Podcasts about Gay Liberation Front

Rencontre avec Pauline L. Boulba, Aminata Labor et Rosanna Puyol Boralevi à l'occasion de la publication du livre de JILL JOHNSTON, Tartine-moi et autres textes, éditions Brook.Sont ici réunis des textes de l'écrivaine-critique d'art-performeuse-zbeuleuse féministe-lesbienne Jill Johnston parus pour la plupart dans The Village Voice entre 1962 et 1993. On y croise des danseureuses, des hordes de gouines et de pédales, Meredith Monk, les Radicalesbians, Pauline Oliveros, des lits de rivières asséchées, Yvonne Rainer, Lois Lane, le Gay Liberation Front ou encore Agnes Martin.Figure centrale des avant-gardes artistiques des années 1960 à New York, Jill embrasse son lesbianisme après les révoltes de Stonewall de 1969. Si son écriture de critique se laisse contaminer par les œuvres qu'elle observe pour dévier vers des formes expérimentales, son écriture d'écrivaine-lesbienne vibre, tremble, rit, tournoie, saute, détonne. Elle prolonge les gestes chorégraphiques qui l'ont marquée et les entraîne dans des espaces politiques et collectifs. Ça fait splash, la langue de Jill éclabousse les rives de l'art et du militantisme.Traduits par Pauline L. Boulba, Aminata Labor, Nina Kennel et Rosanna Puyol Boralevi, les textes sont introduits par Pauline L. Boulba, accompagnés par les dessins d'Aminata Labor ainsi que par un article et un entretien avec Clare Croft.Saison #6 : Univers graphique : Mirion Malle | Habillage sonore : Pierre-Antoine Naline, accompagné de la chorale Dònas d'Òlt d'après le chant La Rota composé par Nadèta Carita | À la conversation et à la réalisation : Soazic Courbet. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

One of The New Yorker's Best Books of the Year A Washington Post Notable Book of the Year A Kirkus Reviews Best Book of the Year From an esteemed scholar, a richly textured, authoritative history of sex and sexuality in America—the first major account in three decades. Our era is one of sexual upheaval. Roe v. Wade was overturned in the summer of 2022, school systems across the country are banning books with LGBTQ+ themes, and the notion of a “tradwife” is gaining adherents on the right while polyamory wins converts on the left. It may seem as though debates over sex are more intense than ever, but as acclaimed historian Rebecca L. Davis demonstrates in Fierce Desires, we should not be too surprised, because Americans have been arguing over which kinds of sex are “acceptable”—and which are not—since before the founding itself.  From the public floggings of fornicators in early New England to passionate same-sex love affairs in the 1800s and the crackdown on abortion providers in the 1870s, and from the movements for sexual liberation to the recent restrictions on access to gender affirming care, Davis presents a sweeping, engrossing, illuminating four-hundred-year account of this nation's sexual past. Drawing on a wealth of sources, including legal records, erotica, and eighteenth-century romance novels, she recasts important episodes—Anthony Comstock's crusade against smut among them—and, at the same time, unearths stories of little-remembered pioneers and iconoclasts, such as an indentured servant in colonial Virginia named Thomas/Thomasine Hall, Gay Liberation Front cofounder Kiyoshi Kuromiya, and postwar female pleasure activist Betty Dodson.  At the heart of the book is Davis's argument that the concept of sexual identity is relatively novel, first appearing in the nineteenth century. Over the centuries, Americans have shifted from understanding sexual behaviors as reflections of personal preferences or values, such as those rooted in faith or culture, to defining sexuality as an essential part of what makes a person who they are. And at every step, legislators, police, activists, and bureaucrats attempted to regulate new sexual behaviors, transforming government in the process. The most comprehensive account of America's sexual past since John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman's 1988 classic, Intimate Matters, Davis's magisterial work seeks to help us understand the turmoil of the present. It demonstrates how fiercely we have always valued our desires, and how far we are willing to go to defend them. Rebecca L. Davis is professor of History and of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Delaware where she held the Miller Family Endowed Early Career Professorship. She is the author of several books including Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions that Changed American Politics and More Perfect Unions: The American Search for Marital Bliss and is one of the co-founders and co-hosts of the podcast This is Probably a Weird Question about bodies, sexuality, health and history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

One of The New Yorker's Best Books of the Year A Washington Post Notable Book of the Year A Kirkus Reviews Best Book of the Year From an esteemed scholar, a richly textured, authoritative history of sex and sexuality in America—the first major account in three decades. Our era is one of sexual upheaval. Roe v. Wade was overturned in the summer of 2022, school systems across the country are banning books with LGBTQ+ themes, and the notion of a “tradwife” is gaining adherents on the right while polyamory wins converts on the left. It may seem as though debates over sex are more intense than ever, but as acclaimed historian Rebecca L. Davis demonstrates in Fierce Desires, we should not be too surprised, because Americans have been arguing over which kinds of sex are “acceptable”—and which are not—since before the founding itself.  From the public floggings of fornicators in early New England to passionate same-sex love affairs in the 1800s and the crackdown on abortion providers in the 1870s, and from the movements for sexual liberation to the recent restrictions on access to gender affirming care, Davis presents a sweeping, engrossing, illuminating four-hundred-year account of this nation's sexual past. Drawing on a wealth of sources, including legal records, erotica, and eighteenth-century romance novels, she recasts important episodes—Anthony Comstock's crusade against smut among them—and, at the same time, unearths stories of little-remembered pioneers and iconoclasts, such as an indentured servant in colonial Virginia named Thomas/Thomasine Hall, Gay Liberation Front cofounder Kiyoshi Kuromiya, and postwar female pleasure activist Betty Dodson.  At the heart of the book is Davis's argument that the concept of sexual identity is relatively novel, first appearing in the nineteenth century. Over the centuries, Americans have shifted from understanding sexual behaviors as reflections of personal preferences or values, such as those rooted in faith or culture, to defining sexuality as an essential part of what makes a person who they are. And at every step, legislators, police, activists, and bureaucrats attempted to regulate new sexual behaviors, transforming government in the process. The most comprehensive account of America's sexual past since John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman's 1988 classic, Intimate Matters, Davis's magisterial work seeks to help us understand the turmoil of the present. It demonstrates how fiercely we have always valued our desires, and how far we are willing to go to defend them. Rebecca L. Davis is professor of History and of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Delaware where she held the Miller Family Endowed Early Career Professorship. She is the author of several books including Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions that Changed American Politics and More Perfect Unions: The American Search for Marital Bliss and is one of the co-founders and co-hosts of the podcast This is Probably a Weird Question about bodies, sexuality, health and history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

One of The New Yorker's Best Books of the Year A Washington Post Notable Book of the Year A Kirkus Reviews Best Book of the Year From an esteemed scholar, a richly textured, authoritative history of sex and sexuality in America—the first major account in three decades. Our era is one of sexual upheaval. Roe v. Wade was overturned in the summer of 2022, school systems across the country are banning books with LGBTQ+ themes, and the notion of a “tradwife” is gaining adherents on the right while polyamory wins converts on the left. It may seem as though debates over sex are more intense than ever, but as acclaimed historian Rebecca L. Davis demonstrates in Fierce Desires, we should not be too surprised, because Americans have been arguing over which kinds of sex are “acceptable”—and which are not—since before the founding itself.  From the public floggings of fornicators in early New England to passionate same-sex love affairs in the 1800s and the crackdown on abortion providers in the 1870s, and from the movements for sexual liberation to the recent restrictions on access to gender affirming care, Davis presents a sweeping, engrossing, illuminating four-hundred-year account of this nation's sexual past. Drawing on a wealth of sources, including legal records, erotica, and eighteenth-century romance novels, she recasts important episodes—Anthony Comstock's crusade against smut among them—and, at the same time, unearths stories of little-remembered pioneers and iconoclasts, such as an indentured servant in colonial Virginia named Thomas/Thomasine Hall, Gay Liberation Front cofounder Kiyoshi Kuromiya, and postwar female pleasure activist Betty Dodson.  At the heart of the book is Davis's argument that the concept of sexual identity is relatively novel, first appearing in the nineteenth century. Over the centuries, Americans have shifted from understanding sexual behaviors as reflections of personal preferences or values, such as those rooted in faith or culture, to defining sexuality as an essential part of what makes a person who they are. And at every step, legislators, police, activists, and bureaucrats attempted to regulate new sexual behaviors, transforming government in the process. The most comprehensive account of America's sexual past since John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman's 1988 classic, Intimate Matters, Davis's magisterial work seeks to help us understand the turmoil of the present. It demonstrates how fiercely we have always valued our desires, and how far we are willing to go to defend them. Rebecca L. Davis is professor of History and of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Delaware where she held the Miller Family Endowed Early Career Professorship. She is the author of several books including Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions that Changed American Politics and More Perfect Unions: The American Search for Marital Bliss and is one of the co-founders and co-hosts of the podcast This is Probably a Weird Question about bodies, sexuality, health and history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/gender-studies

One of The New Yorker's Best Books of the Year A Washington Post Notable Book of the Year A Kirkus Reviews Best Book of the Year From an esteemed scholar, a richly textured, authoritative history of sex and sexuality in America—the first major account in three decades. Our era is one of sexual upheaval. Roe v. Wade was overturned in the summer of 2022, school systems across the country are banning books with LGBTQ+ themes, and the notion of a “tradwife” is gaining adherents on the right while polyamory wins converts on the left. It may seem as though debates over sex are more intense than ever, but as acclaimed historian Rebecca L. Davis demonstrates in Fierce Desires, we should not be too surprised, because Americans have been arguing over which kinds of sex are “acceptable”—and which are not—since before the founding itself.  From the public floggings of fornicators in early New England to passionate same-sex love affairs in the 1800s and the crackdown on abortion providers in the 1870s, and from the movements for sexual liberation to the recent restrictions on access to gender affirming care, Davis presents a sweeping, engrossing, illuminating four-hundred-year account of this nation's sexual past. Drawing on a wealth of sources, including legal records, erotica, and eighteenth-century romance novels, she recasts important episodes—Anthony Comstock's crusade against smut among them—and, at the same time, unearths stories of little-remembered pioneers and iconoclasts, such as an indentured servant in colonial Virginia named Thomas/Thomasine Hall, Gay Liberation Front cofounder Kiyoshi Kuromiya, and postwar female pleasure activist Betty Dodson.  At the heart of the book is Davis's argument that the concept of sexual identity is relatively novel, first appearing in the nineteenth century. Over the centuries, Americans have shifted from understanding sexual behaviors as reflections of personal preferences or values, such as those rooted in faith or culture, to defining sexuality as an essential part of what makes a person who they are. And at every step, legislators, police, activists, and bureaucrats attempted to regulate new sexual behaviors, transforming government in the process. The most comprehensive account of America's sexual past since John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman's 1988 classic, Intimate Matters, Davis's magisterial work seeks to help us understand the turmoil of the present. It demonstrates how fiercely we have always valued our desires, and how far we are willing to go to defend them. Rebecca L. Davis is professor of History and of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Delaware where she held the Miller Family Endowed Early Career Professorship. She is the author of several books including Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions that Changed American Politics and More Perfect Unions: The American Search for Marital Bliss and is one of the co-founders and co-hosts of the podcast This is Probably a Weird Question about bodies, sexuality, health and history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

