this," that I could tie it to. So I don't think it is a collective biography because I think there's no connection between the women except for the fact that they were all feminists, and to that extent, they were all change makers. And I've read some really great collective biographies, but I think they work best when they give you a sense of a milieu, which this doesn't really. There's not a lot that links Jayaben Desai in 1970s North London and Emmeline Pankhurst in 1900s Manchester. They're very disparate people.Henry: Some people make a distinction between a group biography, which is they all knew each other or they were in the same place or whatever, and a collective biography, which is where, as you say, they have no connection other than feminism or science or whatever it is. Were you trying to write a collective biography in that sense? Or was it just useful to use, as a sort of launching off point, a woman for each of the fights you wanted to describe?Helen Lewis: I think the latter because I felt, again, with the subject being so huge, that what you needed to do was bring it down to a human scale. And I always feel it's easier to follow one person through a period of history. And weirdly, by becoming ever more specific, I think you'll have a better chance of making universal points, right? And one of the things that when I'm reading non-fiction, I want to feel the granularity of somebody's research which, weirdly, I think then helps you understand the bigger picture better. And so if you take it down all the way to one person, or sometimes it's more... So Constance Lytton and Annie Kenney, that's sort of two people. I think probably Constance is bigger in that mix. It helps you to understand what it's like to be a person moving through time, which is what I wanted to kind of bring it back. Particularly, I think, with feminism where one of the problems, I think, is when you get progress made, it seems like common sense.And it's one of the things I find I love about Hilary Mantel's, the first two of that Thomas Cromwell trilogy, is there is a real sense that you don't know what's going to happen. Like the moment, the hinge moment, of Anne Boleyn's star appears to be falling. It's very hard not to read it now and think, "Well, obviously that was destined to happen. You'd obviously jumped ship to Jane Seymour." But she manages to recreate that sense of living through history without knowing the ending yet, right? And so maybe you should stick with Anne Boleyn. Maybe this has all just been a temporary blip. Maybe she'll have a son next year. And that's sort of what I wanted to recreate with feminism, is to put you back in the sensation of what it is to be like making those arguments about women having a vote at a time when that's seen as a kind of crackpot thing to be arguing for because obviously women are like this, obviously women are delicate, and they need to be protected. And when all of those arguments... Again, to go back to what it's like to just to live in a time where people's mindsets were completely different to... Which is to me, is the point of writing history, is to say... And the same thing about travel writing, is to say, "Here are people whose very basis, maybe even the way that they think, is completely different to all of your assumptions." All your assumptions that are so wired so deeply into you, you don't even know they're assumptions. You just think that's what consciousness is or what it is to be alive. And that's, I think, why I try to focus it on that human level.Henry: How do you do your research?Helen Lewis: Badly, with lots of procrastination in between it, I think is the only honest answer to that. I went and cast my net out for primary sources quite wide. And there was some... The number of fights kept expanding. I think it started off with eight fights, and then just more and more fights kept getting added. But I went to, for example, the LSC Women's Library has got a suffragette collection. And I just read lots and lots of suffragette letters on microfiche. And that was a really good way into it because you've got a sense of who was a personality and who had left enough records behind. And I write about this in the book, about the fact that it's much easier to write a biography of a writer because they'll fundamentally, probably, give you lots of clues as to what they were thinking and doing in any particular time. But I also find things that I found really moving, like the last letter from Constance Lytton before she has a stroke, which has been effected by being force fed and having starved herself. And then you can see the jump, and then she learns to write again with her other hand, and her handwriting's changed.And stuff like that, I just don't think you would get if you didn't allow yourself to be... Just sort of wade through some stuff. Someone volunteered to be my research assistant, I mean I would have paid them, I did pay them, to do reports of books, which apparently some authors do, right? They will get someone to go and read a load of books for them, and then come back. And I thought, "Well, this is interesting. Maybe I'll try this. I've got a lot of ground to cover here." And she wrote a report on a book about… I think it was about environmental feminism. And it was really interesting, but I just hadn't had the experience of living through reading a book. And all of the stuff you do when you're reading a book you don't even think about, where you kind of go, "Oh, that's interesting. Oh, and actually, that reminds me of this thing that's happened in this other book that's... Well, I wonder if there's more of that as I go along." I don't think if you're going try and write a book, there is any shortcut.I thought this would be a very... I'm sure you could write a very shallow... One of those books I think of where they're a bit Wikipedia. You know what I mean. You know sometimes when you find those very 50 inspirational women books, those were the books I was writing against. And it's like, you've basically written 50 potted biographies of people. And you've not tried to find anything that is off the beaten track or against the conventional way of reading these lives. It's just some facts.Henry: So biographically, you were perhaps more inspired by what you didn't want to write than what you did.Helen Lewis: Yeah, I think that's very true. I think writing about feminism was an interesting first book to pick because there's so much of it, it's like half the human race. It's really not a new subject. And to do the whole of British feminism really was a mad undertaking. But I knew that I didn't want to write, "You go girl, here's some amazing ladies in history." And I wanted to actually lean into the fact that they could be weird or nasty or mad. And my editor said to me at one point, and I said, "I'm really worried about writing some of this stuff." She said, "I think you can be more extreme in a book," which I thought was really interesting.Which I think is also very true in that I also feel like this about doing podcasts is that I very rarely get in trouble for things I've said on podcasts because it's quite hard to lazily clip a bit of them out and put them on Twitter and toss the chum into the water. Right? And I think that's the same thing about if you write something on page 390 of a book, yeah, occasionally, someone might take a screen-grab of it, but people hopefully will have read pages 1-389 and know where you're coming from, by that point.Henry: Maybe trolls don't read.Helen Lewis: Well, I think a lot of the stuff that annoys me is a shallow engagement with complexity, and an attempt to go through books and harvest them for their talking points, which is just not how... It's just such a sad, weathered way of approaching the experience of reading, isn't it? Do I agree with this author or not? I like reading people I disagree with. And so for example, the fact that I call the suffragettes terrorists, and I write about that, I think people are reluctant to engage with the fact that people you agree with did terrible things in the pursuit of a goal that you agree with. And I think it's very true about other sectors. I always think about the fact that Nelson Mandela was imprisoned for terrorism. And that gets pushed down in the mix, doesn't it? When it all turns out that actually, he was a great man. And that incredibly long imprisonment in Robben Island is its own totemic piece of the history of modern South Africa, that you don't wanna sit with the awkward bits of the story too.Henry: You've had a lot of difficult experiences on Twitter? Would you have written this book if you hadn't lived through that?Helen Lewis: I think that's a hard question to answer. I tried not to make it a “Here is the cutting of all my enemies.” And actually, my friend, Rob read this book in draft and he insisted that everyone I knew that I was going to argue with had to be of sufficient stature to be worth arguing with. He's like, You cannot argue with, I think I put it in my drawing piece, a piece like Princess Sparklehorse 420. Right? That's quite hard when you're writing about modern feminism, because actually if you think about what I think of as the very social justice end of it, right? The end of it, that is very pro sex work, very pro self-identification of gender, very pro prison abolition, police abolition, it's actually quite hard to find the people who were the theorists of that. It's more of a vibe that you will find in social media spaces on Tumblr, and Twitter and other places like that. So trying to find who is the person who has actually codified all that and put that down to then say, "Well, let's look at it from all sides", can be really difficult. So I did find myself slightly arguing with people on Twitter.Henry: I'm wondering more, like one way I read your book, it's very thought-provoking on feminism, but it's also very thought-provoking just on what is a difficult person. And there's a real thing now about if you're low in agreeableness, that might mean you're a genius, like Steve Jobs, or it might mean you're a Twitter troll. And we have a very basic binary way of thinking about being difficult. And it's actually very nuanced, and you have to be very clever about how to be difficult. And in a way, I wondered if one of the things you were thinking about was, well, everyone's doing difficult in a really poor way. And what we need, especially on the left, is smart difficult, and here is a book about that, and please improve. [chuckle]Helen Lewis: Yeah, there was a lot of that and it's part of the sort of bro-ey end of philosophy is about maybe women have been less brilliant through history because they're less willing to be disagreeable, they have a higher need to be liked, which I think is kind of interesting. I don't entirely buy it. But I think there's an interesting thing there about whether or not you have to be willing to be iconoclastic. The thing that I find interesting about that is, again, there's another way in which you can refer to it, which is the idea that if you're a heretic, you're automatically right.Henry: Yes.Helen Lewis: And there's a lot of...Henry: Or brave.Helen Lewis: Or brave, right? And I think it's... You can see it in some of the work that I'm doing at the moment about the intellectual dark web being a really interesting example. Some of them stayed true to the kind of idea that you were a skeptic. And some of them disbelieved the mainstream to the extent that they ended up falling down the rabbit holes of thinking Ivermectin was a really great treatment for COVID, or that the vaccines were going to microchip you or whatever it might be. And so I'm always interested in how personality affects politics, I guess. And yeah, how you can be self-contained and insist on being right and not cow-tow to other people without being an a*****e is a perpetually interesting question. It's coming up in my second book a lot, which is about genius. Which is sort-of the similar thing is, how do you insist when everybody tells you that you're wrong, that you're right. And the thing that we don't talk about enough in that context, I think Newton is a very good example is that, obviously, he made these incredible breakthroughs with gravity and mathematics, and then spends literally decades doing biblical chronology and everyone tells him that he's wrong, and he is wrong. And we don't really talk about that side of it very much.All the people who spent all their time studying phlogiston and mesmerism, or that's more complicated because I think that does lead to interesting insights. A lot of people who the world told was wrong, were wrong. And we're over-indexing, always writing about the ones who were the one Galileo saying the Earth still moves, and they turned out to be correct.Henry: Yes. There are good books about biographies of failures, but they're less popular.Helen Lewis: Which is tough because most of us are going to be failures.Henry: Yes. Well, you're not gonna buy a book to reinforce that.Helen Lewis: No, but maybe there could be some deep spiritual learning from it, which is that a life spent in pursuit of a goal that turns out to be illusory is still a noble one.Henry: That's a fundamentally religious opinion that I think a secular society is not very good at handling.Helen Lewis: Yeah, maybe. Yeah. I've been doing lots of work for Radio 4 about the link between politics and religion, and whether or not religion has to some extent replaced politics as Western societies become more secular. And I think there is some truth in that. And one of the big problems is, yes, it doesn't have that sort of spirit of self-abnegation or the idea of kind of forgiveness in it, or the idea of just desserts happening over the horizon of death. Like everything's got be settled now in politics here, which I think is a bad fit for religious impulses and ideas.Henry: What is the role of humour in being difficult?Helen Lewis: I think it's really important because it does sweeten the pill of trying to make people be on your side. And so I had a long discussion with myself about how much I should put those jokes in the footnotes of the book, and how much I should kind of be funny, generally. Because I think the problem is, if you're funny, people don't think you're serious. And I think it's a big problem, particularly for women writers, that actually I think sometimes, and this happens in journalism too, that women writers often play up their seriousness, a sort of uber-serious persona, because they want to be taken seriously. If you see what I mean, it's very hard to be a foreign policy expert and also have a kind of lively, cheeky side, right? We think that certain things demand a kind of humourlessness to them.But the other thing that I think humour is very important, is it creates complicity with the audience. If you laugh at someone's joke, you've aligned yourself with them, right? Which is why we now have such a taboo and a prohibition on racist jokes, sexist jokes, whatever they might be, because it's everyone in the audience against that minority. But that can, again, if you use your powers for good, be quite powerful. I think it is quite powerful to see... There's one of the suffragettes where someone throws a cabbage at her, and she says something like, “I must return this to the man in the audience who's lost his head.” And given that all the attacks on the suffragettes were that they were these sort of mad, radical, weird, un-feminine, inhuman people, then that was a very good way of instantly saying that you weren't taking it too seriously.One of the big problems with activism is obviously that people, normal people who don't spend every moment of their life thinking about politics, find it a bit repellent because it is so monomaniacal and all-consuming. And therefore, being able to puncture your pomposity in that way, I think is quite useful.Henry: So if there are people who want to learn from Helen Lewis, “How can I be difficult at work and not be cast aside,” you would say, “Tell more low-grade jokes, get people to like you, and then land them with some difficult remark.”Helen Lewis: Use your powers for good after that. It's tricky, isn't it? I think the real answer to how to be difficult at work is decide what level of compromise you're willing to entertain to get into positions of power. Which is the same question any activist should ask themselves, “How much do I need to engage with the current flawed system in order to change it?” And people can be more or less open with themselves, I guess, about that. I think the recent Obama memoir is quite open about, for example on the financial relief in 2008, about how much he should have tried to be more radical and change stuff, and how much he... Did he actually let himself think he was being this great consensualist working with the Republican Party and therefore not get stuff done?And then the other end, I think you have the criticism I made of the Corbyn project, which was that it was better to have kind of clean hands than get things done. There's a great essay by Matt Bruenig called Purity Politics, which says... No, what is it called? Purity Leftism. And it said, “the purity leftist's approach is not so much that they're worried about that oppression is happening but that they should have no part of it.” And I think that's part of the question of being difficult, too, is actually how much do you have to work with and compromise yourself by working with people with whom you're opposed? And it's a big question in feminism. There are people who will now say, “Well, how could feminists possibly work with the Conservative Party?” Entirely forgetting that Emmeline Pankhurst ran as a Conservative candidate.Henry: She was very conservative.Helen Lewis: Right. And there were members of the suffragettes who went on to join the British Union of Fascists. That actually... Some of the core tenets of feminism have been won by people who didn't at all see themselves on the left.Henry: If I was the devil's advocate, I'd say that well-behaved women, for want of a better phrase, do make a lot of history. Not just suffragists but factory workers, political wives, political mistresses. What's the balance between needing difficult women and needing not exactly compliant women but people who are going to change it by, as you say, completely engaging with the system and almost just getting on with it?Helen Lewis: There's a scale, isn't there? Because if you make yourself too unbelievably difficult, then no one wants to work with you and it's... I think the suffragettes is a really good example of that actually. The intervention of the First World War makes that story impossible to play out without it.But had they continued on that course of becoming ever more militant, ever more bombings, and pouring acid on greens, and snipping telephone wires... The criticism that was made of them was, “Are they actually turning people off this cause?” And you get people saying that, that actually the suffragettes set back the cause of women's suffrage, which I'm not entirely sure I buy. I think I certainly don't buy it in the terms of the situation in 1905. Fawcett writes about the fact that there were loads of all these articles decrying the suffragettes, whereas previously they'd just been... The cause of suffrage, which had been going on for 70-80 years, quite in earnest, in legal form, had just been completely ignored. So there was definitely a moment where what it really needed was attention. But then, can you make the same argument in 1914 about whether or not the suffragettes were still doing an equal amount of good? I think then it's much more tenuous.And there was a really good article saying that, essentially your point, well-behaved women do make history, saying that a lot of boring legal heavy-lifting... And it's one of the things I find very interesting about where modern feminism in Britain is. A lot of the work that's most interesting is being done through things like judicial reviews, which is a lot of very boring pulling together large amounts of court bundles, and people saying, “Is this obiter?” This word which I once understood, and now don't anymore. But it's not people chaining themselves to railings or throwing themselves under horses. It's people getting up in the morning and putting another day shift in at quite boring admin. And I do think that maybe that's something that I underplayed in the book because it's not so narratively captivating. Brenda Hale made that point to me that she would have been a suffragist because she just believed in playing things by the book. You won it by the book.And I do think now I find I don't agree with throwing paint and pies and milkshakes and stuff like that at people whose political persuasions I disagree with, right? I fundamentally don't believe in punching Nazis, which was a great debate... Do you remember the great Twitter debate of a couple of years ago about whether it's okay to punch a Nazi? I think if you live in America or the UK, and there are democratic ways and a free press in which to make your political case, you don't need to resort to a riot. And that's not the case all over the world, obviously. But I do think that I am... I think difficulty takes many, many forms.Henry: A question about Margaret Thatcher.Helen Lewis: Yes.Henry: Was she good for women, even though she wasn't good for feminism? So millions of women joined the labour force in the 1980s, more than before or since. It was the first time that women got their own personal allowance for income tax, rather than being taxed as an extension of their husband's income.Helen Lewis: I'm trying to remember. Was that a Tory policy?Henry: That was 1988 budget, and it came into effect in 1990. And she also publicly supported. She said, “You should be nice to mothers who go out to work. They're just earning money for their families.” So even though she definitely did not, consciously I think, help the cause of feminism, you would probably rather be a woman in the '80s than the '70s...Helen Lewis: Oh yeah, definitely.Henry: But because of her. That's my challenge to you.Helen Lewis: No, it's a good challenge. And I think it's one that has a lot of merit. I'm not sure whether or not she would be grateful to you for positioning her as Margaret Thatcher, feminist hero. And it's really into having... I wrote a screenplay last year about the women in politics in the years before Margaret Thatcher, and it's very... And I cover this a bit in the book. That women have always struggled in Labour, a collective movement, where it's like if you let one woman through, you've got to let them all. Like, “I'm the vanguard” versus the Thatcher route, which was like, “I'm just me, a person. Judge me on who I am,” and not making such a kind of radical collective claim. So that's the bit that holds me back from endorsing her as a kind of good thing for women, is I think she was Elizabeth I in the sense where she was like, “I'm good like a man,” rather than saying, “Women are good, and I'm a woman,” which I think are two different propositions. But it's definitely true that... I think that growing up in a society that had a female prime minister was a huge deal. America still hasn't had a female president. It's just not... If you're a girl growing up there, it's just... That's something that you've never seen. And the other half of it is, I think it was incredibly powerful to see Denis Thatcher. The true feminist hero that is Denis Thatcher. But genuinely, that's somebody who was older than her, who was willing to take a back seat. And he found a role for men that was not being the alpha. It was kind of the, “I don't have anything left to prove. And I like playing golf. Haven't I got a great life while the little woman runs around with her red boxes. All a bit much.” I think that was almost a more radical thing for people to see.And it's interesting to me that he was somebody who had fought in the Second World War because I think the '70s and the feminist revolution, I think in some ways depends on there being a generation of men who didn't have anything to prove, in terms of masculinity. And it's really interesting to me that... So Barbara Castle's husband Ted was also, I think, a little bit older than her. But he was also very much in that Denis Thatcher mould of, “Woman! Right, you're exhausting.” And Maureen Colquhoun, who I also write about in the book, her husband Keith was, by all accounts, a very decent guy who was totally accepting of her ambitions. And then he conducted himself with incredible dignity after she left him for a woman. And I think that's a story that I'm interested in hearing a bit more about, is of the men who weren't threatened. So I do think that's a big challenge that the Thatchers did present to orthodox values. But let's not underplay them as conservatives.Henry: Oh no, hugely conservative.Helen Lewis: And also the fact that, to some extent, Margaret Thatcher was reacting to an economic tide that was very useful to her. More women in the workforce meant more productivity, meant higher GDP. And I think it was at that point a train that was just not... Why would you throw yourself in front of it to try and reverse it and get women back into the home?Henry: Her advisors wanted a tax break for marriage.Helen Lewis: Oh, that's a classic Conservative policy.Henry: Because they said, “We're in office, and this is what we're here for.” And she said, “I can't do it to the mill girls in Bolton. I can't give a tax break to wives in Surrey playing bridge.” And in a way, I think she was very quietly, and as you say for political reasons not entirely openly, quite on the side of the working woman for moral reasons that we would usually call feminist. But which because it's her and because of everything else she believes, it doesn't really make sense to call them feminist, but it's difficult to think of another Prime Minister who has had so much rhetoric saying “Yes, women should go to work, that's a good thing. Don't yell at them about it.” And who has implemented economic policies that's giving them tax breaks and trying to level the playing field a bit. So it's a sort of conundrum for me that she didn't want to be called a feminist, but she did a lot of things that quotes, if you were that sort of person would say “undermined” the traditional family or whatever.Helen Lewis: Yeah. And she found a way to be a powerful woman and an archetype of what that was, which I think again, is based enormously on Barbara Castle, I think Barbara Castle is the template for her.Henry: Oh yeah. Down to the hair. Yeah.Helen Lewis: With the big hair and the fluttering the eyelashes, and that kind of, what I think of as kind of “Iron Fem” right? Which is where you're very, very feminine, but it's in a steely ball-crushing kind of way. Although interestingly, Barbara Castle cried a lot. She would have frequently burst into tears about stuff, which again was, I think kept the men around her slightly off balance, they didn't know how to... Which I think any good politician uses what they've got. But the thing that struck me when I read more about Thatcher last year, was about the fact that if she hadn't been the first female Prime Minister, I think we would write a lot more about her lower-middle middle class background and what a challenge that was. And the fact that that really, in some ways, I think the Tory Party really loved having a female leader once they got over the initial shock because it was kind of like, “Well, aren't we modern. And now Labor can't have a go at us about all this kind of stuff, 'cause look at our woman leader.” What I think was more of a profound challenge for a long time, was the kind of arriviste sort of idea that she was, as you say, a representative of working people, upwardly mobile, or from right to buy being an example of one of these policies. I think that was a big challenge to the kind of men in smoky rooms.Henry: I don't think they ever got over it. Carrington called her “a f*****g stupid petit-bourgeois woman.”Helen Lewis: Petit-bourgeois is exactly the right, I think the right term of abuse. And there was a... And I think that's why... I mean, I think it came out as misogyny but actually it was also driven by class as well, the fact that she was no better than she ought to be, right?But that's about... I think that's how you see, and honestly I think Ted Heath experiences as a great... Leading to the incredible sulk, one of my favorite phrases, [chuckle] that he just never kind of got over that he had been beaten by a woman. I think that was an extra kind of poisoned pill for him, of the ingratitude of the party, that they would replace him with a woman.Henry: And a woman of his own class.Helen Lewis: Right. And exactly, it's not like she... So she wasn't sort of Lady Aster wafting in a cloud of diamonds and violet scent. It was, “Hang on a minute, you're saying this person is better than me.”Henry: Now, before Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Tory Party, almost nobody thought that she was going anywhere, right up to say a week before the leadership election. People would have meetings about who the candidates were and they wouldn't even discuss her. Who are the people in politics today that no one's really sort of gathered actually have got this big potential?Helen Lewis: Yeah, I think that's really interesting isn't it, that essentially she goes into that leadership context and they sort of think, “Well, someone's gonna shake it up a bit, someone's gonna represent the right to the party.” And then they go round... And it was Airey Neave who was running her campaign, going around sort of saying, “Well, you know, vote for her, it'll give Ted a shock.” And then the first ballot result comes in and they go, “Oh God, it's given us a shock as well.” And then I think at that point, Willy Whitelaw piles in, doesn't he? But it's too late and the train's already moving. And the other one who's... It's Hugh Fraser is the other... And he runs very much from the sort patrician candidate background. I love that, that leadership election, it symbolizes what I like about politics, which is just that sometimes there is a moment, that is a hinge when a force that's been bubbling away suddenly pops up. And not to get too much into the great man or in this case, a great woman theory history, but someone makes a big decision that is either going to be the right call or the wrong call.And for Margaret Thatcher is almost insanely ambitious, and she could have ended up looking incredibly stupid, and because the life didn't take that fork in the road, we'll never look back on that. But there are many people who have made that gamble, and again, go back to failures point, have crashed. You have to have that kind of instinct in politics. Who's good now? I was just thinking this morning that Bridget Phillipson of Labor, who is now currently shadow education, I think has been underrated for a long time. Finally less so, given that she's made it to the Shadow Cabinet, who knows if she can make an impression there, but she is smart. So I'll give you an example, she was asked the inevitable question that all labor politicians are now asked, like, “What is a woman?” And she said, “The correct... “ This is Richard Madeley asked her this. She said, “What to my mind is the correct legal ounce that would also makes sense to normal human beings who don't follow politics all the time, which is, ‘It's an adult human female or anybody with a gender recognition certificate. And there are difficulties in how you might sometimes put that into practice, but those are the two categories of people.'”And it was like this moment, I was like, Why? Why has it taken you so long to work out an answer to this question that is both correct and explicable. And I think that is an underrated gift in politicians, is actually deciding what issues you're going to fudge around and which issues you actually have to come out and say what you think even if people disagree with it. It was one of Thatcher's great strengths, was that she made decisions and she stuck to them. I mean, obviously then you get to the poll tax and it becomes a problem. But I think there's... One of the problems I felt with the Ed Miliband era of Labor was that he didn't want to annoy anybody and ended up annoying everybody. Wes Streeting, I think is also... No, I won't say underrated, I will say he's now rated and clearly has got his eye on the leadership next.Bridget Phillipson has a much more marginal seat than you'd like to see from somebody who's going to be a leader. Wes is an interesting character. Grew up on free school meals, has been through cancer in the last couple of years, is gay, has a genuinely kind of... But is also on scene as being on the right to the party. So he's got lots of different identity factors and political factors that will make people very hard to know where to put him, I think, or how to brand him, I guess. But those are two of the ones who you make me think that there's some interesting stuff happening. On the Tory side, there are some people who are quietly competent. So Michael Gove, I think, whatever you think about his persona or anything like that, is the person they put in when they want stuff actually to happen. I think Nadhim Zahawi did very well as Vaccines Minister without anyone really noticing, which is probably not what you want when you're a minister, but it's probably what you want from the public.Henry: Why are so many women late bloomers? Well, obviously, the constraints of having a family or whatever.Helen Lewis: I think the answer is children, I think is the answer to that one.Henry: But there must be other reasons.Helen Lewis: I think... I mean, who knows? I may be straying into territory which is pseudo-science here, but I do also think that menopause is quite important. When you lose all your caring for others, nicely, softly, softly hormones and your hormone profile becomes much more male, I think that makes it easier to not care what people think about you, to some extent. As does the fact that you can no longer be beautiful and play that card. And I don't know, I think also... Again, this is... I don't know if this is supported by the evidence, I think there's more of... I think more of the men fall away. I don't know, I think if you're a guy who's found it very hard to form personal relationships, then maybe your 50s and 60s can be quite lonely, whereas I think that's often the time in which women kind of find a sort of a second wind. Does that make sense? This is all... I mean, none of this is... There's no evidential basis for this, this is just based on my sort of anecdotal reading of people that I'm thinking of.Henry: Camille Paglia once wrote, she put it in very strict terms, she said something like, when the menopause happens, the wife becomes this sort of tyrant and starts flourishing.Helen Lewis: Yeah. No, I'm very much looking forward to that, yeah. Oh yeah.Henry: And the husband becomes this kind of wet rag and his testosterone level drops and the whole power balance just flips. And you're sort of, you're saying that, but not in quite that... Not as quite an aggressive way as she's phrased it.Helen Lewis: Yeah, and it's not a universal truth.Henry: No, no, not at all.Helen Lewis: I just think for the people for whom that happens, that is quite an arresting thing that often gives them the liberation. I also do think there's a kind of mindset change. I don't have kids, but I know from women that I know whose kids have gone off to university, that if you have been the primary caregiver, there is suddenly a great, big hole in your life, and what do you fill it with? And actually, do you have to find a new focus and direction and purpose, because you don't want to be sort of turning up at their halls of residence going, “Hello, just thought I check in, see if you're alright.” And whereas for men, who've maintained a sort of career focus throughout, whilst also adding on a family, that's not such a kind of big realignment of their day and their life and what they feel the focus of their life is.Henry: I spoke to Tyler Cowen about this and he wondered if there's something about women become more acceptable in their looks. So you think about Angela Merkel and Margaret Thatcher as... I think you were sort of implying this, when a woman reaches middle age, the public or the people around them are less likely to judge them on whether they're good-looking, and so some of that sexism slightly falls away, because when you are a woman in your 20s or 30s, you're very susceptible to being looked at or rated or whatever, whereas Margaret Thatcher had a sort of, I don't know, a motherly quality that no one would... There was a kind of cult of finding her attractive and Alan Clark said disgusting things about her.Helen Lewis: Yeah, and also we've had a queen for 70 years, right? So we do have that sort of idea of what female power looks like, which is icy and so it's non-emotional, but yeah.Henry: But I've seen that in the office, that women in their 20s have a difficult time if they're good looking because there are a certain type of men...Helen Lewis: Well, people assume you're stupid as well.Henry: Well, and also it's just what men go to. They talk about you being that, whereas once a woman gets slightly past that, men don't automatically sort of go, “Oh, how would you rate her out of 10” or whatever? And that creates a space to see them as the person.Helen Lewis: And see them as actual human. I think that's a really interesting thesis. I also think that there's a... I think being