One of The New Yorker's Best Books of the Year A Washington Post Notable Book of the Year A Kirkus Reviews Best Book of the Year From an esteemed scholar, a richly textured, authoritative history of sex and sexuality in America—the first major account in three decades. Our era is one of sexual upheaval. Roe v. Wade was overturned in the summer of 2022, school systems across the country are banning books with LGBTQ+ themes, and the notion of a “tradwife” is gaining adherents on the right while polyamory wins converts on the left. It may seem as though debates over sex are more intense than ever, but as acclaimed historian Rebecca L. Davis demonstrates in Fierce Desires, we should not be too surprised, because Americans have been arguing over which kinds of sex are “acceptable”—and which are not—since before the founding itself.  From the public floggings of fornicators in early New England to passionate same-sex love affairs in the 1800s and the crackdown on abortion providers in the 1870s, and from the movements for sexual liberation to the recent restrictions on access to gender affirming care, Davis presents a sweeping, engrossing, illuminating four-hundred-year account of this nation's sexual past. Drawing on a wealth of sources, including legal records, erotica, and eighteenth-century romance novels, she recasts important episodes—Anthony Comstock's crusade against smut among them—and, at the same time, unearths stories of little-remembered pioneers and iconoclasts, such as an indentured servant in colonial Virginia named Thomas/Thomasine Hall, Gay Liberation Front cofounder Kiyoshi Kuromiya, and postwar female pleasure activist Betty Dodson.  At the heart of the book is Davis's argument that the concept of sexual identity is relatively novel, first appearing in the nineteenth century. Over the centuries, Americans have shifted from understanding sexual behaviors as reflections of personal preferences or values, such as those rooted in faith or culture, to defining sexuality as an essential part of what makes a person who they are. And at every step, legislators, police, activists, and bureaucrats attempted to regulate new sexual behaviors, transforming government in the process. The most comprehensive account of America's sexual past since John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman's 1988 classic, Intimate Matters, Davis's magisterial work seeks to help us understand the turmoil of the present. It demonstrates how fiercely we have always valued our desires, and how far we are willing to go to defend them. Rebecca L. Davis is professor of History and of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Delaware where she held the Miller Family Endowed Early Career Professorship. She is the author of several books including Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions that Changed American Politics and More Perfect Unions: The American Search for Marital Bliss and is one of the co-founders and co-hosts of the podcast This is Probably a Weird Question about bodies, sexuality, health and history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

One of The New Yorker's Best Books of the Year A Washington Post Notable Book of the Year A Kirkus Reviews Best Book of the Year From an esteemed scholar, a richly textured, authoritative history of sex and sexuality in America—the first major account in three decades. Our era is one of sexual upheaval. Roe v. Wade was overturned in the summer of 2022, school systems across the country are banning books with LGBTQ+ themes, and the notion of a “tradwife” is gaining adherents on the right while polyamory wins converts on the left. It may seem as though debates over sex are more intense than ever, but as acclaimed historian Rebecca L. Davis demonstrates in Fierce Desires, we should not be too surprised, because Americans have been arguing over which kinds of sex are “acceptable”—and which are not—since before the founding itself.  From the public floggings of fornicators in early New England to passionate same-sex love affairs in the 1800s and the crackdown on abortion providers in the 1870s, and from the movements for sexual liberation to the recent restrictions on access to gender affirming care, Davis presents a sweeping, engrossing, illuminating four-hundred-year account of this nation's sexual past. Drawing on a wealth of sources, including legal records, erotica, and eighteenth-century romance novels, she recasts important episodes—Anthony Comstock's crusade against smut among them—and, at the same time, unearths stories of little-remembered pioneers and iconoclasts, such as an indentured servant in colonial Virginia named Thomas/Thomasine Hall, Gay Liberation Front cofounder Kiyoshi Kuromiya, and postwar female pleasure activist Betty Dodson.  At the heart of the book is Davis's argument that the concept of sexual identity is relatively novel, first appearing in the nineteenth century. Over the centuries, Americans have shifted from understanding sexual behaviors as reflections of personal preferences or values, such as those rooted in faith or culture, to defining sexuality as an essential part of what makes a person who they are. And at every step, legislators, police, activists, and bureaucrats attempted to regulate new sexual behaviors, transforming government in the process. The most comprehensive account of America's sexual past since John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman's 1988 classic, Intimate Matters, Davis's magisterial work seeks to help us understand the turmoil of the present. It demonstrates how fiercely we have always valued our desires, and how far we are willing to go to defend them. Rebecca L. Davis is professor of History and of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Delaware where she held the Miller Family Endowed Early Career Professorship. She is the author of several books including Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions that Changed American Politics and More Perfect Unions: The American Search for Marital Bliss and is one of the co-founders and co-hosts of the podcast This is Probably a Weird Question about bodies, sexuality, health and history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

One of The New Yorker's Best Books of the Year A Washington Post Notable Book of the Year A Kirkus Reviews Best Book of the Year From an esteemed scholar, a richly textured, authoritative history of sex and sexuality in America—the first major account in three decades. Our era is one of sexual upheaval. Roe v. Wade was overturned in the summer of 2022, school systems across the country are banning books with LGBTQ+ themes, and the notion of a “tradwife” is gaining adherents on the right while polyamory wins converts on the left. It may seem as though debates over sex are more intense than ever, but as acclaimed historian Rebecca L. Davis demonstrates in Fierce Desires, we should not be too surprised, because Americans have been arguing over which kinds of sex are “acceptable”—and which are not—since before the founding itself.  From the public floggings of fornicators in early New England to passionate same-sex love affairs in the 1800s and the crackdown on abortion providers in the 1870s, and from the movements for sexual liberation to the recent restrictions on access to gender affirming care, Davis presents a sweeping, engrossing, illuminating four-hundred-year account of this nation's sexual past. Drawing on a wealth of sources, including legal records, erotica, and eighteenth-century romance novels, she recasts important episodes—Anthony Comstock's crusade against smut among them—and, at the same time, unearths stories of little-remembered pioneers and iconoclasts, such as an indentured servant in colonial Virginia named Thomas/Thomasine Hall, Gay Liberation Front cofounder Kiyoshi Kuromiya, and postwar female pleasure activist Betty Dodson.  At the heart of the book is Davis's argument that the concept of sexual identity is relatively novel, first appearing in the nineteenth century. Over the centuries, Americans have shifted from understanding sexual behaviors as reflections of personal preferences or values, such as those rooted in faith or culture, to defining sexuality as an essential part of what makes a person who they are. And at every step, legislators, police, activists, and bureaucrats attempted to regulate new sexual behaviors, transforming government in the process. The most comprehensive account of America's sexual past since John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman's 1988 classic, Intimate Matters, Davis's magisterial work seeks to help us understand the turmoil of the present. It demonstrates how fiercely we have always valued our desires, and how far we are willing to go to defend them. Rebecca L. Davis is professor of History and of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Delaware where she held the Miller Family Endowed Early Career Professorship. She is the author of several books including Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions that Changed American Politics and More Perfect Unions: The American Search for Marital Bliss and is one of the co-founders and co-hosts of the podcast This is Probably a Weird Question about bodies, sexuality, health and history. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Send us a message! In this episode, we shine a light on the unforgettable legacy of Marsha P. Johnson—activist, drag queen, and fearless voice of the Stonewall uprising. Join us as we explore her life, her impact on the LGBTQ+ rights movement, and the mystery surrounding her tragic and untimely death. This powerful story of resistance, resilience, and radical love is one you don't want to miss.  Music is by Alexander Nakarada.Support the show

In 1965, when he was 17, Perry Brass hitchhiked from Savannah to San Francisco where he spent a year living on the street, sleeping between parked cars or in SRO hotels, doing any job he could, and loving the freedom of it.After Perry moved to New York, Perry joined New York's groundbreaking Gay Liberation Front in 1969 and the staff of Come Out!, the first Gay Liberation newspaper. His poetry was published in many “gay firsts,” including The Penguin Book of Homosexual Verse, the first mainstream collection of queer poetry. He has since published 23 books, most recently “My Life without Money and other poems.”In 1972, Perry and two friends started the Gay Men's Health Project Clinic, the first clinic for gay men on the East Coast, still active as New York's Callen-Lorde Community Health Center. The Gay Men's Health Project Clinic, organized and run by the men who used it rather than by doctors, became the model for many grass-roots health organizations in the gay community.

Hosts Daniel and Garet kick off the episode by diving into the concept of Radical Optimism, inspired by Dua Lipa's new album of the same name. They explore what it means to maintain a hopeful and positive outlook as a queer individual in today's world. The conversation covers the importance of happiness, storytelling, and the narratives that shape our experiences within the LGBTQ+ community. Key Topics:1. The Power of Radical Optimism:Discussion on how radical optimism can empower the LGBTQ+ community to navigate challenges with grace and positivity. Highlighting the history and impact of the Gay Liberation Front post-Stonewall Riots as an example of radical optimism in action. 2. Radical Optimism vs. Realism:A deep dive into the philosophy behind radical optimism and how it differs from mere positivity or toxic positivity.The hosts reflect on their personal journeys towards embracing a radically optimistic outlook in the face of societal challenges and personal struggles. 3. Strategies for Embracing Radical Optimism:Acknowledging current realities without dwelling on negativity.Cultivating gratitude and focusing on joyous aspects of life.Seeking out positive narratives and surrounding oneself with stories of success, resilience, and joy.The importance of self-care, mental and emotional growth, and personal development.Visualizing a positive future and the role of techniques like quantum leaping in achieving a hopeful outlook. Interactive Quiz: Are You a Radical Optimist or a Realist?A fun and engaging quiz where Daniel and Garet explore whether they lean more towards radical optimism or realism, inviting listeners to participate and share their results. ___LINKS:Follow us on Instagram, TikTok and X.Join the Gayborhood free newsletter or paid membership for bonus episode content.Read more about every episode on our website.___SUBSCRIBE & REVIEW:Modern Gays is published every week. If you love the show and can support us, please subscribe and write a review wherever you get your podcasts! Thanks for listening! xx Daniel and Garet

The LGBTQ History Project maintains that Don Kilhefner is the most dangerous gay activist alive in America. For over 50 years, he has fought to secure civil rights for LGBTQ people. Without a doubt, the fruits of his work have changed the world. He was a founding member of the Gay Liberation Front in 1970, one of the first organizations to bring gay rights to the general public's attention.  He co-founded the Los Angeles LGBT Center, which has become the model of all LGBTQ Centers around the world with a $172 million yearly budget and nearly 800 employees. In 1978, he co-founded the Radical Faeries, a counter-culture network and movement that explores queer consciousness and queer spirituality and is alive and well today all around the world. He has dedicated the second chapter of his life to the exploration of queer consciousness and his community-based psychology practice.We start this interview by discussing the importance of intergenerational connections in the LGBTQ community. Next, we get into a juicy conversation addressing how heterosupremacy defined who we are based on sex, and now it's time to re-envision who we are and what it means to be gay beyond sex. We explored the possible purpose and roles of LGBTQ folks from a historical and anthropological perspective. Two possible roles we identified are the altruistic impulse, and the cooperative principal which Don describes. Don then shares the origin story of the radical faeries and the part he played in starting the radical faerie movement along with Harry Hay. Delightfully we get to learn some of the beautiful details from the very first radical faerie gathering. We end with Don sharing his thoughts on what our community's biggest challenges. This included a concept called "elite capture" meaning we've moved from a grassroots community-based movement to a movement where the elite have monopolization the LGBTQ community and it's fight for rights. This shift is failing, and Don and I consider what needs to change.This is a pretty epic interview with a very epic figurehead of the LGBTQ history!Support the show

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit public.substack.comFor most people, the struggle for gay and transgender rights are one and the same. It's the LGBT movement, not the ‘gay rights movement'. But it wasn't always this way. Until the 1990s, the two communities were largely separate, and it wasn't until the 2010s that they officially joined forces. At the time, many liberals readily embraced this alliance as a logical evolution. After all, the fight for gay rights was drawing to a close, and after same-sex marriage was secured, it seemed natural that the spotlight would shift towards another marginalized group. The term LGBT now symbolizes a united front of oppressed minorities gladly standing shoulder-to-shoulder in the fight for a more equal world.But, early on, certain members of the LGB community felt there was a harmful idea at the core of the modern trans rights movement: the idea that we all possess a gender identity, separate from our biological sex, which defines whether we are men or women. Stemming from this was the belief that heterosexual males who claim to possess a “female gender” are lesbians. Many of these biological males accused the lesbians who rejected this idea of “transphobia”. In the eyes of these lesbians, they were once again being persecuted by the opposite sex after having largely won a decades-long struggle for the same rights as heterosexuals.Then, the very same organizations that had fought for gay rights embraced what would become known as “gender ideology.” These groups repeated the idea that transwomen/biological males were the same as women and thus that males could be lesbians and that females could be gay men. Eventually, these groups promoted the idea that children could be born in the wrong body and require drugs and surgeries to be their authentic selves. To top it all off, that there was to be “No debate!”Then, two lesbian activists disagreed. Their names were Bev Jackson and Kate Harris. Both had a long history of political activism. Jackson was a founding member of the Gay Liberation Front in 1970, and Harris was a champion of women's liberation. The two simply could not sit back and allow this new attack on their community to continue.

Bev Jackson, a founding member of the Gay Liberation Front (1970), discusses how she and Kate Harris, concerned by the implications of Stonewall's decision to alter its definition of sexual orientation in 2015 from “same-sex attracted” to “same-gender attracted,” co-founded LGB Alliance in 2019. Jackson details how by 2021, LGB Alliance had its status as a registered charity challenged by another British charity, Mermaids, accusing LGB Alliance of having “gone beyond the boundaries of civilised debate.” Historicising how much time, engery, and money this legal challenge cost LGB Alliance over the past two years, Jackson describes in detail how the witnesses from the opposing side in court seemed “entirely unprepared, as if they'd been grabbed off the street and sort of stuck there, adding, “They didn't seem to have any notion at all of what they were there for.” Describing the problems current within gender ideology and its current social, political and medical manifestations today—from its anti-science narrative to its homophobia to the sterilisation of gay youth—Jackson argues against the medicalisation model that is being presented as foreward-thinking, adding, “The greatest trick that is being played upon the world is that this is progressive, that this is kind, and that this is good. It is outrageous and it is homophobic rubbish!” Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

In the finale of this three-part episode, Margaret concludes her conversation with Danl Goodman about the gay liberation movement of the early 1970s that blew open the gates for LGBT rights.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In part two of this week's episode, Margaret continues her conversation with Danl Goodman about the gay liberation movement of the early 1970s that blew open the gates for LGBT rights. You can now listen to all Cool Zone Media shows, 100% ad-free through the Cooler Zone Media subscription, available exclusively on Apple Podcasts. So, open your Apple Podcasts app, search for “Cooler Zone Media” and subscribe today! http://apple.co/coolerzoneSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Over 800 anti-LGBTQ bills have either been passed or are on the docket in 27 states, according to the organization Human Rights Campaign. Much of this legislation targets transgender people in particular, focusing on gender-affirming medical care, public education, and the presence of gender nonconforming people in public space. As a result, schools, healthcare, and public space have been dragged into the frontlines of a new culture war that ultimately takes aim at democracy itself. The Marc Steiner Show hosts a special intergenerational Pride Month panel among queer activists to reflect on the current moment's resonance with past threats to the LGBTQ community, and what lessons such history can offer in the fight ahead.Lexi McMenamin is the News & Politics Editor at Teen Vogue. They are also a freelance writer covering politics, identity, activist movements, and pop culture.Allen Young is a journalist and author. He was a member of the Liberation News Service in the late 1960s. As a member of the Venceremos Brigades to Cuba, he spoke out against the treatment of gays in the Cuban Revolution at the time. Allen became part of the Gay Liberation Front after the Stonewall Rebellion, and continues his activism to this day.Kalima Young is an Assistant Professor in the Towson University Department of Electronic Media and Film where she teaches Principles of Film and Media Production and African American Cinema. She is an activist with FORCE: Upsetting Rape Cultureworking to build The Monument Quilt project. Kalima is also a member of the Rooted Collective, a Black LGBTQ healing project.Studio / Post-Production: David HebdenHelp us continue producing The Marc Steiner Show by following us and becoming a monthly sustainer: Donate: https://therealnews.com/donate-pod-mssSign up for our newsletter: https://therealnews.com/nl-pod-st Like us on Facebook: https://facebook.com/therealnewsFollow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/therealnews

Over 800 anti-LGBTQ bills have either been passed or are on the docket in 27 states, according to the organization Human Rights Campaign. Much of this legislation targets transgender people in particular, focusing on gender-affirming medical care, public education, and the presence of gender nonconforming people in public space. As a result, schools, healthcare, and public space have been dragged into the frontlines of a new culture war that ultimately takes aim at democracy itself. The Marc Steiner Show hosts a special intergenerational Pride Month panel among queer activists to reflect on the current moment's resonance with past threats to the LGBTQ community, and what lessons such history can offer in the fight ahead.Lexi McMenamin is the News & Politics Editor at Teen Vogue. They are also a freelance writer covering politics, identity, activist movements, and pop culture.Allen Young is a journalist and author. He was a member of the Liberation News Service in the late 1960s. As a member of the Venceremos Brigades to Cuba, he spoke out against the treatment of gays in the Cuban Revolution at the time. Allen became part of the Gay Liberation Front after the Stonewall Rebellion, and continues his activism to this day.Kalima Young is an Assistant Professor in the Towson University Department of Electronic Media and Film where she teaches Principles of Film and Media Production and African American Cinema. She is an activist with FORCE: Upsetting Rape Cultureworking to build The Monument Quilt project. Kalima is also a member of the Rooted Collective, a Black LGBTQ healing project.Studio / Post-Production: David HebdenHelp us continue producing The Marc Steiner Show by following us and becoming a monthly sustainer: Donate: https://therealnews.com/donate-pod-mssSign up for our newsletter: https://therealnews.com/nl-pod-st Like us on Facebook: https://facebook.com/therealnewsFollow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/therealnews

Margaret talks with Danl Goodman about the gay liberation movement of the early 1970s that blew open the gates for LGBT rights. You can now listen to all Cool Zone Media shows, 100% ad-free through the Cooler Zone Media subscription, available exclusively on Apple Podcasts. So, open your Apple Podcasts app, search for “Cooler Zone Media” and subscribe today! http://apple.co/coolerzoneSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

We are diving into some Queer History this week with the incredible Logbook Podcast host, Tash Walker.  Switchboard started in 1974 off the back off the part decriminalisation of homosexuality in 1967. The Gay Liberation Front set up Gay News...which set up a phone line (Switchboard) to deal with the ever-increasing calls from the LGBTQ+ community. Tash came across 'The Logbooks' whilst rummaging through some unopened boxes at Switchboard and discovered the 1974 hand written notes from the volunteers , documenting the calls they were taking. It serves as a unique handwritten diary of LGBTQ+ issues from the 1970s and a snapshot of British queer history. Tash now co-hosts the LogBook podcast and brings us on a fascinating, emotional journey which must be listened to. Make sure you follow and subscribe so you never miss an episode, and of course, give us a cheeky five-star rating.  To send us your listener stories, or if you just wanna say hi, drop us an email at smutdrop@metro.co.uk. Smut Drop was produced by Pineapple Audio Production You can also find us on Instagram & Twitter; @miri_kane @MetroUK @SwitchboardLGBT @Tashwalker85  @pineappleaudioproduction