a young woman is a particular kind of problem. So I think there's definitely a form of ageism against women, where it's silly old bat, right? Which I do think you get silly old duffer as well, but there is some extra level as well about women, it's like, “Why are you still talking? No one wants to hear from you? Your... “ This is a phrase they use in the internet now, “You're dusty, you and your dusty opinions.” But I think you get the contrary version of that as a young woman, whereas I think we find... The phrase Young Turk implies man, doesn't it?It's like, thrusting young guy, on his way up, super ambitious, he's the new generation, whereas I don't think you necessarily have that whole sort of coalition of positive stereotypes about young women. It's untested, learner, still needs to learn the ropes, that kind of... I'm eternally grateful to my boss in my 20s, Jason Cowley of the New Statesman, for making me deputy editor of the Statesman when I was 28, which I think was a pretty radical thing to do. When I don't think it would have necessarily felt so radical to make a 28-year-old guy.Although I say that, but then Ian Hislop became editor of Private Eye when he was 26, and there was like a revolution among the old guard. And he had to metaphorically execute a few of them outside the woodshed. So I do think that... I also think people begin to... There's... Now, this is really straying to some dangerous, choppy feminist waters. Competition between women can be very fierce, obviously. I write about this in the book in the terms of Smurfette Syndrome. The idea that there's only one place for a woman, and by God, I've got to have it. But I do think that there can be some jealousy that maybe recedes. And I think it's probably true for men and women. As you get older, people don't see you as a threat because they think, “Well, by the time I'm 40, maybe I'll have all the stuff you have.” But if you've got that stuff at 28, I think there's a real feeling from other people in the generation that those, the stars are peeling away, and there's a real resentment of them. So one of the things I do is I provide kind of counselling services to young journalists who've just suddenly had like a really big promotion or career lift or whatever it is. And I feel indebted to go and say to them, “By the way, this is amazing, but people will hate you because of it.”Henry: It's very striking to me that we've had a period of very young politicians being leaders, but they're men. And the women who've either competed with them or become leaders afterwards are in their 50s. And I do think there's something about what's an acceptable public woman.Helen Lewis: And the idea of authority, I think that's the thing. I think as you get older as a woman, it's easier to seem authoritative.Henry: Someone like Stella Creasy, I think, has had a much more difficult time just because she happens to be under a certain age.Helen Lewis: Yeah, I think that's interesting. And I think the fact that she's now got very young children at a relatively older age. I know that's... Sorry. Apologies to Stella, if you're listening. But it is comparatively old to have children after 40, still. That that will be interesting of how that complicates her next decade in politics.And I do think those super top jobs… There was a really brilliant piece of research which I put in the book about the sort of so-called demanding jobs, the kind of lawyers, the top lawyers, and I think journalists and politicians. Greedy jobs, they're called. And the fact is that they have become more demanding in terms of hours as women have entered the workforce. And now the thing has become fetishized as can you do the 14-hour days? And it becomes a soft way of excluding women with young kids.The problem, I think, will come with all of this when both men and women end up needing to look after elderly parents, as we're having more and more of that extension, those decades at the end of life when you're alive but maybe you're not as mobile as you were. Maybe you need more help from your family. And I think there is a lot of anger among certain types of women that they just feel like they're finally free from their caring responsibilities, and then they get landed with another one. But I know, I've been to some feminist conferences recently where... There's a famous saying which women are the only minority that get more radical with age, which I think is probably true. You can meet some groups of 50-something women, and they are fuming, really fuming. And they've now got the time and the sort of social capital with which to exercise that fuming-dom, as it were.Henry: Is Roy Jenkins overrated?Helen Lewis: [laughter] That's the most random question. He's not my favourite politician, mainly because I'm Team Castle for life, right? And I think she was treated very badly by the men in that Wilson cabinet, the first, the '66 to '70 one, of whom he was one, right? I think that, yeah. I think... Do you know what? I haven't got very strong opinions on him compared with my strong opinions on James Callaghan, who I am anti. And I know there are some Callaghan-stans out there. But I think the utterly cynical way in which he sucked up to the unions in order to get the leadership at the cost, ultimately, of then Margaret Thatcher in '79, out-strikes me as one of the most sort of cynical pieces of politicking.Henry: You are sailing very close to being a Thatcherite.Helen Lewis: I'm not a Thatcherite. I'm not.Henry: No, I know.Helen Lewis: But I can see... I think you... And I think Rachel Reeves has basically written about this, who's now Labour's Shadow Chancellor, that if Barbara Castle had succeeded with In Place of Strife on what were, now, to us, very mild measures, right? A conciliation pause where you have negotiations, strike ballots, no wildcat strikes. If she'd managed to push through some of those, then some of the excesses of the '70s would not have happened. Or at least, Labour would have been able to show that it had a grip of them. But you have a situation where the teachers were asking for something like 25% pay rise in the run up to the '79 election. And the Labour government just looked completely out of control. And so yeah, that's my Callaghan beef. What's your Roy Jenkins beef, then?Henry: I don't have beef. I can't remember why I wrote that question. I read about him in your book. I suppose I think that he did implement some good progressive measures, but that he was essentially a sort of patrician wannabe. And that his whole career in politics is much more middling and establishment, and his radicalism was... I don't know. Perhaps overrated, when we look back.Helen Lewis: Well, I will go away and read some more. I read quite a lot of the... The mad thing about the cabinet, particularly in that Wilson government, is that they were all obviously sitting there writing copious amounts of... To the extent that Barbara Castle would actually write literal notes in cabinet, save it for diary later on. But Tony Benn was writing notes. Crossman was writing notes. Jenkins essentially wrote lots of... A very full memoir. Harold Wilson wrote one of the most boring memoirs that the world has ever seen. The trade union leaders wrote memoirs. Jack Jones wrote a memoir. It was an astonishingly literate and writerly sort of set of people. And yet the cabinet was, in some respects, kind of utterly dysfunctional, but with Wilson still running a sort of... You know, sort of like who was kind of currently had been nice to me. And he went... And of course in his second term, he became incredibly paranoid.It was not a model of good government really. And again, Callaghan is one of the greatest political resurrections ever, right, when he completely screws up the Treasury and then uses Northern Ireland's Home Secretary in order to kind of make himself back into a respectful mainstream figure. But before we go and fight Roy Jenkins-stans, we should both go and find out what our beef is with him.Henry: I'm gonna say her name, well, Colquhoun?Helen Lewis: Colquhoun.Henry: Colquhoun. She said, “Labor would rather fight Powell than solve poverty.” Is that still true?Helen Lewis: What read it out there is a phrase that I think Maureen Colquhoun said after not “the rivers of blood” speech, but another Enoch Powell speech in the '70s, which got her in enormous trouble. Would you like to endorse this sentiment that got her called a racist? And it was used as a pretext for drumming her out of the Labor party. So what happened to Maureen after that is that she... Her local party tried to de-select her, it then went to an appeal at the NEC. She eventually ended up holding on to her candidacy and then she lost in '79 to a guy called Tony Marlow, who's one of the most... Talk about Thatcher, I mean... He was bristly, to the extent that his nickname was Tony von Marlow. But yeah, he has some terrible quote about Harriet Harman as well, which is something like, “These bra burners have got a chip on their shoulder,” or something. It was something terrible mixed metaphor involving how you couldn't wear a bra if you also had a chip on your shoulder. Anyway, I digress.Henry: I'm not trying to endorse her quote, but if you replace Powell with Boris.Helen Lewis: I think it's a really interesting quote about... It comes back to purity leftism, what we were talking about before, is actually, “Do you want the win or do you want the fight?” And there is, I think, more of a tendency on the left than the right, to want to be on the right side of history, to want to be pure, to want to be fighting, and that sort of sense that... The perpetual struggle is the bit that you want to be in, that's the bit that's exciting, rather than the win. I think one of the really interesting sounds to me is gay marriage. I was just reading this Jonathan Rauch piece this morning about the fact that... His argument being, that there was a coalition of kind of right-wingers and centrists and liberals in America who fought with the radical left, who wanted gay rights to be predicated on the idea of sort of smashing the nuclear family and everything like that, to say, “Let's make gay rights really boring, and let's talk a lot about how much we want to get married. And maybe we wanna adopt. Let's recruit all the people who happen to have been born gay, but are also Tories or Republicans.”And I think a similar thing happened to him here, where you have David Cameron saying, “I support gay marriage not in spite of being a conservative, but because I'm conservative.” And you frame it as essentially a very norm-y, boring thing. And I think that has been really interesting to watch in the sense of... I think that's why gender is now come much more to the fore because it's a sense that, “Well, if even Tories are okay with people being gay, it's not... Like what's left? How is that interesting anymore?” And so, I think the criticism that she was trying to make there is very true in the sense that sometimes Labor wants to look right more than it wants to win a halfway victory.Henry: What are some of the best or most underrated biographies of women?Helen Lewis: That's a really interesting question. I read a lot of royal biographies, so I very much like Leonie Frieda's biography of Catherine de' Medici, for example. There is also... You're gonna think this is terrible, Princess Michael of Kent wrote a joint biography of Catherine de Medici and Diane de Poitiers, the mistress of Henry II, which is called The Serpent and the Moon, which is a really... I think it's... Actually, it's not a bad biography, but I think it's quite interesting to write a biography of the wife and the mistress together.Henry: Yeah, I think that's a great idea.Helen Lewis: Because the story of them is obviously so intertwined and their power relationship obviously changes, right? Because Catherine is the dowdy wife who bears the 10 children, Diane is the kind of unbelievably gorgeous, older woman. But then of course, the king dies and it's like, “Oh, nice chateau you've got there. Shame, one of us is the dowager queen and one of us is now just some woman,” and makes her hand back her Chenonceau to her. So I enjoyed that very much. I'm trying to think what the best political women biographies are. Do you have a favourite Elizabeth I biography? I think there must be a really great one out there but I can't... I don't know which one actually is best.Henry: Well, I like the one by Elizabeth Jenkins, but it's now quite out of date and I don't know how true it is anymore. But it's, just as a piece of writing and a piece of advocacy for Elizabeth, it's an excellent book. And it sold, it was sort of a big best seller in 1956, which I find a very compelling argument for reading a book, but I appreciate that a lot of other people might not.Helen Lewis: No, that's not to everyone's taste. That's interesting. I like Antonia Fraser as a biographer. I don't know if you'‘e got a strong feelings, pro or anti. Her Mary Queen of Scots book is very good. Her Mari Antoinette book is very good. And I actually, I interviewed her once about how she felt about the Sofia Coppola film, which is basically like a two-and a half hour music video. She was totally relaxed, she was like, “It's a film, I wrote a book.”She didn't say it like that, she didn't go, “Film innit,” sucking on a roll-up, she said it in a very lofty, Antonia Fraser kind of way. But I think that's a good thing if you're an author, to kind of go, “What works in a biography is not what works in a film,” so...But yeah, I grew up reading those Jean Plaidy historical novels, so I guess I read a lot of biographies of Queens. I'm trying to think whether or not I read any biographies of modern women. I haven't read... I have on my shelf the, Red Comet, the Sylvia Plath biography. And I also, which is on my to-read pile, as is the biography of Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas by Janet Malcom, which I one day, will treat myself to. Henry: What are the best or most underrated biographies by women?Helen Lewis: By women? Well, again, then we go back to...Henry: I mean, you've named some of them, maybe.Helen Lewis: The interesting thing is, I remember when I did Great Lives, they said... The Radio 4 program about history. That they said, the one thing that they have tried to encourage more of, is men nominating women. Because they found there was no problem with getting women to nominate men and men to nominate men, but they found there weren't that many men who picked women, which I think is interesting. I really wanted, when Difficult Women came out, I wanted a man to review it.Henry: Did that not happen?Helen Lewis: No, it didn't happen. And I think everybody would've... I think, from the point of view of your male reviewers, why would you review a book on feminism when you're gonna get loads of people going, “Ew, what are you doing?mansplaining feminism?” But it's an intellectual project, right? It's not a... It should be open to criticism by absolutely anyone, not on... You don't have to pass an identity test. It's an ideology and a school of history. And so I would... What's the best biography of woman written by a man, is kind of a question I'm interested in.Henry: Yes. That's very difficult to think of.Helen Lewis: And how many of them are there? Because it just strikes me that when I'm naming all my women, biographies of women, that they're all by women.Henry: Yes. It's difficult to think... It'‘ easy to think of biographies of men written by women.Helen Lewis: Right. Hermoine Lee's out there repping for Tom Stoppard biography recently. But yeah, people can send in answers on a postcard for that one.Henry: Should there be less credentialism in journalism?Helen Lewis: Yes. I started as a sub-editor on the Daily Mail. And I worked alongside lots of older guys who had come up through local papers at the time when the trade unions were so strong that you had to do two years on local paper before you got to Fleet Street. And therefore, I worked with quite a lot of people who had left school at either 16 or 18 and were better at subbing than people who'd... than recent university graduates. And so, the way that journalism has become first of all, a graduate profession and now a postgraduate profession, I don't think it's got any real relationship to the quality of journalism. There are a sort of set of skills that you need to learn, but a lot of them are more about things like critical thinking than they are about literature, if you see what I mean?That's the thing. That is what I find very interesting about journalism, is the interesting marriage of... You have to have the personal relationships, you have to be able to find people and make them want to be interviewed by you and get the best out of them. Then you have to be able to write it up in prose that other humans can understand. But then there is also a level of rigour underneath it that you have to have, in terms of your note-keeping and record-keeping and knowledge of the law and all that kind of stuff. But none of that maps onto any kind of degree course that you might be able to take. And so, I think that's... And the other huge problem, I think in journalism is that, everyone in the world wants to do it, or at least that's how it seems when you're advertising for an entry level position in journalism.When I was at the New Statesman, we used to recruit for editorial assistants and I once had 250 applications for a single post, which was paid a fine amount, you could live on it just about in London, but was not... It was a plum job in intellectual terms, but not in economic terms. And I think that's a real problem because I could have filled every position that we had, with only people who'd got Firsts from Oxford or whatever it might be. But it wouldn't have been the best selection of journalists.Henry: No. Quite the opposite.[laughter]Helen Lewis: Yes. I enjoy your anti-Oxford prejudice. [chuckle] But you know what I mean is that I... But the fact that you had to have at least a degree to even get through the door, is sort of wrong in some profound way. And actually, some of the places have been... I think Sky did a non-graduate traineeship for people who were school leavers. And I think that there are profound problems in lots of those creative arts, publishing is the same, academia is the same, where you could fill every job which is low paid, and in London, with middle-class people whose parents are willing to fund them through. And the credentialism just is a further problem in that it just knocks out bright people from perfectly normal economic backgrounds.Henry: Do you think as well, that in a way, the main criteria for a good journalist, whether they're a sub-editor, or writing leaders or whatever, is common sense? And that a good English degree is really no guarantee that you have common sense.[laughter]Helen Lewis: Yeah. I couldn't put my hand in my heart and say that everybody I know with an English degree demonstrates common sense. I think that is actually not a bad... The famous thing is about you need a rat-like cunning, don't you? Which I think is also pretty true. But yeah, you do need to come back to that kind of idea about heresy and you do need to have a sort of sniffometer, not to be... I think you need to be fundamentally cynical, but not to a point where it poisons you.The right amount of cynicism is probably the thing you need in journalism. Because my husband's a journalist and quite often, there'll be a story where we just go, “I don't believe that. I just don't believe that.”And it really troubles me that that's become harder and harder to say. So I wrote a piece a while ago, about TikTok and people who claim to have Tourette's on there and actually quite a lot of them might have something else, might have functional neurological disorder. But there are whole genres of that all across journalism, where people will talk very personally and very painfully about their personal experiences. And the other half of that is that, we are not... It's mean, to question that. But they're often making political claims on the basis of those experiences. And you therefore can't put them in a realm beyond scrutiny. And so it's interesting to me, having been a teenager in the '90s when journalism was incredibly cruel. I'm talking about the height of bad tabloid, going through people's bins, hate campaigns against people. And a lot of this “be kind” rhetoric is a response to that and a necessary correction, but I do think there are now, lots of situations in which journalists need to be a bit less kind. That's a terrible quote. [laughter] But do you know what I mean?Henry: I do know exactly what you mean.Helen Lewis: When you have to say, “I know you think you've got this illness, but you haven't.” That's tough.Henry: People need to be more difficult.Helen Lewis: That's always my marketing strategy, yes.Henry: I want to ask if you think that you are yourself a late bloomer? In the tone of voice that you write in, you very often... You write like an Atlantic journalist and there are these moments, I think, of real wit. I don't mean jokey. I mean, clever. And so, a line like, “Your vagina is not a democracy,” is very funny but it's also very...Helen Lewis: It's true.Henry: Sort of Alexander Pope-ish.[laughter]Helen Lewis: That's the best possible reference. Yes, I hope to write very mean epigrams about people, one day.Henry: Please do. But you can also be very jokey like when you said, I think in a footnote, that you don't watch porn because the sofas are so bad.Helen Lewis: True.Henry: Now, there is something in those moments of wit that I think suggest that you could, if you wanted to, go and do something other than what you've already done. Maybe like Charles Moore, you'd become a biographer, or maybe you'd become a novelist, or maybe you'll run a think tank, or maybe you'll set up a newspaper and only employ 16-year-old school leavers, or... I don't know. Is that how you think about yourself or am I...Helen Lewis: You are trying to tell me I need to just grow up.[laughter]Henry: Not at all.Helen Lewis: Stop clowning around like a sea lion for applause after throwing fish.Henry: My theory on Helen Lewis is, you've got all the accolades that someone could want from a journalistic career.Helen Lewis: Not true. I've only ever won one award for journalism and you'll love this, it was Mainstream Video Games Writer of the Year.Henry: Oh my god.Helen Lewis: That's it. From the Games Awards in 2013, which I only remember this because every so often my publisher will put award-winning journalist as a merit that I have. Not really gov, not if I'm honest. You're right though. I have one of the plum jobs in journalism which is I work three days a week at the Atlantic, and then I make radio documentaries on the side and write books, and that is a position which is enormously enviable. But I have also... So I've moved away from column writing, in the last couple of years — I used to write a regular op-ed column — because I found it a deeply unsatisfying form. And I think, when you do jokes, you begin to realize that you can actually just say stupid, easy clap lines and with sufficient confidence, and people will respond to them, and after a while, you begin to hate yourself for doing that.[laughter]Well, that's one of the reasons I again... Like getting off Twitter. You know what I mean? You see some of those accounts that just exists to do lazy little dunks about the people that are appointed, that are sort of designated hate subjects. So if someone gets designated as a hate subject, then you can say nasty things about them and then everybody will applaud you. And I fundamentally revolt from that and I don't like it.I think that as a journalist, you should always try and be at right angles to whatever the prevailing opinion is. And actually as I've got older, I value the sort of... The people I think of as contrarians who I think really believe it rather than the people who are doing it for effect. Someone like a Peter Hitchens. He's got a whole ideology that's very much not mine and a set of interesting opinions and he believes them, and he truly argues them, and although they... Whether or not they're popular or unpopular is of no interest to hi
Former First Minister Carwyn Jones believes that Wales has yet to be polarised on the basis of nationalism and unionism as in Scotland and that there is still time for a reformed British Union to offer Welsh citizens greater autonomy for their country while retaining beneficial elements of the United Kingdom. This short episode features a clip of a speech given by the former leader of Welsh Labour at University College Dublin. We're curious to know what you think about this vision about the future constitution of Wales and the UK. And while you're thinking about our national future... we'd like to encourage all of our listeners to engage with the Welsh Government's Independent Commission on the Constitutional Future of Wales. You can use the short feedback form below to do so: Feedback form: https://www.smartsurvey.co.uk/s/22MWBF/ Full consultation: https://gov.wales/have-your-say-the-constitutional-future-of-wales The Constitution Reform Group on Twitter: https://twitter.com/ActofUnionBill The Constitution Reform Group: https://www.constitutionreformgroup.co.uk A League-Union of the Isles: https://www.iwa.wales/agenda/2022/03/a-strategic-compromise/ Jonathan Evershed on Twitter: https://twitter.com/jevershed01 Link to the full University College Dublin event: https://youtu.be/N9HVH3t_1L4 If you're enjoying the pod, please leave us a review and rating in your podcast app of choice.
The British Empire spanned the entire globe, which was great...except for the fact that it meant defending the entire globe. Sources: Air Power and Colonial Control: The Royal Air Force 1919-1939 by David E. Omissi Anglo-American Strategic Relations and the Far East 1933-1939: Imperial Crossroads by Greg Kennedy The History of Anglo-Japanese Relations, 1600-2000 Volume III: The Military Dimension Edited by Ian Gow and Yoichi Hirama with John Chapman 'A Fearful Concatenation of Circumstances': The Anglo-Soviet Rapprochement, 1934-6 by Michael Jabara Carley Brave New World: Imperial and Democratic Nation-building in Britain Between the Wars Edited By Laura Beers and Geraint Thomas Britain at Bay by Alan Allport The British Defence of Egypt 1935-1940: Conflict and Crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean by Steven Morewood British Establishment Perspectives on France, 1936-1940 by Michael Dockrill The British General Election of 1935 by James C. Robertson Patterns of the Future? British Mediterranean Strategy and the Choice Between Alexandria and Syprus 1935-8 by Manolis Koumas 'Living the Blackshirt Life': Culture, Community and the British Union of Fascists, 1932-1940 by Michael A. Spurr Economics, Rearmament, and Foreign Policy: The United Kingdom before 1939 - A Preliminary Study by R.A.C. Parker Fascism, Communism, and the Foreign Office, 1937-1939 by Donald Lammers Fighting the People's War: The British Commonwealth Armies and the Second World War by Jonathan Fennell Forgotten Armies by Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper Franco-British Relations and the Question of Conscription in Britain, 1938-1939 by Daniel Hucker The Battle for Britain: Interservice Rivalry between the Royal Air Force and Royal Navy; 1909-40 by Anthony J. Cumming Malta and British Strategic Policy 1925-1943 by Douglas Austin Pacifism and Politics in Britain, 1931-1935 by Michael Pugh The Royal Air Force, Air Power and British Foreign Policy, 1932-37 by Malcolm Smith British Rearmament in the 1930s: A Chronology and Review by J.P.D. Dunbabin The Royal Air Force - Volume 2: An Encyclopedia of the Inter-War Years 1930-1939: v. 2 by Ian Philpott British Seapower and Procurement Between the Wars: A Reappraisal of Rearmament by G.A.H. Gordon The British Government and the South African Neutrality Crisis, 1938-39 by Andrew Stewart Strategy versus Finance in Twentieth-Century Great Britain by Paul M. Kennedy The British General Staff: Reform and Innovation, 1890-1939 Edited By David French and Brian Holden Reid Deterrence and the European Balance of Power: the Field Force and British Grand Strategy, 1934-1938 by B.J.C. McKercher The Tradition of Appeasement in British Foreign Policy 1865-1939 by Paul M. Kennedy British Rearmament 1936-39: Treasury, Trade Unions and Skilled Labour by R.A.C. Parker Winston Churchill's Parliamentary Commentary on British Foreign Policy, 1935-1938 by Richard Howard Powers British Rearmament and the 'Merchants of Death': The 1935-36 Royal Commission on the Manufacture of and Trade in Armaments by David G. Anderson Whitehall and the Control of Prices and Profits in a Major War, 1919-1939 by Neil Rollings Thinking the Unthinkable: British and American Naval Strategies for an Anglo-American War, 1918-1931 by Chistopher M. Bell Britain's War: into Battle, 1937-1941 by Daniel Todman British Armour Theory and the Rise of the Panzer Arm: Revising the Revisionists by Azar Gat Changing American Perceptions of the Royal Navy Since 1775 by John B. Hattendorf Military Innovation and Technological Determinism: British and US Ways of Carrier Warfare, 1919-1945 by Kendrick Kuo British Military Policy between the Two World Wars by Brian Bond Interested in advertising on the Explorers Podcast? Email us at sales@advertisecast.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
During the interwar period there were some areas in which British politics would change, but in many ways it would be more of the same. Sources: Air Power and Colonial Control: The Royal Air Force 1919-1939 by David E. Omissi Anglo-American Strategic Relations and the Far East 1933-1939: Imperial Crossroads by Greg Kennedy The History of Anglo-Japanese Relations, 1600-2000 Volume III: The Military Dimension Edited by Ian Gow and Yoichi Hirama with John Chapman 'A Fearful Concatenation of Circumstances': The Anglo-Soviet Rapprochement, 1934-6 by Michael Jabara Carley Brave New World: Imperial and Democratic Nation-building in Britain Between the Wars Edited By Laura Beers and Geraint Thomas Britain at Bay by Alan Allport The British Defence of Egypt 1935-1940: Conflict and Crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean by Steven Morewood British Establishment Perspectives on France, 1936-1940 by Michael Dockrill The British General Election of 1935 by James C. Robertson Patterns of the Future? British Mediterranean Strategy and the Choice Between Alexandria and Syprus 1935-8 by Manolis Koumas 'Living the Blackshirt Life': Culture, Community and the British Union of Fascists, 1932-1940 by Michael A. Spurr Economics, Rearmament, and Foreign Policy: The United Kingdom before 1939 - A Preliminary Study by R.A.C. Parker Fascism, Communism, and the Foreign Office, 1937-1939 by Donald Lammers Fighting the People's War: The British Commonwealth Armies and the Second World War by Jonathan Fennell Forgotten Armies by Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper Franco-British Relations and the Question of Conscription in Britain, 1938-1939 by Daniel Hucker The Battle for Britain: Interservice Rivalry between the Royal Air Force and Royal Navy; 1909-40 by Anthony J. Cumming Malta and British Strategic Policy 1925-1943 by Douglas Austin Pacifism and Politics in Britain, 1931-1935 by Michael Pugh The Royal Air Force, Air Power and British Foreign Policy, 1932-37 by Malcolm Smith British Rearmament in the 1930s: A Chronology and Review by J.P.D. Dunbabin The Royal Air Force - Volume 2: An Encyclopedia of the Inter-War Years 1930-1939: v. 2 by Ian Philpott British Seapower and Procurement Between the Wars: A Reappraisal of Rearmament by G.A.H. Gordon The British Government and the South African Neutrality Crisis, 1938-39 by Andrew Stewart Strategy versus Finance in Twentieth-Century Great Britain by Paul M. Kennedy The British General Staff: Reform and Innovation, 1890-1939 Edited By David French and Brian Holden Reid Deterrence and the European Balance of Power: the Field Force and British Grand Strategy, 1934-1938 by B.J.C. McKercher The Tradition of Appeasement in British Foreign Policy 1865-1939 by Paul M. Kennedy British Rearmament 1936-39: Treasury, Trade Unions and Skilled Labour by R.A.C. Parker Winston Churchill's Parliamentary Commentary on British Foreign Policy, 1935-1938 by Richard Howard Powers British Rearmament and the 'Merchants of Death': The 1935-36 Royal Commission on the Manufacture of and Trade in Armaments by David G. Anderson Whitehall and the Control of Prices and Profits in a Major War, 1919-1939 by Neil Rollings Thinking the Unthinkable: British and American Naval Strategies for an Anglo-American War, 1918-1931 by Chistopher M. Bell Britain's War: into Battle, 1937-1941 by Daniel Todman British Armour Theory and the Rise of the Panzer Arm: Revising the Revisionists by Azar Gat Changing American Perceptions of the Royal Navy Since 1775 by John B. Hattendorf Military Innovation and Technological Determinism: British and US Ways of Carrier Warfare, 1919-1945 by Kendrick Kuo British Military Policy between the Two World Wars by Brian Bond Interested in advertising on the Explorers Podcast? Email us at sales@advertisecast.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Nigel Copsey discusses the British Union of Fascists and its leader, Oswald Mosley Nigel Copsey speaks to Ellie Cawthorne about the British Union of Fascists, which gained support in the 1930s, and its leader Oswald Mosley. They also discuss the party's foundation, ideology and connections to the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
Tommy and Polly head towards a Catholic orphanage to shut down funding after receiving grim reports of violence against children. Mosley, in a meeting with Tommy, Arthur and Michael, utilizes his leverage of withholding investigations of the murder of Mr. Levitt to coerce Tommy into joining the soon to be created British Union of Fascists. Tommy reluctantly agrees in order to infiltrate their organization and become an informant. In Scotland, Aberama and his men have a violent confrontation with a group of Billy Boys. The following morning, McCavern and the Billy Boys seek retaliation against Aberama by raiding his camp.Peaky Blinders by Story Archives is brought to you by the Soapbox Podcast Network. Hosts and fellow 'Peaky' fans, Mario Busto and Zachary Newton bring you entertaining commentary and analysis of each episode, so that you can get caught up on all of the action, drama, and excitement of the show.Find Story Archives online:InstagramPodcast Network
El 4 de Octubre de 1936, la policía defendió una manifestación del British Union of Fascists frente a más de 100000 manifestantes en el East End londinense. El partido de Oswald Mosley pretendía desfilar como sus 'colegas' camisas negras italianas o pardas alemanas, sobre el barrio popular como muestra de superioridad moral, pero una gran movilización antifascista se lo impidió. Esta llamada Batalla de Calbe Street entre antifascistas londinenses y la policía se considera el factor determinante para la decadencia del partido fascista británico. Te lo cuenta
Photo: In 1932, Oswald Moseley formed the British Union of Fascists. Here: Italy's Duce Benito Mussolini (left) with BUF leader Oswald Mosley (right) during Mosley's visit to Italy in 1936 @Batchelorshow C. J. Carey #UNBOUND: The complete, 20-minute interview, June 26, 2021 #LitCrit: Widowland by C. J. Carey. Paperback An alternative history with a strong feminist twist, perfect for fans of Robert Harris' Fatherland, C. J. Sansom's Dominion and the dystopian novels of Margaret Atwood To control the past, they edited history. To control the future, they edited literature. London, 1953, Coronation year — but not the Coronation of Elizabeth II. Thirteen years have passed since a Grand Alliance between Great Britain and Germany was formalized. George VI and his family have been murdered and Edward VIII rules as King. Yet, in practice, all power is vested in Alfred Rosenberg, Britain's Protector. Britain is the perfect petri dish for the ideal society, and the role and status of women are Rosenberg's particular interest. Under the Rosenberg regulations, women are divided into a number of castes according to age, heritage, reproductive status and physical characteristics. Rose belongs to the elite caste of Gelis. She works at the Ministry of Culture rewriting literature to correct the views of the past. She has been charged with making Jane Eyre more submissive, Elizabeth Bennet less feisty and Dorothea Brooke less intelligent. One morning she is summoned to the Cultural Commissioner's office and given a special task. Outbreaks of insurgency have been seen across the country. Graffiti has been daubed on public buildings. Disturbingly, the graffiti is made up of lines from famous works, subversive lines from the voices of women. Suspicion has fallen on Widowland, the run-down slums inhabited by childless women over fifty, the lowest caste. These women are known to be mutinous, for they seem to have lost their fear. Before the Leader arrives for the Coronation ceremony, Rose must infiltrate Widowland and find the source of this rebellion. But as she begins to investigate, she discovers something that could change the protectorate forever, and in the process change herself. https://www.amazon.com/Widowland/dp/1529411998/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=Widowland&qid=1625274350&s=books&sr=1-1
The Battle of Cable Street saw demonstrators block a march by Oswald Mosley's British Union of ...