Episode Summary This week on Live Like the World is Dying, Emily and Margaret talk about organizing against fascists while the Eye of Sauron is upon us. Emily breaks down the history of some far-right groups in the US as well as the history of opposition to them. She talks about how to organize against neo-Nazis, the interconnections of antifascism and transness, the perils of seeking asylum, and how to hunt Nazis and win. Guest Info Emily (she/her) can be found out in the world winning. Or, she can be found on Twitter @EmilyGorcenski or at www.emilygorcenski.com Host Info Margaret can be found on twitter @magpiekilljoy or instagram at @margaretkilljoy. Publisher Info This show is published by Strangers in A Tangled Wilderness. We can be found at www.tangledwilderness.org, or on Twitter @TangledWild and Instagram @Tangled_Wilderness. You can support the show on Patreon at www.patreon.com/strangersinatangledwilderness. Transcript Live Like the World is Dying: Emily on Antifascist Organizing & Hunting Nazis Margaret: Hello and welcome to Live Like the World is Dying, your podcasts what feels like the end times. I'm when your host, Margaret Killjoy, and today I'm excited. I guess I say that every single time that I'm excited. But it's actually true. I really...I wouldn't interview people if I wasn't excited about it. Today, we're going to talk about antifascism. There's going to be a couple of weeks--I don't actually know what order they're gonna come out--And maybe you've already heard me talking about antifascism recently, but nothing feels more important in terms of community preparedness than stopping fascism. So, that's what we're going to talk about today. And today, we're going to talk with someone who was involved in organizing the counter protests in Charlottesville, the anti-Nazi side of Charlottesville, and has had to deal with the ramifications of that. And I think you'll get a lot out of it. But first, we're proud member of the Channel Zero Network of anarchists podcasts and here's a jingle from another show on the network da da duh da da. [humming a made up melody] Margaret: Alright, if you could introduce yourself with your name, your pronouns, and then I guess, a vague overview of who you are and why I had you on today. Emily: My name is Emily Gorcenski. She and her. And I am an activist from Charlottesville. I had called Charlottesville my home for about eight years before the infamous Unite the Right rally happened. And that sort of called me to anti- fascism. In the wake of all of that, I also started initiatives to digitally hunt Nazis and track them down, expose them, and understand how their networks operate, how their movements form and grow and evolve, and have been involved in sort of organizing against fascism for the last several years. Margaret: Awesome. This is going to be good stuff that we're going to talk about. Well, bad stuff, I suppose. So the Unite the Right rally, what was that? I mean? It's funny because it feels like it was either yesterday or 15 years ago. Emily: Yeah, both of those. It was both of those. Unite the Right was what a lot of people call "Charlottesville." It was the big neo-Nazi rally in August of 2017, August 11th and 12th to be precise, and it was one of several neo-Nazi rallies in Charlottesville. It was the biggest and got the most news coverage. During that summer...Locally, we call it the "summer of hate." We don't like to use the word "Charlottesville" to describe the moment in time because we are still a community, but it was the moment that you saw everything from the neo-Nazis marching with the swastika, to the terror attack, to Donald Trump saying there were very fine people on both sides. Margaret:Yeah, kind of it feels like the moment that sort of kicked off the modern Nazi-right. Like it feels like their big coming out party, their gender reveal--if Nazis a gender. I don't know if it's...Nazi might not be a gender. I hate to disrespect people's gender, but that might be not on the list. And I don't know what color they would use for fireworks. But it... Okay, so it feels like their coming-out, right, like it was this thing. And I'm kind of curious what your take on it is because from where I'm at it seems like kind of a little different than stuff had gone before and a lot of bad things happened. A lot of very bad things happened and we can talk about some of those things. But, it felt like kind of this like aberration. Everyone was like--I mean, except the president the US--everyone was like, "Oh fuck, that's bad. We don't like this. This is bad when Nazis march down the street with torches chanting, 'Jews will not replace us.'" Clearly this is bad. But it feels like...it does feel like it kind of worked for them to kick them off into the mainstream. Like it. It doesn't feel Like their movement has shrink since then, I guess I will say. Emily: I think it's a complicated. Yeah, that's a complicated topic. If you look at the history of what led up to Unite the Right, there were a number of neo-Nazi rallies, sort of the ascendance of the alt-right throughout the country, right. So we had Richard Spencer growing in prominence and forming the alt-right movement. We had these groups like Identity Europa and Vanguard America, and Traditionalist Worker Party. And all of them were sort of, they're holding these rallies all over the country, right. There were some in Pikeville, and there are some in in Huntington Beach, California, and there was some in in Berkeley, right, the the sort of infamous battles of Berkeley. And all of these events were sort of in the months around, I don't know, anywhere from one month before or two months before to a year, year and a half before, right. And this is sort of aligned with the ascendance of Donald Trump, the sort of hard shift right in American politics, the reaction to a lot of things, including Obergefell, the court case that legalized gay marriage, and two terms of a black man being president, right, there are a lot of factors that kind of started to swirl together and formed this vortex of the alt-right. And what happened in Unite the right was, this was...it was almost like that moment in an orchestra where everything was tuning up beforehand, right? You know, there was like the smaller rallies, there was some violence, there were some, you know, definitely some things that are fairly scary, but it was isolated. And it was easy for people to ignore. What happened in Charlottesville, everything came together. And when we saw on the night of August 11th, at the University of Virginia, the Nazis marching with the torches and chanting, "You will not replace us," and eventually, "Jews will not replace us," all of that started to come together to be like that moment that the orchestra starts playing, right. And I think ironically, August 11th was also their high watermark. Because even though we have seen fascism grow in power since then, the dynamics are much more complicated because those groups that organized and participated in Unite the Right have essentially been destroyed and that movement has essentially been destroyed. And so what we see is actually something that's morphing. And I think that's a much more important thing to understand. Margaret: Okay, that makes sense. That does kind of--because I don't hear people talking about the alt-right anymore, right? And a lot of the individual groups that made up yeah Unite the Right like, died, like the part of the Lord of the Rings, where the orc grabs the barrel of dynamite and runs towards the wall and blows up--maybe that...I think that was Lord of the Rings--to bring down the wall or whatever. Like because we don't talk about the alt-right anymore. We talked about the right wing. And now but it does seem like the right wing is now doing the things that the alt-right used to do. Like, why is it--I'm asking this like half earnestly and half to get a an answer from you--but like, why is it we got rid of, we voted out the far right politician and now things are going further and further right, even though he's gone. Does that relate to all of this? Emily: I think I think it does, right? So it's all about movement and counter-movement. We defeated the alt-right. We killed the alt-right. The alt-right didn't die. It didn't die of its own accord. it was killed. it was killed through through antifascist organizing, it was killed through through criminal charges being brought against key players, it was killed through alt-right people committing mass shootings and the movement being unable to recruit, and it was killed through civil court cases even. So there was a number of factors that killed that movement, but Margaret: I take back my comparison the to the Lord of the Rings guy. Emily: The thing about the alt-right, though, is that it doesn't need to exist anymore. Its purpose was simply to set an anchor point that everything else can be sort of tied around, right? And so actually what you see if you look at, over time. at these dynamics, you know, 2015, 2016, 2017, you had the alt-right movement on its upswing. 2018 It started to die. And by 2020 It was pretty much gone. On sort of that sort of downswing of the alt-right, you had groups like the Proud Boys starting to grow in power. So the Proud Boys existed as early as 2016. They participated in Unite the Right, but they were not a major factor. They didn't really participate in the organizing. They were kind of on the fence of "Should we? Should we not?" But they we're there. Enrique Tarrio was there. Many Proud Boys organizers were there. As the alt-right died, the Proud Boys started to gain in prominence. And the difference between the Proud Boys and the alt-right, is that the Proud Boys had more of a sanitized image in the public eye, right? They were led by a Hispanic man. And they were...they had these members that were like Samoan and Asian and they didn't look like the, you know, dapper Nazi with the fascy haircut and all that stuff. And that kind of...what the alt-right did is it created a foil for the Proud Boys, right? So, it was very easy for everyone to decry the alt-right after they committed a terror attack, murdered Heather Heyer, and did all this awful stuff using images of swastikas and stuff like that, right? It was to set a sort of expectation so far removed from what was acceptable, that as long as you weren't that, as long as you weren't the worst possible thing, you were probably pretty okay. And so now you see the Proud Boys and they got really involved in the electoral politics, right, they were really close to Roger Stone, and they had a really big part in the the J6 [January 6th] insurrection and all of this stuff, right? So, you see this sort of like...it's like a three phase current, right, as one, as one movement starts to decline, another movement starts to pick up, and now the Proud Boys are in the decline now. They're they're facing trial. The trial is currently ongoing. I don't know how it will end up. And you see these other movements start to pick up, right, and this is now more mainstream. Now we have more politicians like Ron DeSantis and they're bringing this explicitly fascist agenda into legislatures and into sort of normie spaces, even though it's the same exact thread that has been going through the alt-right, the Proud Boys, etc, all the way to like the white power movements. It's a lot of the same philosophy, but it presents itself differently. And so even though we elected out Trump, we didn't get rid of that undercurrent. We just changed the face of it. Margaret: Okay, so if we have these three phases, and this is a very--I'm not really saying...is a very convincing argument--that we have these three phases. And I really like focusing on this idea that this the first wave of it, at least, was stopped by antifascism and through a diversity of tactics, both electoral and direct action tactics. I want to come back to that because I want to talk about what those tactics are, but I want to ask about with this current wave, what do you think are effective organizing strategies? Like what can stop this? Because it does seem probably, legally speaking, no one's gonna go fistfight DeSantis in the street, right? No one's going to out him because we know who he is. He lives at Florida's White House. I don't know how governors live. What? Yeah, what do we do? Emily: I think this is why the diversity of tactics is so important, right? Because every movement has a different face. And it has a different way of operating. So you need to be able to confront it with different techniques. And I think that what's important about like the current wave of fascist organizing is that there actually does exist a long activist history of opposing what they're doing, right? This movement is not actually new. Everything that like Ron DeSantis is doing, Ron DeSantis is essentially a product of a decade's long evangelical project to essentially turn America into a theocracy, a christo-fascist theocracy. And so this is like, if you look at the history of how these groups have organized and tried to introduce bills and stuff like that, there's actually a really strong sort of cadre of people who can oppose those things through the systematic means that we have, right? And so some of the direct action, yes, you can go out on the street and you can punch Nazis and that's great. You don't want to go out into the street and punch Ron DeSantis. That's probably going to end really, really, really badly for you. Margaret: I feel like there's different ways of defining the word "want." "Shouldn't," maybe. Emily: Yeah, maybe yes. So I think that what we need to do is we actually need to look to these groups that have been opposing the other sort of things that this group that these these fascists have been focusing on over the last several years, like homeschooling, and parental rights, and the opposition to gay marriage, and, you know, things like the Tebow bill, if you remember the Tebow bill, right? It was this this whole thing about like using federal funds to allow home schooled athletes to participate in public college sports. And all of this is coming from the same core, right, and there are people who have been opposing this for a long time quite successfully. And so I think that what's important is actually to understand how to organize with them and follow their leadership and to try to muster up the resources that they can use to effectively oppose these things in the forms where these things can effectively be opposed. Now, there may come a time when that opposition renders itself ineffective, either the bills pass, or, you know, these groups just don't have enough money to fight all of the bills or whatever it might be, there will probably come a time when that no longer works. And then we have to look at other means, right? Funding battles in the courts, right? Use that system against them, you can protest outside of these people's houses, right, you can protest outside of these offices that our that are responsible for, you know, some of these consulting firms that are like, funding these politicians, right you can do, there's a bunch of direct action campaigns that you can choose to organize around that don't necessarily need to be movement versus movement in the streets type of confrontation, there are a lot of tools in the toolkit. And it's really