The Island of Dr. Moreau by H. G. Wells, Full Audiobook with relaxing music, narrated by Bob Neufeld: https://librivox.org/the-island-of-doctor-moreau-by-h-g-wells/ Subscribe for more Chillbooks - audiobooks with background music, get the knowledge while you chill, study or vibe! #lofi #audiobook #chillbook
Fra McCann's amazing life of struggleI have known Fra McCann for almost 50 years. Even as he battles prostate cancer Fra continues to live his life as a republican activist – an MLA representing the people of the Falls, an area and a people he loves. Like many others it was the pogrom of August 1969 that changed Fra's life. The barricades went up in Belfast and local people stepped forward to defend their community. Among them was a very young Fra. Several years later, aged 18, he was interned on the prison ship Maidstone for a month before being sent to Long Kesh in February 1972. He was released in May of that year. Six months later he was interned again and returned to Long Kesh in November 1972 where he was held until his release on December 23, 1975. Growing support for a border referendumA LUCIDTALK poll published by the London Times suggests that the trend toward a fragmentation of the British Union is growing stronger. All United Irelanders should note that growing support for a referendum does not necessarily mean support for unity. So we have work to do. Securing a referendum on unity is one thing. Winning that referendum and moving inclusively and in agreement into a new Ireland is another piece of work entirely. Let's do itMe, Larry King and the SF broadcast banTHE legendary American broadcaster Larry King died at the weekend. For over 60 years he worked in radio and TV. I first met him during my 48-hour visit to New York at the end of January 1994. I was invited to participate in a peace conference organised by the National Committee on Foreign Policy. The British government began an intense private and public campaign to keep me out. The British Embassy worked round the clock arguing that a visa for me would be a diplomatic catastrophe.
On the 31st of December 2020, after years of negotiations, the United Kingdom formally left the European Union. As the protagonist of this story, there has been much speculation over its fate, but what about the bloc that it has left? As the EU pursues more global ambitions, what effects will the departure of one of its largest economies, and most diplomatically experienced members, have on its ability to do so? Some in Europe hold a rather optimistic view – that whilst the bloc will experience some short-term issues, it will benefit overall from the departure of a member that was never truly committed to a cohesive Europe. On the other hand, some believe that other members will simply step into the UK's shoes, to temper the ambitions of an “ever-closer” union, and the role that France and Germany are likely to play in it. Apart from the political considerations, there are also some geographical truths. The UK remains just off the European coastline, with part of its territory on an island with a remaining EU member. Brexit may have muddied the relationship, but the UK and EU share fundamental values and can benefit from co-operation on many issues. But what shape is this likely to take? As the UK appears more divided than it has for centuries, questions have also arisen regarding the prospect of a Scottish break from the British Union, and its ambition to re-join the European one. Would EU member states traditionally opposed to separatism of any kind now welcome it in with open arms? And what are the prospects for a future United Kingdom that wishes to change its mind and do the same? In this episode of Global Europe Unpacked, Will Murray speaks to Dr Fabian Zuleeg, the Chief Executive and Chief Economist of the European Policy Centre in Brussels, about: what the UK's departure means for the EU and its global ambitions;the recent row over the diplomatic status of the EU's ambassador to the UK and what it reveals about the current state of the EU-UK relationship;the likelihood of a hypothetical independent Scotland joining the EU;whether we are likely to see the UK itself rejoining any time soon; andhow the UK and EU must approach their relationship going forwards.For more news analysis and commentary on the EU and its neighbourhood, visit commonspace.eu or follow us on twitter @commonspaceEU.
By the mid 1930s a widespread working class anti fascist movement was established in Britain, in response to the development of the British Union of Fascists, and the growth of fascist movements in Europe. When the Spanish government was attacked by the country's fascist generals, many from Britain's anti fascist movement took up arms to defend the Spanish Republic in the British battalion of the International Brigade. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
What’s up Fellow Workers! The West Virginia IWW’s own Chris n Dave sit down with a p quick friend of the pod, Talia (@Leela1337), an organizer and co-host of the awesome Jewish Marxist-Leninst podcast, The Minyan (@the_minyan), to kinda refocus after our last show. For this ep, we talk about the Battle of Cable Street. What were the material conditions of East End London at the time? We talk about the plight of the working class Jews and Irish immigrants and the hardships they faced and what ultimately brought them together. Who is Oswald Mosley and what's the British Union of Fascists? Well, we answer that one, too. Plot twist, Mosley's a gigantic loser. We talk about how working class women were heavily involved in the struggle, which always reinforces Mao's "women hold up half the sky". It is truly incredible and makes your heart swell with proletarian pride. We have a lot to learn... 100 years later we are seeing the same mistakes being made. How can we learn from this? Also, the ~Holodomor~ ain't real. Thanks a bunch, Talia for jumping on with us! Check out The Minyan below: anchor.fm/the-minyan https://www.patreon.com/the_minyan Support BLM WV: secure.actblue.com/donate/blacklivesmatterwv *OFFICIAL POD OF THE WEST VIRGINIA IWW* www.westvirginiaiww.org wviww@protonmail.com
Sir Oswald Ernald Mosley, 6th Baronet (16 November 1896 – 3 December 1980) was a British politician who rose to fame in the 1920s as a Member of Parliament and later in the 1930s, having become disillusioned with mainstream politics, he became the leader of the British Union of Fascists (BUF). Mosley was never knighted, but inherited the title 'Sir' by virtue of his baronetcy; he was the sixth baronet of a title that had been in his family for more than a century when he succeeded to the title upon his father's death on 21 September 1928. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/art-mcdermott/support
On this day in 1936, the British Union of Fascists violently clashed with antifascist organizations. Over 150 people were injured in the confrontation.
This weeks Podcast is about An Taoiseach Micheál Martin; his failure to address Irish Unity; and questions his Shared Island Unit.Partition is almost 100 years old. But for democrats across this island, and in the Irish diaspora, for all of that time it has always been the great wrong that has to be righted. But it is not only a historic wrong. It is also a great injustice now, today. It remains the greatest cause of instability and division on our island.Where stands the leader of Fianna Fáil ‘The Republican Party' on ending partition and achieving Irish Unity? In the past Fianna Fail leaderships have proven particularly adept at exploiting the widespread desire for Irish Unity and the republican rhetoric of a ‘united Ireland' in order to win votes. And of course many Fianna Fáil voters and members are republican. However, at no time has their party leadership made a serious effort to develop a strategy, in keeping with their constitutional obligation to end partition and “unite all the people who share the territory of the island of Ireland ...” Why? Because both the Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael leaderships are comfortable with partition. An Taoiseach Micheál Martin is not a United Irelander. Under his leadership the traditional rhetoric of the leadership of Fianna Fáil, whose first aim according to its own constitution and rules – is to “restore the unity and independence of Ireland as a Republic” - has been systematically eroded.The debate – the conversation - around Irish Unity has been ongoing for years. It's not going away. On the contrary, interest in and support for Irish unity is growing at the same time as support within England for maintaining the British Union is diminishing. As the debate around Irish unity increases our collective endeavour should be to shape that debate in a constructive and positive direction and to encourage the widest possible engagement between all strands of opinion on the island of Ireland.
After the appointment of Adolf Hitler as chancellor in 1933, Stalin began to privately regret his decision to prevent a popular front of communist and social democratic forces emerge in Germany. Across Europe communist parties found themselves in uneasy alliances with social democrats and in Britain the threat of the British Union of Fascists galvanised this process. The popular front government in Spain that came under assault in 1936 drew communist and non communist volunteers from Britain and other European countries to defend it, with both Hitler and Stalin becoming involved in the fate of the Spanish people. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
This episode is from our Protecting Animals series. I am joined by Roger Yates. Roger has worked with the British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection (BUAV), the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and founded the Fur Action Group. Roger also has a PhD on the topic of animal rights and currently hosts the Animal Rights Show. This episode of Knowing Animals is brought to you by AASA. AASA is the Australasian Animal Studies Association. You can find AASA on Facebook here: https://www.facebook.com/AASA-Australasian-Animal-Studies-Association-480316142116752/. Join AASA today! This episode if also brought to you by Animal Publics, a special Animal Studies series at the Sydney University Press:https://sydneyuniversitypress.com.au/collections/series-animal-publics Knowing Animals is a proud member of the iROAR podcasting network. To check out more great iROAR podcasts visit the website: https://iroarpod.com
In the 1930s the deteriorating world situation presented all major political parties in Britain with profound dilemmas, whether to back pacifism, collective security or appeasement. The peripheral British Union of Fascists advocated peace with Nazi Germany in order to allow Hitler to wage his war against Europe's Jews. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
In the 1930s, as Germany succumbed to the Nazis and Mussolini ruled Italy, Sir Oswald Mosley created the British Union of Facists, supported by the Daily Mail who famously declared 'Hurrah for the Blackshirts!' Why did he fail? Could Britain have succumbed to a facist dictatorship? And did his teenage kids say 'Honestly Dad, you're such a facist!' See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
Philip Rycroft, the UK’s former leading Brexit civil servant delivered this Wales Governance Centre Annual Lecture at the Pierhead in Cardiff Bay, a few days before the UK General Election 2019. The former Permanent Secretary at the Department for Exiting the EU and head of the UK Governance Group in the Cabinet Office, analysed the impact of Brexit on inter-governmental relations and what the UK's vote to leave the European Union means for the future relationships between the nations of the British Union. Recorded at The Pierhead, Cardiff Bay on the 9th December 2019
We don’t normally include event recordings on the Golau podcast feed (instead you can find a number of interesting speakers and public lectures on the Cardiff University podcast). However, this talk from the 2019 Wales Governance Centre Annual Lecture, delivered by Philip Rycroft (the former Permanent Secretary at the UK Government’s Department for Exiting the EU) is… well… something else. The audience in Cardiff Bay’s Pierhead found it interesting and provocative and we think you will too. In the talk Philip talks about the choppy waters ahead for the constitutional future of the UK and the challenges that will be posed for future prime ministers by the as the bonds holding together the nations of the British Union come under increasing strain. You can find out more about the research of the Wales Governance Centre here: https://www.cardiff.ac.uk/wales-governance-centre If you’ve enjoyed this episode of Golau, please like and subscribe on your podcast player of choice to have the next episode download automatically.
Welcome to Finance and Fury, The Furious Friday Edition Last ep – lead up to the market crash of 1929 - and how thanks to central bank leveraging once removed – the market crashed Today – want to run through the internal political wars that were created – similar landscape to today Corporatism versus fascism – Private central banks versus the merging of the Government with Markets Has similarities to the modern era – with The New Silk Road and the Green New Deal Start - The Living Hell that was the Great Depression Throughout the Great depression - unemployment skyrocketed to 25%, industrial capacity collapsed by 70%, and agricultural prices collapsed far below the cost of production accelerating foreclosures and suicide. Life savings were lost as 4000 banks failed. This despair was replicated across USA, Canada, Europe and Britain - the population was pushed to its limits making western countries highly susceptible to fascism and socialism/ communism ideals England saw the rise of Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in 1932 Britain, Australia and Canada had its own fascist/socialist solution with the Rhodes Scholar “Fabian Society” and League of Social Reconstruction (which later took over the Liberal Party in Canada and Labour part in Aus) calling for the “scientific management of society” Mosley Fascists were more smash and grab power while Fabians were slow and steady In America as well - Time magazine was telling people that corporate fascism was the economic solution to all of America’s economic woes – 6 times in 1932 Was a wild political time - Communist parties, Nazi party – mass protests, rioting, damaging buildings and assaulting people – while not on the same scale - climate activist demonstrations today are acting out their perceived disenfranchisement – in the 30s it was real (living through the great depression) – while one is manufactured (world ending in 12 years) But With civil unrest came the atmosphere that one of the least understood battles unfolded in 1933. Brings us to a political movement that isn’t really ever talked about - is another entity in the control sphere – never really gets talked about – could and have talked about commies, nazis, socialists, etc. – go check those eps out – but today want to narrow in on one type and its variants https://financeandfury.com.au/give-the-people-what-they-want-socialism-for-the-masses-the-human-economy/ https://financeandfury.com.au/cannibalism-nazism-and-property-rights/ https://financeandfury.com.au/furious-fridays-evil-capitalism-efficiencies-incentives-equal-opportunities-and-reducing-poverty/ Fascist/Corporatocracy versus the fascist/socialist – in this case – Central banks versus Roosevelt Corporatocracy is used to refer to an economic and political system controlled by corporations or corporate interests – an ideology which advocates the organisation of society by corporate groups In this case – the type of Corporatocracy is that of the financial system in the form of Central Banks and BIS (IMF in 1944 to try and solve this mess by more of what created it in the first place – very similar to today) But if you think about it – they both essentially want the same thing – complete control over individuals - just who is in charge is different Let’s look at 1932 and how the Bankers’ Dictatorship Attempt went down – plans to overthrow FDR Franklin Roosevelt (FDR) won the presidency in America – He was described by many as a fascist – he was an authoritarian – but I would say he was more socialist – using the Government as his tool to implement his ‘New Deal’ Ideas were based off John Maynard Keynes – One of the engineers of the Versailles treaty talked about last Friday Keynes advocated the planning of a nation's economic life, political supervision of private industry, and manipulation of the currency – all of which required a massive increase in the size and scope of government at the time – today is a given but wasn’t back then Every Authoritarian loved this idea though – in Britain - first enthusiastic review by economist, Marxist and a founding member of the Fabian Society - G. Cole In America were government officials in Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration - The greatest strides in American socialism occurred under Franklin D. Roosevelt or arguably Presidents Woodrow Wilson, Lyndon Johnson But to pull these ideas off Roosevelt - threatened to regulate the private banks and assert national sovereignty over finance This would have been bad for the FED and the private owners of the central banks – would destroy their plans for global fascism – control of the monetary supply So the City of London Corporation needed a new global system controlled by their Central Banks Don’t let a good crisis go to waste - their objective was to use the Great Depression as an excuse to remove nation-states from any power over monetary policy – putting it in their hands and not national governments December 1932 - economic conference “to stabilize the world economy” was organized by the League of Nations under the guidance of the Bank of International Settlements (BIS) and Bank of England. Remember - The BIS was set up as “the Central Bank of Central Banks” in 1930 in order to facilitate WWI debt repayments and was a vital instrument for funding Nazi Germany- long after WWII began. Bank of England was privately owned at that stage - Independent Central Banks as enforcers of “balanced global budgets” City of London with the Bankers organised the London Economic Conference Brought together 64 nations where a resolution passedby the Conference’s Monetary Committee stated: “The conference considers it to be essential, in order to provide an international gold standard with the necessary mechanism for satisfactory working, that independent Central Banks, with requisite powers and freedom to carry out an appropriate currency and credit policy, should be created in such developed countries as have not at present an adequate central banking institution. The Bank of International Settlements should play an increasingly important part not only by improving contact, but also as an instrument for common action.” Essentially – this was to deprive nation states of their power to generate and direct credit for their own development. FDR wanting control over the economy shut down the London Conference – Back in America - an assassination attempt on Roosevelt was thwarted on February 15, 1933 Gun knocked out of the hand of an anarchist-freemason in Miami resulting in the death of Chicago’s Mayor instead – But without FDR being killed – he still was in opposition - hence London conference met an insurmountable barrier FDR recognised the necessity for a new international system, but he wanted it to be controlled by Governments and not central banks After this the London Conference crumbled - FDR stated “The United States seeks the kind of dollar which a generation hence will have the same purchasing and debt paying power as the dollar value we hope to attain in the near future.” These words seem foreign in the Fiat currency of today – but the Brits drafted a statement - “the American statement on stabilization rendered it entirely useless to continue the London conference.” Around the same time - FDR’s War on Wall Street – in his inaugural speech on March 4th: “The money-changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit”. Hence FDR declared a war on Wall Street on several levels, beginning with his support of the Pecora Commission which sent thousands of bankers to prison - exposed criminal activities of the top tier of Wall Street’s power structure who manipulated the depression, buying political offices and pushing fascism Pecora called this out - stating “this small group of highly placed financiers, controlling the very springs of economic activity, holds more real power than any similar group in the United States.” Pecora’s highly publicised success empowered FDR to impose sweeping regulation in the form of 1) Glass-Steagall bank separation (one Clinton overturned), 2) bankruptcy re-organisation (remove investment banks from the control of the corporate reorganisation process by eliminating the equity receivership technique and put Government in charge) and 3) the creation of the Security Exchange Commission to oversee Wall Street. FDR disempowered the London-controlled FED by installing his own man as Chair - forced it to obey Government commands for the first time since 1913 with Wilson Had the plan to get the US out of the economic slump through the New Deal – Four million people were given immediate work, and hundreds of libraries, schools, and hospitals were built and staffed From 1933-1939, 45 000 infrastructure projects were built – similar to Climate infrastructure plans and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative today - But he needed money - So what did he do? Created a new lending mechanism outside of Fed control called the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) which became the number one lender to infrastructure in America throughout the 1930s – Similar to today with Climate funds – with the proposal of this to lend for infrastructure to help get out of the Depression This provided an alternative option between the central banks on Gold Standard and his own Government lending (RFC) – He needed to be able to create money out of thin air to pay for his New Deal program – hard under the Gold Standard This was done as he abolished the gold standard – remember GS constricted the money supply to an exchange of gold per paper dollar – limited how much he could spend on his public works – look at the history of Government spending to GDP from 30s Also – GS could be manipulated by the Central Banks – making it a financial weapon rather than a bonus to the system – Devaluations became a beggar thy neighbour policy – drop you currency peg to gold and you are more competitive due to lower cross exchange rates – France and Britain post WW1 and leading up to the depression – France was the last mover and lost badly in economic output Also – Gold Standard had no inflation – Central Banks with limited inflation can lead to a world where the commodity prices below the costs of production – so inflation was needed for producers to become solvent Gold standard held that back – inflation of money supply was capped by gold supply – would accumulate through surplus of trade increasing money supply – FDR imposed protective tariffs to favour agro-industrial recovery on all fronts ending years of rapacious free trade – Sound familiar? FDR stated his political-economic philosophy in 1934: “the old notion of the bankers on the one side and the government on the other side, as being more or less equal and independent units, has passed away. Government by the necessity of things must be the leader, must be the judge, of the conflicting interests of all groups in the community, including bankers.” See – it is a policy war between Central Bankers and Governments over control of us all – resources determine our lives – any number of resources – power, food, water, shelter, or money to buy these things – this is all a resource One does it monetarily/financially – the other does it on the physical resources and financially Government – controls taxes, charges, regulations on land, employment, what you can and can’t do – every part of your life Like any war – both sides fight back – as such wall Street set out to destroy the New Deal Example, JP Morgan asset - Lewis Douglass (U.S. Budget Director) forced the closure of the Civil Works Administration in 1934 resulting in the firing of all 4 million workers. 1931 - NY bank loans to the real economy amounted to $38.1 billion which dropped to only $20.3 billion by 1935. Remember – they were positioned to the crash - had 29% of their funds in US bonds and securities in 1929 but rose to 58% by early 30s - cut off the issue of productive credit to the real economy – i.e. business lending over speculation Bankers not limited to financial sabotage – there was Coup Attempt in America – which was Thwarted amidst the conspiracy – Attempted a fascist military coup which was exposed by Maj. Gen. Smedley Butler in his congressional testimony of November 20, 1934 – Same person who wrote the War is a Racket book detailing those who influence nations to start wars profit from them Butler had testified that the plan was begun in the Summer of 1933 and organized by Wall Street financiers who tried to use him as a puppet dictator leading 500,000 American Legion members to storm the White House. As Butler spoke, those same financiers had just set up an anti-New Deal organization called the American Liberty League which fought to keep America out of the war in defence of an Anglo-Nazi fascist global government which they wished to partner with – America was divided in this time period – lots of immigrants in USA were German At the time of the incidents, news media dismissed the plot, with a New York Times editorial characterising it as a "gigantic hoax" Truth is probably close to the middle – wasn’t a hoax but a real plot that was in the ‘testing the waters’ phase – As historians questioned whether or not a coup was actually close to execution, but most agree that some sort of plot was contemplated and discussed – how close to execution is unknown – conspiracy definition Coup thwarted - 1937 - FDR’s Treasury Secretary persuaded him to cancel public works – see if the economy “could stand on its own two feet” – at the same time Bankers pulled credit out of the economy collapsing – Two million jobs were lost and the Dow Jones lost 39% of its value - Industrial production index dropped from 110 to 85 erasing seven years’ worth of gain Steel fell from 80% capacity back to depression levels of 19%. This was no different from kicking the crutches out from a patient in rehabilitation and it was not lost on anyone that those doing the kicking were openly supporting Fascism or Nazis in Europe - remember Prescott Bush, then representing Brown Brothers Harriman was found guilty for trading with the enemy in 1942 – as he bailed out the bankrupt Nazi party But after FDRs death – Bankers got back on top – from 1944 once the IMF was established and the BIS got back in control – 1 year later FDR dies in office and things took off Next week – Finish with the world Today – Similarities taken from these episodes and apply to current political, financial and social environments Hopefully, you found this interesting - Thanks for listening today. If you want to get in contact you can do so here: http://financeandfury.com.au/contact
In this episode of our podcast Travels Through Time, bestselling author Thomas Harding takes us back to 1930s London and the sinister rise of Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists. We go on an extraordinary rags-to-riches journey, from the depths of the East End to the heights of Westminster, in the company of Isidore Salmon, a fascinating Jewish businessman and MP at the head of J. Lyons & Co, the famous catering and hotel empire. This is the story of how Isidore took on Mosely and powerful fascist supporters such as Viscount Rothermere, proprietor of the Daily Mail, during the tumultuous summer of 1934. ---- Scene One: Christmas 1933/1934. Opening of the Lyons' Cumberland Hotel, largest in Europe, royal visit, and then launch party with Viscount Rothermere and Isidore Salmon. J Lyons at its heyday. Scene Two: 7 June 1934. Oswald Mosely’s infamous ‘Olympia Rally’ Scene Three: (Shortly after) Isidore Salmon confront Viscount Rothermere Memento: The cup used by Viscount Rothermere to toast Isidore Salmon Presenter: Peter Moore Guest: Thomas Harding Producer: Maria Nolan Titles: Jon O. Digital Production: John Hillman --- Discover more fascinating episodes at Travels Through Time Brought to you in partnership with History Today, the world's leading serious history magazine
In Episode 55, Robert is joined by Katy Stoll and Cody Johnston to discuss Oswald Mosley, the founder of the British Union of Fascists. Learn more about your ad-choices at https://news.iheart.com/podcast-advertisers
Red Time For Bonzo: A Marxist-Reaganist Film Podcast (Ronald Reagan Filmography)
Bryan Foy's B-movie unit at Warner Brothers churned out some of the best bottom-of-the-bill features of the late 1930s, but B. Reeves Eason's "Horseratio Alger" tale Sergeant Murphy is kind of a nag. Nevertheless, this seldom seen army/racing/equine buddy film is a crucial item in the Gipper's filmography, as it demonstrates the studio's continuing commitment to the coltish actor as a leading player (it's his second starring vehicle, following closely on the hooves of Love is on the Air). The film may not be any great shakes as a piece of entertainment, but it made a fine conversation piece for your hosts, who zero in on Reagan's unexpected espousal of post-structuralist/critical race theory in a key scene, marvel at the U.S. military's laughingstock/rump status in those pre-World War II/World Police days, and consider the evolution of Dutch's persona more broadly (this was his first chance to play a non-announcer/reporter character). The supporting cast is mostly composed of nonentities, with the significant exceptions of Donald Crisp (a crucial Warner player of the era) and love interest (?) Mary Maguire (whose life took a bizarre turn the following year when she married British Union of Fascists scumball Lord Robert Gordon-Canning). Also! This episode was recorded in June 2018, not long after the dismal Conservative Party triumph in this year's Ontario Election, eliciting about 25 minutes' worth of spleen venting at the top of the show and prompting Dave to call for the unilateral abolition of suburbia. Now is a time for choosing. Choose RED TIME FOR BONZO! Follow us at: Facebook Follow Romy on Twitter at @rahrahtempleton Follow Gareth on Twitter at @helenreddymades Follow David on Twitter at @milescoverdale Intro Theme: "Driving Reagan" by Gareth Hedges "Horseratio Alger" tale also copyright Gareth Hedges