important for us to be fluent with as many of them as we can, right. Organize boycotts, strikes, right, all of that stuff. Margaret: How do people get involved in that kind of stuff? Like, I mean, this would be true, regardless of the tactic, like one of the main questions that I get asked a lot, and I'm always sort of the wrong person ask because I don't have blanket answers and I can't necessarily speak to individuals and also I'm just not an organizer. If people say like, "Well, how do I get involved?" and whether it's how do I get involved in the groups that are fighting Nazis or doxing Nazis, or whatever, but also, how do you find the sorts of organizations that are fighting these bills? How do you? Yeah, how do you do it? Emily: Yeah, I think that the most important thing is to connect with your local community and see who's been organizing in your local community because they usually know the best, right. And even if they're not the ones that are opposing these things, they usually know who is and how to oppose it and stuff like that, or they usually know what groups are out there. There's also a lot of resources online, right. If you're opposed to like the hateful legislation that is being proposed and debated, there's like the Equality Network that tracks and, and lobbies against it and and they're different in each state--and some of the states are kind of mediocre, and some of them are actually pretty good--but they've been effective, right? And I think that what we forget is that what we're seeing now is not unique. It's barely even noteworthy compared to what we've seen over the last year. So right, there's like, 400 or so like anti-trans bills this year, right. But if you look at the last three years, there's been a thousand anti-LGBT bills that have been introduced, right? So, we know how to fight this stuff. And in these organizations that are putting themselves out there and raising funds and looking for volunteers and stuff like that have been showing leadership. Now, I don't always love equality, right? I don't the Equality Network, right. I love equality. But the Equality Network, right. I'm not always their biggest fan, right? If you don't know...like, you can start there and branch out. And I think that the most important thing is that a lot of people come to activism because they're upset with seeing something, they're hurt, they're feeling marginalized, they're feeling scared, and they feel like they need to do something. And that kind of gets bundled up with a feeling that nobody else is doing something. But it's not really true, right? There are people who are fighting these things. And the most important thing that you can do is actually just start with your local community, see who's doing what, go to your city council meetings, talk to your....you know, find your local Black Lives Matter chapter, find your local immigrant rights chapter, you know, whoever is fighting for....fighting against ICE, fighting against, you know, police violence, right? This exists in almost every community. And if it doesn't exist in your community, look at the neighboring community. Network with these people, because they have the leadership. Even if they're not fighting for the cause that you believe in directly, all of these causes are linked together and they will be able to help you. So that's the first step is just get to know people around you. Margaret: Well, it's good...that actually...you know, most of what we talked about on this show is preparedness, right, like how to store water and all that shit. And the number one thing in all of that is the same. It's literally the same. It's get to know your neighbors. And whether it's get to know your neighbors because you want to share water with them or get to know your neighbors because you want to know who is going to try and murder you as soon as it's legally allowed for them to murder you. getting to know the landscape of what's around you makes them a lot of sense to me. And it ties into something...Okay, so you're like talking about diversity of tactics often is used as this kind of like, way of saying, "Hey, more people should support more radical action." But it's worth also understanding that diversity of tactics also means like supporting action that like, isn't quite as radical seeming or as like revolutionary, like you might want in terms of just actually maintaining a decent platform from which to fight, right? It's like easier to fight for things when you're not in jail. It's easier to fight for things when you're not in the process of being forcibly detransitioned medically. And it's interesting because like, okay, earlier on, you talked about how one of the reasons that all this stuff came up is that people felt so aggrieved by the fact that we had two terms of a black president and we had gay marriage, you know, sanctified in law, or whatever. And it's funny, because in the crowds that I'm part of, two terms of a black president and gay marriage was like, so unimpressive. The left was like, "Yeah, yeah, yeah," right? Whereas meanwhile, I guess the right is, like frothing at the mouth that these things are happening, which makes me realize that they were a bigger deal all along, or something, you know, I don't know. Emily: Yeah, I think it's because the left is really good at judging situations as a...in their distance from where we want them to be. Right? So we judge things, as, you know, from how far are they from our ideal. The right doe opposite, right. They judge things as "How far is it from the norm," so things like gay marriage and a black president, those aren't really big things. Like a black president is not a big deal when they actually what you want to do is abolish the presidency, right? But if you're if you're a, you know, white Christian Evangelical that is a racist and, you know, maybe doesn't like openly support the Klan, but doesn't really denounce them either, right, like, that's a huge deal because you actually do believe in this notion that like white Christian men should be in charge of everything. And that means the presidency. And that means everything else, too. So, I think that part of what we have to do as organizers is actually try to look at where things are, and how our sort of political opponents are using change to drum up recruitment, and are using fear mongering and things like that, right. And we're so used to trying to judge based on the outcomes that we want that we miss that picture. Margaret: Now, I really liked that way of framing it. It's an interesting...do you think that relates to...there's there's sort of this cliche that the left will cast you out for one sin and the right will take you in for one virtue? Which I don't think is...doesn't have to be true, but... Emily: It doesn't have to. It doesn't have to be true. And it's not really true, right? Because there's much more complex dynamics on top of that. But I mean, it's really kind of like to same philosophy. Yeah, exactly. It's the right, well, if...they'll overlook a lot of failures if you can move the needle even one degree further, which is why you have things like fairly moderate, otherwise moderate politically women in the UK who are like, supporting the Proud Boys and these anti-trans issues, right? They're just like, "Oh, yeah, I don't care about the fact that you're basically a Nazi organization, as long as you also hate the trannies." Like, that's kind of how that is all working. Margaret: Yeah, and you have this thing that I wanted to be a bigger split than it was--although I think it's something worth holding on to--is that like, there's like Satanists and pagans throwing down alongside evangelical Christians because they're all Nazis together. And it like, it doesn't make any sense to me. I can't imagine--Well, it's hard to imagine being a Nazi period--but it's just like...You know, even like the rise of the Catholic right. I keep wanting to be like, "Y'all know that the evangelical right doesn't even think you're Christians. Like, they want to murder you too." That is the history of the United States. That is the history of large parts of Europe. Like, it's amazing who will decide the Nazis are on their side because they all hate the same people or whatever. Okay, so to tie this into the the trans thing, right? Both of us are in a book called No Pasarán on by Shane Burley, that you can go and get from wherever you get your books--this is really ad, this is a plug--and your piece in that talks about relating antifascism and transness. And when we talk about like a lot of the laws that are right now being challenged, a lot of the stuff that...currently, the Eye of Sauron seems to be on the trans community in particular. It's on lots of communities in particular, but like we're the ones in the news, even more than usual or something right now. I'm wondering if you kind of want to talk about antifascism and transness. And then we can kind of tie that back into this conversation. Emily: Yeah, sure. So the chapter I wrote is about looking at antifascism through the lens of transgender identity. And what I tried to do is to take a walk through the current day to the historical context and then back through to the current day of how fascist and far right movements have used trans people as scapegoats for a larger agenda, part of that agenda being hatred of other people, including hatred of the Jews, but also a power play, right? And I think part of the lesson of the chapter is that we need, we need to be much more careful and thoughtful in how we look at comparative analysis. Because there's sort of two schools of thought that are happening in the left, especially in social media discourse. One is, you know, you you sort of look at historical mapping, and you say, this is basically the same thing as this thing that happened in the past, right, like, the laws that are being passed against trans people now, it's like, just what happened in the Holocaust. And that's kind of a problematic comparison, right? But it's also, it's also like another thing where it's like, you also have people saying, "Oh, don't compare what like the bathroom bills are about to what happened during Jim Crow, because that's a problematic comparison," right? So these are two things, like two different perspectives. Or it's like, don't compare these two groups of people. And then another perspective is like, "Actually, these things are..." you know, because the first is like, "Don't compare these two, these two situations because, you know, people now don't have the same dynamics. There's not a racial element. There's not a history of slavery," for example, right? And the other school is kind of like, "Well, actually, you need to look at the causes. And you need to look at the factors that went into it." And I think that there's a little bit of both of these things that are going on, right. And so when we actually look at historically how trans people were targeted in the Holocaust and how gay people were targeted in the Holocaust--and they were. There were a lot of trans--what we would now, today, call transgender people--they didn't have those words back then and also they were speaking German--And, you know, and queer people. They were targeted in the Holocaust. But it's also impossible to separate the way that they were targeted from the anti-semitism, right. So a lot of trans people talk about, today, talk about like the raids and the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft [Institue for Sexual Science] in Tiergarten, Berlin. So, the Deutsche Studentenschaft, which was like kind of like the Proud Boys of its time, raided the archives of Magnus Hirschfeld, who is a sexual scientist at the time, and they burned those books and a lot of trans people love to focus on these images and say, "You know, these, these books were the archives of the Institute for Sexualwissenschaft, and it's partly true, right? But, it also erases a big part of that history because it wasn't only those books, it was also Jewish authors like Sigmund Freud. It was Carl Jung. It was Jewish scholars,and politicians, and philosophy. Margaret: So all of this homosexuality is all a Jewish plot to destroy the good German people? [said with dry sarcasm] Emily: Right. And if you actually look at the posters that the DST put up to recruit for what they were calling the aktion gegen den undeutschen Geist, the action against the un-German spirit. Their...one of their key like bold faced bullet points was "Our principle enemy is the Jew," and so what they were doing is they were using trans people as a way to attack Jews. It doesn't mean that trans people weren't attacked. What it means is that you have to recognize that, historically, there was an interconnection here. And so if when we're erasing that interconnection, we're losing out a big part of that history. And we're also losing out a big part of how we can fight against these movements. At the same time, when we, when we totally ignore these things, like when we say, "You know, don't compare the trans movement now to the civil rights struggle of before," we're missing out on how the right wing uses these arguments to recruit and to motivate, right. So yes, it's not true that trans people who are denied bathroom use now, they're not in the same position as black people were who were denied bathroom use during Jim Crow, right, but the arguments are very similar. The white Christians back then were saying "These black people are going to like go into the bathrooms and they're going to rape your women," right? They use the like the fragile virginity of the white American woman as this this sort of rallying cry to drum up support for their cause, which is very similar to the arguments that are being made against trans people now. So when we look at this sort of comparative analysis, we have to bring in sort of a two sided perspective. Margaret: Yeah, there's so much there. It's funny because my immediate instinct, and I don't know whether this comes from my position as a white American or something, is to...it would never occur to me to compare the bathroom bill to Jim Crow, right? That just, to me, seems like obvious that the foundation of slavery is so dramatic and so influential. When, as compared to when I think about being targeted by the Holocaust, you know, to me--and maybe it's just like, my Twitter brain or like constantly thinking about what people could say to undermine what I'm saying or find holes in it or whatever--to me, that feels like a not only a safer argument but a more logical argument because it's...I wouldn't compare what's happening to trans people as to what's happened to Jews in the Holocaust. I compare what happens to trans people, to what happened to trans people in the Holocaust. I can make that comparison. But I really, I think this is really useful, this thing that you're talking about because the way I've been talking about it lately, right, like a lot of the anti-trans stuff and the rhetoric right now on the not-far-right, but the middle right, is around trans athletes, right? Specifically, trans feminine people, participating in sports with other feminine people with similar levels of hormones and bone density and shit, or whatever. Whatever the fuck. And it's this wedge issue, right?. And if you take a step back--it's the reason I don't fucking discourse about that--is because it's a wedge issue. It is meant not to talk about trans people in sports but to use trans people in sports as to break off support for trans people in general from the rest of LGBT community with the eventual intention, I believe--I evade anything that seems conspiratorial, but this seems like the strategy that our enemies are taking--to then eventually, you weaken LGBT, you split them off. Homosexuality can be a larger wedge issue to start more and more just like basically dividing and conquering and, you know, with the eventual plan of making us no longer exist. Emily: Yeah, I don't think it's conspiracy, right, I think it's exactly true because they say so much. They say it like that. They say, "Let's split the T off of the LGB." I think that's absolutely true. And you're right, it is a wedge issue, it is a way to get us to fight amongst each other instead of fighting against them. At the same time, the answer to us fighting against each other, is actually to look outside of us and actually to go and seek the solidarity of other groups of people who are marginalized, right. And so I, like I'm really uncomfortable with some of the language. Like I've written about this, like, there's a big movement of like, "How do you apply for asylum?" right? I'm like, screaming at the top of my lungs, "Please do not do this." Because not only do you not understand how bad this process is for people who are actually seeking asylum--and you thinking that you're going to get some sort of preferential treatment to that is really problematic--but it will also ruin your life, and in ways that you don't yet know. And this is like that sort of, there's like a whiteness or an Americanness of the privilege to this, this thing that's being that's being promoted, right? And so I'm like really hesitant to embrace some of this catastrophizing language. Also, because we have seen stuff that is just as bad being done against people like immigrants at the southern border of the US, right, of Muslims during the early days of the Trump administration, right? We've seen this stuff, right. And what we should be doing is we should be banding together with solidarity with these groups and saying, "Look, it doesn't actually matter what our internal dramas are. What matters is that we must be united against this broader front, right? We have to unite against patriarchy, we have to unite against white supremacy, we have to unite against xenophobia, against anti-semitism, against Islamophobia, all of these things. And we have to, we have to come together, right. And so I'm a little uncomfortable with some of the things that have been sort of out there because it's such an internal focus on ourselves. And it's not really doing a great job at saying like, "Actually, you know, what, like, we've been saying, you know, 'First they came for the x...'" And we've been saying that about three different groups, four different groups over the last four years. At some point, you actually have to stop and think, "Actually, wait a second, I'm not the first. They were the first. And before them, or, you know, before them...before us, was them and before them was another group. Why don't we start building those connections? Why don't we start building those networks? Margaret: Right. Well, and that's actually why like, at the beginning, I was like, you know, the Eye of Sauron like currently on us, right? Like, it's not, it didn't start on us. We are not the primary....yeah, like, I guess I'm saying I agree with you. And then even in terms of when I think about the history of splitting up the movement and things like that, like I think about how the first thing that the Gay Liberation Front did after, in 1969, after Stonewall, you know, which was a very diverse crowd of different queer people fighting back against the repression as gay people, it was in this context of the late 60s in which all of these other struggles are happening. And the Gay Liberation Front, at least, and many other people, at least--whether because of their own intersectional marginalization or just out of having some awareness of history and present--worked together, right? Like the first actions of the Gay Liberation Front were to protest the Women's House of Detention where Afeni Shakur, Tupac Shakur's mother, was being held as part of the Panther 23 [Meant 21] trial, right. And the Gay Liberation Front, I don't think was even aware of Shakur's sexuality at this point--I don't actually know if she was at this point, it was around...I believe she had her realizations while she was in the Women's House of Detention--but they were doing that because they were part of the new left. They were part of...like, of course we roll with the Black Panthers, of course we work together with all of these other groups, all of these different marginalizations. And yeah, so in my mind, it's less like...yeah, rather than comparing ourselves one to one with other marginalized groups, yeah, we just need to be fucking working together. Emily: And I think it's also important, like, at the same time, that we don't...like the Eye of Sauron, as you said, it's on us now and it's going to look away. And it's probably going to look away pretty soon, right? The right wing doesn't have the attention span to stay focused on one thing for a long time, right. Like, over the last five years, I've been called a terrorist by a government organization of some sort at least four times, right? And I'm still hearing, I'm still walking free, right? I remember when Antifa was a terrorist organization that Donald Trump was going to like executive order in prisons all, right? I remember all of this stuff. And I've been through so much of this, right? This focus on the trans thing, it's going to go away and it's going to be on somebody else. And what we should be doing is actually preparing for supporting that group, whoever it goes on to next whether it's Muslims, whether it's immigrants, whether it's Asians, right, remember when it was the Asian hate, right? That was at the beginning of the pandemic. All of this stuff, right. It's going to be something else, pretty soon and we just need to be prepared for that. But at the same time, I think we also owe ourselves this look at history to look at how these groups have won and how they have succeeded, even in the face of these, you know, incredible odds, right? Because, we actually owe ourselves a little bit of joy and hope at the same time, right? You don't become an antifascist, because you like, are a cynic, right? antifascism is about creating a better future. Nobody goes out into the street and like maybe gets shot because they don't believe that they can create a better world. So we do need to think about this as a struggle but a struggle that we will win and a struggle that is going to, you know, lead to a better future at the end of the day. So, I think it's really important to like, keep that sort of focus in that perspective. Margaret: That makes sense to me. One thing, I kind of want to push back a little bit on is about the asylum thing, where--and maybe it's just because my standard is that I do not judge people on whether they choose to fight or whether they choose to go, right? Like, I'm a bit of a stay-and-fight person myself, right. But, I think that there's also this thing where I'm coming at this as an adult, right? Like, the state I'm in will probably pass a law this year that will make it illegal for me to go to the grocery store. It probably won't be used against me. And I can put on pants and pass as a weird looking cis man with bangs, you know? And, but like, I have the tools to navigate that, right? But, the children who can't access gender-affirming care or the adults in some states that will no longer be able to access gender-affirming care without breaking the law--and I do think that there is a difference between...I guess you don't seek asylum in Oregon, right. You just moved to Oregon. But, I think that the general...I dunno, frankly, I think that a lot of people should, if they're able to, keep their passports current. Like, I...go ahead. Emily: Absolutely. Like there's nothing wrong with with fleeing, right? Nobody has to fight. I moved to Germany because I had a Nazi that was trying to kill me and like there were multiple attempts on my life. Right. I was SWAT'd. There was all sorts of stuff. Yeah, there's nothing there's nothing shameful about fleeing. Asylum is a very specific word, however. It has a legal meaning and it means a specific thing and a lot of people...like, yes, keep your passports handy. But before you even think about moving overseas and requesting asylum, talk to people who have done this because there's a lot of options out there for how you can do this safely, and not request asylum. Because, the thing that a lot of trans folks who are not organizing in solidarity, or who have not yet organized in solidarity, let's just say, with immigrants with with refugees and stuff like that do not understand how bad this process is. If you apply for asylum in Europe, for example, like some people are like, "I'm gonna go to Europe" First of all, Europe will deny your claim, almost certainly. I'm not a lawyer. Not legal advice. But, they will almost surely deny your claim. But they will only deny after two years, maybe. During those two years, you have to live in a detention center, essentially...not a detention center. It's called an Arrival Center. But it's essentially a camp. You have four square meters to yourself. You cannot work. You cannot travel. You can't leave the city or the state that you're in. Right? The medical care is worse than the medical care that you'll get even under the laws that are being passed in the United States. The violence in those centers is off the charts horrible, right. And there are trans people who have tried to apply to asylum. There's a there's a case, that I am not going to name to the person, but this person went to Sweden and applied for asylum and spent like 16 or 18 months there, living on the equivalent of $6 a day. And at the end, her claim was denied and was deported. And now she can't even come back to Europe, most likely. So it's a really, it's a really dangerous thing. And I really want to stress this for anyone that's out there. Talk to people who can help with this because this is...the stuff that's going around is so dangerous that if you don't have an expert supporting you, it's going to ruin your life. Margaret: Okay, now that that makes a lot of sense. I was thinking of it mostly in the context of like, leaving the country versus the specifics of seeking asylum. Emily: It's way easier to move to Minneapolis than it is to move to Madrid. Margaret: Right. And there is kind of a like, "Where we'll stay safe" is a very blurry thing, right? It is unlikely, but not outside the realm of possibility that we'll see federal bans on various things in United States, depending on how power can move. But it's unlikely, right? And, but at the same time, it's like, "Oh, yeah, that place that everyone loves all the trans people, and no one thinks we're horrible monsters who are against the will of God," that place, you know, like, I mean, there are places that are better and worse, don't get me wrong. But okay, so I want to I want to change gears and talk about digitally hunting Nazis because I feel like that's something that you have some experience with, is that fair to say? Emily: I think that I'm a pretty decent Nazi Hunter. I've exposed a few. Margaret: What's, you know, cuz it's funny, because I think about like, Okay, we've talked about how the landscape has changed to where it's no longer doxing and holding physical space in cities as like the two primary...Well, they were never the primary, but they're certainly the most visible and some of the easiest to sort of get involved in in some weird way because you can just...you can't just go fight Nazis, right? It's not a good idea. You should have support networks and all that shit. But it is like...it's like the advantage of direct action, as you can imagine point A to point B fairly easily. But even though the landscape has changed, I feel like a lot of people....his, like, the grassroots Nazis still exist, right? And like, they still, like I have my Nazi doxers who occasionally remind me that they exist and things like that, you know? And like, so it still feels like there is still this territory. And I'm curious about what your experiences has been hunting Nazis, like, what are some of the...what are some of like, the wins, you've gotten out of that and some of the things that you've learned from doing that? Emily: I think that what really makes me proud when I do that work is when I get somebody out of the community that could have done harm to that community. And by exposing these folks and by helping a community defend itself, I think that's the greatest reward. So there's a young neo-Nazi, who with his 17 year old wife, lit a synagogue and fire in Indiana, and I did a lot of work tracking down his case and researching the documents. And in following his case, I found that he was recruited along with his wife into Identity Europa and found evidence of some of the people that recruited him and how they met and how they brought him into the network and her into the network and exposed this information. And as it turns out, this information helped connect to an online presence to a real name, and it turns out that this woman was running a stand in the Farmers Market in Bloomington, Indiana, and was just there in the community every day, and she was a neo-Nazi recruiter. And when the community found out, they mobilized and they organized and they work to get this woman kicked out and pushed out a farmers market and totally disrupted her ability to organize and recruit for that group. And I think for me, that's like the reward of sort of hunting Nazis and exposing them is that you actually get to help a community defend itself. I think the thing that I've learned from doing this is that it's fucking dangerous. Because, what you're doing is actually you're exposing people to shame. And the reason that this sort of--we can call it doxing--the way that this sort of doxing works is that it has to be bad enough for a person to be shamed out of their community, right. We don't do it to harass, we don't do it to intimidate. It's done to give people the tools to say, "I'm not willing to have this person in my midst. I'm not willing to employ them. I'm not willing to go to school. I'm not willing to work with them." Shame has to be a factor, right? And when you shame people, they can react, and they can come after you and yeah, that's why I had like an Atomwaffen hit squad tried to fly to Germany to assassinate me once, so I knew that was always a possibility. Margaret: Aw, that's exciting. Emily: Yeah, that was very strange. It was really strange when the Berlin police, like the Berlin polizei slid into my Twitter, DMs. That's 100% true story. I will show I will show you the DMs if you want some day. Margaret: No, I believe you. The interactions I've had with German police have all been incredibly authoritarian and incredibly polite. Those are the two...whatever, I've only been stopped by the German police twice. And both times, very polite, very stern. Emily: That's, the German dream, that that's