Episode 5A: Sergeant Murphy (1938) Bryan Foy's B-movie unit at Warner Brothers churned out some of the best bottom-of-the-bill features of the late 1930s, but B. Reeves Eason's "Horseratio Alger" tale Sergeant Murphy is kind of a nag. Nevertheless, this seldom seen army/racing/equine buddy film is a crucial item in the Gipper's filmography, as it demonstrates the studio's continuing commitment to the coltish actor as a leading player (it's his second starring vehicle, following closely on the hooves of Love is on the Air). The film may not be any great shakes as a piece of entertainment, but it made a fine conversation piece for your hosts, who zero in on Reagan's unexpected espousal of post-structuralist/critical race theory in a key scene, marvel at the U.S. military's laughingstock/rump status in those pre-World War II/World Police days, and consider the evolution of Dutch's persona more broadly (this was his first chance to play a non-announcer/reporter character). The supporting cast is mostly composed of nonentities, with the significant exceptions of Donald Crisp (a crucial Warner player of the era) and love interest (?) Mary Maguire (whose life took a bizarre turn the following year when she married British Union of Fascists scumball Lord Robert Gordon-Canning). Also! This episode was recorded in June 2018, not long after the dismal Conservative Party triumph in this year's Ontario Election, eliciting about 25 minutes' worth of spleen venting at the top of the show and prompting Dave to call for the unilateral abolition of suburbia. Now is a time for choosing. Choose RED TIME FOR BONZO! Follow us at: Facebook Follow Romy on Twitter at @rahrahtempleton Follow Gareth on Twitter at @helenreddymades Follow David on Twitter at @milescoverdale
In the past, these were of two types (1) Breakaway parties such as the Liberal Unionists before the First World War and the SDP in the 1980s or (2) Extremist parties such as the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s and the Communist Party. Most of them have been unsuccessful. The United Kingdom Independence Party is an exception. In 2015, UKIP showed itself the most successful minor party in British history, winning one-eighth of the vote. Since then, it has been in decline. What is the explanation of the failure of the minor parties?The transcript and downloadable versions of the lecture are available from the Gresham College website: https://www.gresham.ac.uk/lectures-and-events/minor-political-partiesGresham College has been giving free public lectures since 1597. This tradition continues today with all of our five or so public lectures a week being made available for free download from our website. There are currently over 2,000 lectures free to access or download from the website.Website: http://www.gresham.ac.uk Twitter: http://twitter.com/GreshamCollege Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/greshamcollege Instagram: http://www.instagram.com/greshamcollege
Matthew Sweet talks to poet and writer Elizabeth-Jane Burnett, environmental scientist, Jules Pretty and geologist, Andrew Scott, and historians Matthew Kelly and Philip Coupland about Soil and Culture and Survival Stories For some Soil is where they come from, for others it is an object of aesthetic beauty, for most of us it is the means by which we get what we need to live. Poet and writer Elizabeth-Jane Burnett's forthcoming A Dictionary of Soil explores the lives lived within and through the soil of three fields which constitute the origins of her family's ancestral village. Agroecology expert, Jules Pretty says Soil We Can Rebuild It and in an environmentally friendly way and it will continue to feed us. Geologist Andrew Scott examines soils from deep time to discover what they can tell us about how the planet and life on Earth evolved. Historian Matthew Kelly is interested in the cultural history of landscape and focuses on environmental policy in Britain after World War II and Philip Coupland is the biographer of Jorian Jenks, a man who might have been regarded as the father of the British Green Movement if he hadn't joined Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists. They join Matthew Sweet to think through our developing relationship with the life-giving dirt beneath our feet and discuss whether a happy ending just might be possible.Presenter: Matthew SweetGuests: Jules Pretty, Professor of Environment and Society, University of Essex author 'The Earth Only Endures' (2007) and 'Agri-Culture' (2002) Andrew C. Scott, Emeritus Professor of Geology, Royal Holloway University of London author of ‘Fire on Earth: An Introduction' (2014) Elizabeth-Jane Burnett, Senior Lecturer in Creative Writing, Newman University. Author of Swims (Pennned in the Margins, 2017) Philip Coupland 'Farming, Fascism and Ecology: A Life of Jorian Jenks' 2016 Matthew Kelly, Professor of Modern History, Northumbria University 'Quartz and Feldspar: Dartmoor A British Landscape in Modern Times' 2015Producer: Jacqueline Smith
During the Second World War millions of Britons tuned in nightly to hear the broadcasts of Lord Haw-Haw coming from Nazi Germany. Though the label was broadly applied to a number of English-speaking broadcasters, it was most famously associated with William Joyce. In Searching for Lord Haw-Haw: The Political Lives of William Joyce (Routledge, 2016), Colin Holmes provides a study of Joyce's life that unravels many of the mysteries and misconceptions surrounding it. He chronicles Joyce's early years in Ireland, where his work as an informer and his family's association with the British during the War of Independence led to his relocation to London after the Irish won their independence. There he quickly found a home in the embryonic Fascist movement, in which became a leading figure. His clashes with Oswald Mosley in the mid-1930s brought about Joyce's purge from the British Union of Fascists in 1937 and the formation of his own National Socialist League. Yet it was Joyce's relocation to Germany on the eve of war in 1939 that won him the attention he long craved, as he quickly established himself as the Nazi's leading English-language propagandist. As Holmes shows, however, this fame came at a price, as Joyce's efforts on behalf of Germany led after the end of the war to his arrest and execution for treason the last person in British history to face such an ignominious end. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
During the Second World War millions of Britons tuned in nightly to hear the broadcasts of Lord Haw-Haw coming from Nazi Germany. Though the label was broadly applied to a number of English-speaking broadcasters, it was most famously associated with William Joyce. In Searching for Lord Haw-Haw: The Political Lives of William Joyce (Routledge, 2016), Colin Holmes provides a study of Joyce’s life that unravels many of the mysteries and misconceptions surrounding it. He chronicles Joyce’s early years in Ireland, where his work as an informer and his family’s association with the British during the War of Independence led to his relocation to London after the Irish won their independence. There he quickly found a home in the embryonic Fascist movement, in which became a leading figure. His clashes with Oswald Mosley in the mid-1930s brought about Joyce’s purge from the British Union of Fascists in 1937 and the formation of his own National Socialist League. Yet it was Joyce’s relocation to Germany on the eve of war in 1939 that won him the attention he long craved, as he quickly established himself as the Nazi’s leading English-language propagandist. As Holmes shows, however, this fame came at a price, as Joyce’s efforts on behalf of Germany led after the end of the war to his arrest and execution for treason the last person in British history to face such an ignominious end. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
During the Second World War millions of Britons tuned in nightly to hear the broadcasts of Lord Haw-Haw coming from Nazi Germany. Though the label was broadly applied to a number of English-speaking broadcasters, it was most famously associated with William Joyce. In Searching for Lord Haw-Haw: The Political Lives of William Joyce (Routledge, 2016), Colin Holmes provides a study of Joyce’s life that unravels many of the mysteries and misconceptions surrounding it. He chronicles Joyce’s early years in Ireland, where his work as an informer and his family’s association with the British during the War of Independence led to his relocation to London after the Irish won their independence. There he quickly found a home in the embryonic Fascist movement, in which became a leading figure. His clashes with Oswald Mosley in the mid-1930s brought about Joyce’s purge from the British Union of Fascists in 1937 and the formation of his own National Socialist League. Yet it was Joyce’s relocation to Germany on the eve of war in 1939 that won him the attention he long craved, as he quickly established himself as the Nazi’s leading English-language propagandist. As Holmes shows, however, this fame came at a price, as Joyce’s efforts on behalf of Germany led after the end of the war to his arrest and execution for treason the last person in British history to face such an ignominious end. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
During the Second World War millions of Britons tuned in nightly to hear the broadcasts of Lord Haw-Haw coming from Nazi Germany. Though the label was broadly applied to a number of English-speaking broadcasters, it was most famously associated with William Joyce. In Searching for Lord Haw-Haw: The Political Lives of William Joyce (Routledge, 2016), Colin Holmes provides a study of Joyce’s life that unravels many of the mysteries and misconceptions surrounding it. He chronicles Joyce’s early years in Ireland, where his work as an informer and his family’s association with the British during the War of Independence led to his relocation to London after the Irish won their independence. There he quickly found a home in the embryonic Fascist movement, in which became a leading figure. His clashes with Oswald Mosley in the mid-1930s brought about Joyce’s purge from the British Union of Fascists in 1937 and the formation of his own National Socialist League. Yet it was Joyce’s relocation to Germany on the eve of war in 1939 that won him the attention he long craved, as he quickly established himself as the Nazi’s leading English-language propagandist. As Holmes shows, however, this fame came at a price, as Joyce’s efforts on behalf of Germany led after the end of the war to his arrest and execution for treason the last person in British history to face such an ignominious end. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
During the Second World War millions of Britons tuned in nightly to hear the broadcasts of Lord Haw-Haw coming from Nazi Germany. Though the label was broadly applied to a number of English-speaking broadcasters, it was most famously associated with William Joyce. In Searching for Lord Haw-Haw: The Political Lives of William Joyce (Routledge, 2016), Colin Holmes provides a study of Joyce’s life that unravels many of the mysteries and misconceptions surrounding it. He chronicles Joyce’s early years in Ireland, where his work as an informer and his family’s association with the British during the War of Independence led to his relocation to London after the Irish won their independence. There he quickly found a home in the embryonic Fascist movement, in which became a leading figure. His clashes with Oswald Mosley in the mid-1930s brought about Joyce’s purge from the British Union of Fascists in 1937 and the formation of his own National Socialist League. Yet it was Joyce’s relocation to Germany on the eve of war in 1939 that won him the attention he long craved, as he quickly established himself as the Nazi’s leading English-language propagandist. As Holmes shows, however, this fame came at a price, as Joyce’s efforts on behalf of Germany led after the end of the war to his arrest and execution for treason the last person in British history to face such an ignominious end. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
During the Second World War millions of Britons tuned in nightly to hear the broadcasts of Lord Haw-Haw coming from Nazi Germany. Though the label was broadly applied to a number of English-speaking broadcasters, it was most famously associated with William Joyce. In Searching for Lord Haw-Haw: The Political Lives of William Joyce (Routledge, 2016), Colin Holmes provides a study of Joyce’s life that unravels many of the mysteries and misconceptions surrounding it. He chronicles Joyce’s early years in Ireland, where his work as an informer and his family’s association with the British during the War of Independence led to his relocation to London after the Irish won their independence. There he quickly found a home in the embryonic Fascist movement, in which became a leading figure. His clashes with Oswald Mosley in the mid-1930s brought about Joyce’s purge from the British Union of Fascists in 1937 and the formation of his own National Socialist League. Yet it was Joyce’s relocation to Germany on the eve of war in 1939 that won him the attention he long craved, as he quickly established himself as the Nazi’s leading English-language propagandist. As Holmes shows, however, this fame came at a price, as Joyce’s efforts on behalf of Germany led after the end of the war to his arrest and execution for treason the last person in British history to face such an ignominious end. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
During the Second World War millions of Britons tuned in nightly to hear the broadcasts of Lord Haw-Haw coming from Nazi Germany. Though the label was broadly applied to a number of English-speaking broadcasters, it was most famously associated with William Joyce. In Searching for Lord Haw-Haw: The Political Lives of William Joyce (Routledge, 2016), Colin Holmes provides a study of Joyce’s life that unravels many of the mysteries and misconceptions surrounding it. He chronicles Joyce’s early years in Ireland, where his work as an informer and his family’s association with the British during the War of Independence led to his relocation to London after the Irish won their independence. There he quickly found a home in the embryonic Fascist movement, in which became a leading figure. His clashes with Oswald Mosley in the mid-1930s brought about Joyce’s purge from the British Union of Fascists in 1937 and the formation of his own National Socialist League. Yet it was Joyce’s relocation to Germany on the eve of war in 1939 that won him the attention he long craved, as he quickly established himself as the Nazi’s leading English-language propagandist. As Holmes shows, however, this fame came at a price, as Joyce’s efforts on behalf of Germany led after the end of the war to his arrest and execution for treason the last person in British history to face such an ignominious end. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In British Fascist Antisemitism and Jewish Responses, 1932-1940 (Bloomsbury, 2015), Daniel Tilles, Assistant Professor of History at the Pedagogical University of Cracow, Poland, examines the use of antisemitism by Britain’s interwar fascists and the ways in which the country’s Jews reacted to this. Tilles challenges existing conceptions of the antisemitism of the British Union of Fascists, demonstrating that it was a far more central aspect of the party’s ideology than has previously been assumed. This book is a definitive account of British Fascism and its Jewish opponents during this period. With the rise of the far right in Europe, this book is very much relevant today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In British Fascist Antisemitism and Jewish Responses, 1932-1940 (Bloomsbury, 2015), Daniel Tilles, Assistant Professor of History at the Pedagogical University of Cracow, Poland, examines the use of antisemitism by Britain’s interwar fascists and the ways in which the country’s Jews reacted to this. Tilles challenges existing conceptions of the antisemitism of the British Union of Fascists, demonstrating that it was a far more central aspect of the party’s ideology than has previously been assumed. This book is a definitive account of British Fascism and its Jewish opponents during this period. With the rise of the far right in Europe, this book is very much relevant today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In British Fascist Antisemitism and Jewish Responses, 1932-1940 (Bloomsbury, 2015), Daniel Tilles, Assistant Professor of History at the Pedagogical University of Cracow, Poland, examines the use of antisemitism by Britain’s interwar fascists and the ways in which the country’s Jews reacted to this. Tilles challenges existing conceptions of the antisemitism of the British Union of Fascists, demonstrating that it was a far more central aspect of the party’s ideology than has previously been assumed. This book is a definitive account of British Fascism and its Jewish opponents during this period. With the rise of the far right in Europe, this book is very much relevant today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In British Fascist Antisemitism and Jewish Responses, 1932-1940 (Bloomsbury, 2015), Daniel Tilles, Assistant Professor of History at the Pedagogical University of Cracow, Poland, examines the use of antisemitism by Britain’s interwar fascists and the ways in which the country’s Jews reacted to this. Tilles challenges existing conceptions of the antisemitism of the British Union of Fascists, demonstrating that it was a far more central aspect of the party’s ideology than has previously been assumed. This book is a definitive account of British Fascism and its Jewish opponents during this period. With the rise of the far right in Europe, this book is very much relevant today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In British Fascist Antisemitism and Jewish Responses, 1932-1940 (Bloomsbury, 2015), Daniel Tilles, Assistant Professor of History at the Pedagogical University of Cracow, Poland, examines the use of antisemitism by Britain’s interwar fascists and the ways in which the country’s Jews reacted to this. Tilles challenges existing conceptions of the antisemitism of the British Union of Fascists, demonstrating that it was a far more central aspect of the party’s ideology than has previously been assumed. This book is a definitive account of British Fascism and its Jewish opponents during this period. With the rise of the far right in Europe, this book is very much relevant today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In 1932 Oswald Mosley formed the British Union of Fascists, basing his new party firstly on Italian Fascism and later German Nazism. Within four years the movement had been broken, partly by anti fascist activism but mainly because it was rejected by the British public, fearful of its association with Nazism. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/explaininghistory.