Deutschland for you. Very authoritarian and very polite. Margaret: Which, you know, I have feelings about but yeah, it is what it is. I guess...Damn, okay. So wait, tell me more about this hit squad. Like what happened? Emily: Yeah. I don't exactly know what the motivation was. But I got a DM from the Berlin polizei. They were trying to find me. Because apparently--we think it was the CIA because the CIA is responsible for protecting Americans overseas--But somebody had, through whatever surveillance they had on Atomwaffen, the Atomic Division in English, whatever like surveillance they had on this group, they detected that these folks were flying overseas and had intentions to be in Germany and that they had intercepted chats apparently, saying that they're going to try to find me at a demo and stab me. Which is very funny, because I don't really go to demos in Berlin. But anyways, that was their plan. And I think I know who these folks are. They ended up getting arrested and sent to prison at some point, not for trying to murder me but for other things. Margaret: For being an Atomwaffen. So pretty...Yeah. Yeah. I don't feel like that group deter deserves to be pronounced properly in German because I feel like that's like what they want is to be like, "We're good, proper German Nazis," but there's just some fucking...I mean, obviously, I'm not trying to....Well it's interesting, I do want to diminish them and make fun of them, but at the same time, like, there's a weird balance here, where you kind of want to be like, "Oh, you dumb little assholes," you know? Well, not, while still accepting that they're a very serious threat in some ways. You know? Emily: I could always speak actual German around them. And watch them be dumbfounded. Margaret: Yeah. Okay, so one of the things that stands out from what you just said about all this stuff--besides the how complicated of strange times we're in where the CIA is stopping Nazis from murdering antifascists--is the fact that this recruiter was at the farmer's market instead of like...like when I was more actively involved in stuff, it was like metal shows, you know, it was this like, it was a very subcultural milieu, the the Nazi scene. And I feel like this like move to farmer's markets is like worth exploring and talking about, you know, you have the kind of like, the way I usually see it expressed is like the crunchy granola to Nazi pipeline and things like that. And like you talked about how, like homeschooling was like a big avenue. Yeah. Do you want to talk more about that just to the why they're at farmer's markets? Emily: I think it's, you know, there's so many different factions of the far-right. And one of them is sort of this traditionalist faction, right, there's a lot of like homesteading, and there's a lot of prepping, and there's a lot of like live off the land and be independent and have lots of white children and be pregnant and barefoot all the time. That's part of this sort of Christian, this this far-right, like, Christian sort of segment of the far right. And there's also like it's part of this white Christian sort of traditionalist second segment of the far-right. There's also like, Neo-pagan segments of the far-right that are similar. But yeah, I think that there's there's a lot of this like mythology, right? One of the essential elements of fascism is that what differentiates fascism from other far-right, authoritarian ideologies, is that Fascism is fundamentally around sort of this mythos of rebirth, right? So these these mythologies around like folkish culture and traditionalism, and the rebirth of like, return to like proper America, and like, when men were men and women were women and all of that stuff, right? Yeah, this is part of the mythology of it. And so the difference, like the shift between the skinhead Nazi to the traditionalist Nazi, it's as much a matter of ideology and aesthetic as it is the degree to which they understand and embrace those elements of the fascist belief, right? And I think it's dangerous because so much of American identity is also about nuclear family and home values, like you know, good old fashioned values and home cooking, and you know, doing things with your mom and your dad and your 2.7 kids and having a white picket fence, right. So much of American culture is wrapped up into that, fascists have realized that it's really easy to prey on that. That's why you have Nazis at the farmer's market. Margaret:Yeah. Makes me sad, but I get it. So what are what are we...we're coming up on an hour, and I'm kind of wondering what's the question I should have asked you? What else do you think? Do you have any, any final thoughts or any like, you know, rousing "How do we solve all of this?" not to put you in, not to give you an awkward question. Emily: I would have asked me about what it's like beyond the activism? Right, because I've actually kind of retired from the activism. And I think that a lot of my perspective now, is about what it feels like to be in the middle of this whole milieu of the shit. And then to walk away from it. Margaret: Yeah. Alright. What's that like? Emily: So I don't know. I think that there's a few years where like, I spent almost every day looking through Discord logs, doing alt-right research, tracking their cases. I was spending thousands of dollars on pacer fees, downloading and court documents and all this shit, right. And I would end my workday, and I would go home and I wouldn't play video games, I would start hunting Nazis. And I would wake up in the weekends and I would update my website where I tracked Nazis and I did this and this was my life. And it was a way of dealing with trauma. There was also a time, still today, probably a week doesn't go by that I don't see the torches from from the rally from August 11th, right? So that trauma is still very present. And it was a response to it was my way of coping with it and dealing with it. And then when the insurrection happened, I kind of saw that as a passing of the torch. The insurrection was the moment that the alt-right stopped being relevant and the Republican-right started being relevant in this discussion of "Extremism," right? And I realized pretty quickly that I wasn't going to...one, I wasn't going to be able to keep up with it and two, my work was done. My goal was always to try to give tools to mainstream journalists so that they could write more effectively about what we were seeing in the world from the position of an antifascist, right? antifascist often have a really antagonistic relationship with the media and for very good reasons. At the same time, if you don't have relationships with the media, nobody's going to tell your story to that forum for you. You have to have some sort of ability to work with these groups of people in order to help get your message out. With these reporters and stuff, right. And I feel like since 2016 up until 2021 there were a lot of folks that actually started to figure out how to write about the far-right. They're not always perfect at it, they don't always do a good job, they sometimes fail to credit and stuff like that. All of those things are annoying, but I think that they covered substantively a lot of this much better. And I decided to retire from public activism. And now that I stepped back, and I can look at this, and I'm not on Twitter day to day, and I'm not, you know, in every debate and having every argument, I can actually sort of zoom out and feel like I can have a much broader picture. And it helps helps with like my mental health. And I think that's actually...I think it's actually important to also take breaks from this work. Because if you're just in the day after day, you're going to be fucking miserable. And it's, and you're not going to be able to change anything, you're not going to fix anything if you don't give yourself breaks. Margaret: That makes a lot of sense to me. I feel like there's a lot of cycling in and out. And I don't know, I do think that there's a difference between...I think that sometimes people and you're not necessarily doing it here, but sometimes people refer to it as sort of like leaving a thing, right, and being like done with it. Or like, sometimes people burn out so hard that they're like, "Now I'm apolitical," or, "Now I don't care," or whatever. And I think there's a very big difference between like, "My time in the front line of this particular struggle is done. And now I'm in this like, support role where mostly I'm living my life," you know, and I feel like--and maybe I say that, because that's what I do, right? Like, I'm no longer in the streets to the degree that I was when I was younger. But and I actually think it's useful for people to see folks like you, who are no longer doing something full time but still still existing in this. Like, I don't know how to say this. But it's just like, I think it's useful for people to see that it's like, this isn't everything. This is not the entire life, one's entire life is not the struggle and things like that, you know? Emily: Yeah. And I think one, people are doing it better than I ever have done it. The people, the work that's being done now is such high quality, like the antifascist groups that are out there, they're so good at what they do that I'm embarrassed to even be in the same breath as them, right? They're so much better. They're so much more rigorous, they're so much more careful, they're' so much more impersonal egoless, right, that I like, stand in awe watching what they do. And I don't even want to consider myself part of that because they're just on another plane. I think that when I started this, we didn't have enough people doing the work. And I'm happy that I was able to contribute. And I think that that's my chapter of it. antifascism is shift work, right? You can't work in solid...like part of solidarity work is knowing when to step up and knowing when to step back. I'm still writing, you know, I think I know that not everyone agrees with some of my takes. My goal is not to get everyone to agree with me. Right? I think that's also something that I'm trying to take away getting away from Twitter, right, is I don't actually necessarily need to convince you or to sell you or to get you to agree with me. What I want to do is actually give you something to think about. And I want to try to give you a lot of tools to view a problem from a variety of perspectives, knowing that we're all on the same side. Right. And so, I don't know, I'm just sort of hoping that that I can add, if there's anything that I still have to add to this fight, it's that there's a little bit of to add depth and sort of dimensionality to it, rather than just being front lines, whether it's digital front lines or physical front lines, just to try to add some...to broaden the spectrum. Margaret: That makes sense. Yeah, go ahead. Emily: And also, just to kind of live a good life. Like I was targeted by Andy Ngo for how long....I was like...Seb Gorka once followed me on Twitter, right, while he was in the White House, you know. There was like, Milo Yiannopoulos was targeting me, right. I went through all of this stuff. I had Atomwaffen trying, you know, flying overseas and threatening to execute me and all this stuff. It's like...none of them succeeded. None. Like Chris Danwell spent, has spent five years trying to put me in jail and has never succeeded. These folks, they're not winning. I won. Yeah. And what allowed me to say that I won is I can close my laptop whenever I want, I can walk out the door, I can breathe free air. And even though I will face oppression in everything that I do because I'm not white and because I'm trans, I still had the freedom of that choice. And that is something that the fascists can never take away from me. And I think that that is an act of defiance and antifascism too. Margaret: That makes a lot of sense. And that feels like maybe a good note to end on. If people want to find more of your work, or in a nice way, if people want to follow you do or....I mean, it sounds like you...do you want people to find your work? And if so, how can they do so? Emily: Um, you can you can google my name. I still syndicate stuff through Twitter, right? So you'll still see the links and the stuff that I do when I post, right. So you can twitter @EmilyGorcenski, you can go to emilygorcenski.com and see what I'm posting and half of it is about my day job working in technology and half of it is about trans issues or antifascism or politics and half of it is shitposting. And I know that that's three halves. But I'm a mathematician, so I get to make the rules with numbers. And yeah, I think that, you know, I'm on Mastodon as well, but it sounds complicated. So just like Google my name and figure it out. Margaret: Yeah. Okay. Well, thank you so much for coming on. And keep winning. It makes me happy. Emily: Thank you for having me and keep doing what you're doing because I couldn't be winning if it weren't for people like you. Thanks. Margaret: Thank you so much for listening. If you enjoyed this episode, you got something out of it then well, the main thing to do is to think about how to be in solidarity with different groups when the Eye of Sauron passes upon each of us, because it does stay in motion for better and worse. You can also, if you like this podcast, tell people about it. You can tell people about it on the internet. You can tell people about it in real life. You can tell your dog about it. Kind of the only person I'd be able to tell about it right now. Hey, Rintrah, I like this podcast. Rintrah doesn't care. I recommend telling people. Animals are great but people are most of our listeners as far as I'm aware. I'm about to shout out Hoss the Dog. Shout out to Hoss the Dog, our like longest standing Patreon backer. If you want to support us as well as Hoss the Dog has supported us, you can go to patreon.com/strangersinatangledwilderness. And there you will see that we put out new content every month that actually anyone can access for free at tangledwilderness.org But, if you want it mailed to your house support us there. And also you get a discount on everything we do in the store. You can also check out our other podcasts. At the moment...well, there might even be a new one by the time this comes out because I'm recording this a little bit before this one comes out--but at the moment, there's Anarcho Geek Power Hour, for people who hate cops and like movies. And there's Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness for the content that we put out as Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness. That one comes out monthly. And I want to thank some of our backers. I want to thank Hoss the motherfucking Dog, who has been with us as a Patreon backer for years. Thank you Hoss, Michaiah, Chris, Sam, Kirk, Eleanor, Jenipher, Staro, Kat J., Chelsea, Dana, David, Nicole, Mikki, Paige, SJ, Shawn, Hunter, Theo, Boise Mutual Aid, Milica, Paparouna, Aly, Paige, Janice, Oxalis, and Jans. If you'd like to see your name on here, you can do it. You can even make it be a silly name that I have to say every time but not an offensive one because I wont do it, not even for money. Anyway, I hope you're doing as well as you can and I or one of the other hosts will see you next Friday. Find out more at https://live-like-the-world-is-dying.pinecast.co