In 1932 Oswald Mosley formed the British Union of Fascists, basing his new party firstly on Italian Fascism and later German Nazism. Within four years the movement had been broken, partly by anti fascist activism but mainly because it was rejected by the British public, fearful of its association with Nazism. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
Max Mosley nominates the philosopher and proponent of personal liberty, John Stuart Mill, as his great life. With presenter Matthew Parris and biographer Richard Reeves. Max Mosley trained as a barrister and was an amateur racing driver before becoming involved in the professional sport, latterly as president of the Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile. The youngest son of Sir Oswald Mosley, former leader of the British Union of Fascists, and Diana Mitford, his family name made a career in politics impossible. His choice of Mill as a great life is a result of his recent experiences of suing the News of the World for invasion of privacy, and giving evidence to the Leveson Inquiry. He says that both sides of the debate used Mill's work on liberty to justify their arguments. Until summer 2012 Richard Reeves was Nick Clegg's Director of Strategy, and before that, head of the think-tank 'Demos'. His biography, 'John Stuart Mill - Victorian Firebrand', depicts Mill as a passionate man of action: a philosopher, radical MP and reformer who profoundly shaped Victorian society and continues to illuminate our own. Producer...Mary Ward-Lowery First broadcast on BBC Radio 4 in 2013.
For years, biographers have been fascinated by the Mitfords, a quiet aristocratic British family with six beautiful daughters, nearly all of them famous for their controversial and stylish lives. There's Nancy, the novelist who had a love affair with Charles de Gaulle's Chief-of Staff; Pamela, the only sister who opted for a quiet life; Diana, the family beauty who married a Guinness then ditched him in favor of the founder of the British Union of Fascists; Unity, who had a crush on Hitler and unsuccessfully attempted to kill herself on the eve of World War II; Jessica, who eloped with a Communist at the age of 17; and Deborah, who married the Duke of Devonshire. In Leslie Brody‘s Irrepressible (Counterpoint Press, 2010), it's Jessica Mitford–known throughout her life as Decca– who, at long last, has the chance to shine. She was a rebel almost from infancy. As Brody writes, “Soon after Jessica Mitford moved with her family to Swinbrook House in Oxfordshire, she began to plot her escape from it.” Her escape was spectacular, to be sure. As a teenager, she eloped with Winston Churchill's nephew and ran off to the Spanish War. The couple eventually settled in America, where Mitford would remain after his death, later remarrying and becoming a journalist. Ultimately, she would be most famous for her expose of the American funeral industry, which was published in 1963 as The American Way of Death, but her work on civil rights and social justice was equally influential. Throughout Irrepressible, Brody includes direct quotes that let Mitford's unique perspective shine through. And, as a white British woman with Communist leanings, Jessica Mitford provides a view of America- a country with an independent streak as fierce as her own- unlike that of any other. She was a “muckraker” in the truest and best sense of the word. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
For years, biographers have been fascinated by the Mitfords, a quiet aristocratic British family with six beautiful daughters, nearly all of them famous for their controversial and stylish lives. There’s Nancy, the novelist who had a love affair with Charles de Gaulle’s Chief-of Staff; Pamela, the only sister who opted for a quiet life; Diana, the family beauty who married a Guinness then ditched him in favor of the founder of the British Union of Fascists; Unity, who had a crush on Hitler and unsuccessfully attempted to kill herself on the eve of World War II; Jessica, who eloped with a Communist at the age of 17; and Deborah, who married the Duke of Devonshire. In Leslie Brody‘s Irrepressible (Counterpoint Press, 2010), it’s Jessica Mitford–known throughout her life as Decca– who, at long last, has the chance to shine. She was a rebel almost from infancy. As Brody writes, “Soon after Jessica Mitford moved with her family to Swinbrook House in Oxfordshire, she began to plot her escape from it.” Her escape was spectacular, to be sure. As a teenager, she eloped with Winston Churchill’s nephew and ran off to the Spanish War. The couple eventually settled in America, where Mitford would remain after his death, later remarrying and becoming a journalist. Ultimately, she would be most famous for her expose of the American funeral industry, which was published in 1963 as The American Way of Death, but her work on civil rights and social justice was equally influential. Throughout Irrepressible, Brody includes direct quotes that let Mitford’s unique perspective shine through. And, as a white British woman with Communist leanings, Jessica Mitford provides a view of America- a country with an independent streak as fierce as her own- unlike that of any other. She was a “muckraker” in the truest and best sense of the word. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
For years, biographers have been fascinated by the Mitfords, a quiet aristocratic British family with six beautiful daughters, nearly all of them famous for their controversial and stylish lives. There’s Nancy, the novelist who had a love affair with Charles de Gaulle’s Chief-of Staff; Pamela, the only sister who opted for a quiet life; Diana, the family beauty who married a Guinness then ditched him in favor of the founder of the British Union of Fascists; Unity, who had a crush on Hitler and unsuccessfully attempted to kill herself on the eve of World War II; Jessica, who eloped with a Communist at the age of 17; and Deborah, who married the Duke of Devonshire. In Leslie Brody‘s Irrepressible (Counterpoint Press, 2010), it’s Jessica Mitford–known throughout her life as Decca– who, at long last, has the chance to shine. She was a rebel almost from infancy. As Brody writes, “Soon after Jessica Mitford moved with her family to Swinbrook House in Oxfordshire, she began to plot her escape from it.” Her escape was spectacular, to be sure. As a teenager, she eloped with Winston Churchill’s nephew and ran off to the Spanish War. The couple eventually settled in America, where Mitford would remain after his death, later remarrying and becoming a journalist. Ultimately, she would be most famous for her expose of the American funeral industry, which was published in 1963 as The American Way of Death, but her work on civil rights and social justice was equally influential. Throughout Irrepressible, Brody includes direct quotes that let Mitford’s unique perspective shine through. And, as a white British woman with Communist leanings, Jessica Mitford provides a view of America- a country with an independent streak as fierce as her own- unlike that of any other. She was a “muckraker” in the truest and best sense of the word. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
For years, biographers have been fascinated by the Mitfords, a quiet aristocratic British family with six beautiful daughters, nearly all of them famous for their controversial and stylish lives. There’s Nancy, the novelist who had a love affair with Charles de Gaulle’s Chief-of Staff; Pamela, the only sister who opted for a quiet life; Diana, the family beauty who married a Guinness then ditched him in favor of the founder of the British Union of Fascists; Unity, who had a crush on Hitler and unsuccessfully attempted to kill herself on the eve of World War II; Jessica, who eloped with a Communist at the age of 17; and Deborah, who married the Duke of Devonshire. In Leslie Brody‘s Irrepressible (Counterpoint Press, 2010), it’s Jessica Mitford–known throughout her life as Decca– who, at long last, has the chance to shine. She was a rebel almost from infancy. As Brody writes, “Soon after Jessica Mitford moved with her family to Swinbrook House in Oxfordshire, she began to plot her escape from it.” Her escape was spectacular, to be sure. As a teenager, she eloped with Winston Churchill’s nephew and ran off to the Spanish War. The couple eventually settled in America, where Mitford would remain after his death, later remarrying and becoming a journalist. Ultimately, she would be most famous for her expose of the American funeral industry, which was published in 1963 as The American Way of Death, but her work on civil rights and social justice was equally influential. Throughout Irrepressible, Brody includes direct quotes that let Mitford’s unique perspective shine through. And, as a white British woman with Communist leanings, Jessica Mitford provides a view of America- a country with an independent streak as fierce as her own- unlike that of any other. She was a “muckraker” in the truest and best sense of the word. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
For years, biographers have been fascinated by the Mitfords, a quiet aristocratic British family with six beautiful daughters, nearly all of them famous for their controversial and stylish lives. There’s Nancy, the novelist who had a love affair with Charles de Gaulle’s Chief-of Staff; Pamela, the only sister who opted for a quiet life; Diana, the family beauty who married a Guinness then ditched him in favor of the founder of the British Union of Fascists; Unity, who had a crush on Hitler and unsuccessfully attempted to kill herself on the eve of World War II; Jessica, who eloped with a Communist at the age of 17; and Deborah, who married the Duke of Devonshire. In Leslie Brody‘s Irrepressible (Counterpoint Press, 2010), it’s Jessica Mitford–known throughout her life as Decca– who, at long last, has the chance to shine. She was a rebel almost from infancy. As Brody writes, “Soon after Jessica Mitford moved with her family to Swinbrook House in Oxfordshire, she began to plot her escape from it.” Her escape was spectacular, to be sure. As a teenager, she eloped with Winston Churchill’s nephew and ran off to the Spanish War. The couple eventually settled in America, where Mitford would remain after his death, later remarrying and becoming a journalist. Ultimately, she would be most famous for her expose of the American funeral industry, which was published in 1963 as The American Way of Death, but her work on civil rights and social justice was equally influential. Throughout Irrepressible, Brody includes direct quotes that let Mitford’s unique perspective shine through. And, as a white British woman with Communist leanings, Jessica Mitford provides a view of America- a country with an independent streak as fierce as her own- unlike that of any other. She was a “muckraker” in the truest and best sense of the word. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
This time, the ARZone team are joined by long-time animal advocate and vegan since 1976, Kim Stallwood, who has worked for a number of campaigning organisations including Compassion In World Farming (CIWF) and the British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection (BUAV).Kim Stallwood.Grumpy Vegan. or listen HERE.FIND THE "DANG!" AND WIN A PRIZE.
Kippenberger: The Artist and His Families (J&L Books) Kippenberger. Der Künstler und seine Familien (Berlin Verlag) Skylight Books and Villa Aurora present Susanne Kippenberger, discussing her biography of her late brother, the artist Martin Kippenberger. The event will feature film clips, images, and audio from Martin's career, and should not be missed! Susanne's book will become available in English in December, but we didn't want to miss the chance to have this fascinating presentation in our store while the author is in the country. We're hoping to have copies of the German edition of her book available for sale, and will take preorders of the English edition. Over the course of his 20-year career, Martin Kippenberger (1953-1997) cast himself alternately as hard-drinking carouser and confrontational art-world jester, thrusting these personae to the forefront of his prodigious creativity. He was also very much a player in the international art world of the 1970s right up until his death in 1997, commissioning work from artists such as Jeff Koons and Mike Kelley, and acting as unofficial ringleader to a generation of German artists. Written by the artist's sister, Susanne Kippenberger, this first English-language biography draws both from personal memories of their shared childhood and exhaustive interviews with Kippenberger's extended family of friends and colleagues in the art world. Kippenberger gives insight into the psychology and drive behind this playful and provocative artist. Susanne Kippenberger, editor at Tagesspiegel Berlin and author of Kippenberger: Der Künstler und seine Familien and Am Tisch, is an accomplished journalist who has been awarded a number of prestigious journalistic awards. She studied German, English, and American literature in Tübingen and at the Wittenberg University in Springfield, Ohio, and film at NYU. She is currently working on a biography of Jessica Mitford, daughter of the 2nd Baron Redesdale, who, unlike the rest of her family, developed left-wing political opinions, became involved in the struggle against the British Union of Fascists and moved to the United States in 1939 where she joined the American Communist Party and was active in the Civil Rights movement. Kippenberger is currently a writer in residence at Villa Aurora in Pacific Palisades. THIS EVENT WAS RECORDED LIVE AT SKYLIGHT BOOKS SEPTEMBER 24,2011.
This episode of Desert Island Discs exists for reference, as part of the most complete possible archive resource of programmes from the long-running series, and was broadcast in 1989. The castaway is Diana Mosley, a Mitford girl who married Sir Oswald Mosley, the leader of the British Union of Fascists. During the interview with Sue Lawley, Lady Mosley discusses her contentious continued denial of the Holocaust and admiration for Adolf Hitler, along with her and her husband's imprisonment during most of the war years and her close friendship with the neighbours who shared her subsequent exile in France, the Duke and Duchess of Windsor. [Programme information updated February 2022]Favourite track: Die Walküre by Richard Wagner Book: Books by Marcel Proust Luxury: Soft pillow
The castaway in this week's Desert Island Discs is a Mitford girl - one of Lord Redesdale's six fascinating daughters. She married Sir Oswald Mosley, the man who was the leader of the British Union of Fascists. Since his death nearly nine years ago, his widow, Diana Mosley, has lived just outside Paris. Among other things, Lady Mosley will be talking to Sue Lawley about her own and her husband's imprisonment during most of the war years, her life in France since the war and her close friendship with the neighbours, who shared her exile, the Duke and Duchess of Windsor. [Taken from the original programme material for this archive edition of Desert Island Discs] Favourite track: Die Walkure by Richard Wagner Book: Books by Marcel Proust Luxury: Soft pillow
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