In this special episode I chat with original members of the Gay Liberation Front. The episode speaks for itself. Thank you Ron, Perry, Martha, Jason and Ellen for changing the world. HAPPY PRIDE MONTH!1969 Stonewall Riots - Origins, Timeline & Leaders (history.com)Podcast Promotion - MindShift Podcast – Reconstruction After Deconstruction, Post-ReligionGet in Touch or Support:Patreon - patreon.com/thecultvaultCult Vault Shop - cultvaultpodcast.com/shopCrimecon UK 2022 - https://www.crimecon.co.uk/Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/cultvaultpod/Twitter: https://twitter.com/CultVaultPodReddit: https://www.reddit.com/user/Cult-VaultGmail: cultvaultpodcast@gmail.com

Part 2 of the GLF discussion. Description update coming soon

In this special episode I chat with original members of the Gay Liberation Front. The episode speaks for itself. Thank you Ron, Perry, Martha, Jason and Ellen for changing the world. HAPPY PRIDE MONTH!1969 Stonewall Riots - Origins, Timeline & Leaders (history.com)Podcast Promotion - MindShift Podcast – Reconstruction After Deconstruction, Post-ReligionGet in Touch or Support:Patreon - patreon.com/thecultvaultCult Vault Shop - cultvaultpodcast.com/shopCrimecon UK 2022 - https://www.crimecon.co.uk/Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/cultvaultpod/Twitter: https://twitter.com/CultVaultPodReddit: https://www.reddit.com/user/Cult-VaultGmail: cultvaultpodcast@gmail.com

We've hit the Bad Batch mid-season moment! AND WHAT A MOMENT! Tom and I break down this two part episode by discussing the Gay Liberation Front, gay bars, marriage equality and the fact that Emperor Palpatine and The Empire doesn't want gay people in their military! …get ready it's time to... DRINK UP! Welcome to Pink Milk Husband + Husband with your hosts Bryan and Tom! A weekly Star Wars morning show for us super-fans and those “Forced” to listen to us! @Manscpaed thank you for sponsoring this show! Get 20% OFF @manscaped + Free Shipping with promo code PINKBALLS at MANSCAPED.com! Follow Pink Milk at: Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/servingpinkmilk Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/servingpinkmilk/ Find us on “Spaces” a Queer Social Media App: https://queerspaces.com/s/pinkmilk Help Support the Show! Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/servingpinkmilk Merch: https://www.teepublic.com/user/servingpinkmilk Follow your hosts at: Bryan: https://twitter.com/ServingPinkMilk Tom: https://twitter.com/TomSipsPinkMilk Emma: https://twitter.com/HuttSLeia Mark: https://twitter.com/iameldiablito Chase: https://twitter.com/_thatgayjedi That Gay Jedi: https://www.youtube.com/c/ThatGayJedi Let's Kiki! Live every Wednesday at 9p EST: https://www.youtube.com/c/PinkMilkPodcast Listen to us at: Pink Milk • Serving Star Wars, Queerly wherever you listen to your podcasts!

Activist, author and critic Roz Kaveny has done everything. She has campaigned for trans equality with the Gay Liberation Front, attended the first London Pride and she even worked on the parliamentary forum that made the equality act and the gender recognition act things that exist. We talked to her for an hour about her life. Also: We cover the Scottish trans prisoner drama! We talk about Trump's terrifying plans for trans people! And Finland has done a wonderful thing! https://linktr.ee/whatthetrans

To listen to our bonus episode with Michela, join the ITBR Cafe for only $5 a month! patreon.com/ivorytowerboilerroom.com If you've ever thought "how would I handle sitting down with someone who is part of the same marginalized community but has different viewpoints than me," then Andrew's conversation with Michela Griffo is that conversation you needed. First, Michela is a lesbian force to be reckoned with! She is not only a prolific lesbian artist, whose current exhibit "The Price We Pay" is being shown at Pen + Brush, but she was one of the original members of the Gay Liberation Front (yes, the group that Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera were part of). This is a rare moment in which Michela, who was in NYC during the Stonewall Uprising (1969) and part of the first Gay Pride March (June 28, 1970), reflects back on these watershed moments while also having an extremely nuanced intergenerational conversation with Andrew (who is 30). Andrew asks Michela to reflect on her coming out story, going to the Mafia owned Lesbian Bars, and how all of her activism led to her artistic life. And then Andrew asks Michela a question that will have many of you wanting to weigh in. He asks "Why is it a problem for you to be labeled as queer"? This is such a pivotal question for Michela since she is extremely concerned with the divide that currently exists in the LGBTQ+ community. Don't worry Michela addresses that while some may agree with her views, many will try to label her as a TERF or cancel her. But guess what, we're going to air the entire interview, including another bonus episode that is available on our Patreon, because it's important to have an uncensored conversation. Andrew and Michela prove that nuanced discussions, where room for disagreement is made, allows for them to learn where the other is coming from and debate is healthy and necessary to bridge the divide in the LGBTQ+ community. See Michela's exhibit "The Price We Pay" at Pen + Brush (29 East 22nd Street, New York, NY) and look at it online here: https://www.penandbrush.org/exhibition/michela-griffo-the-price-we-pay/ Follow Michela on IG, @michelagriffo, and Pen + Brush, @penandbrushnyc. To subscribe to The Gay and Lesbian Review visit glreview.org. Click Subscribe, and enter promo code ITBR to receive a free copy with any print or digital subscription. Be sure to follow @mandeemadeit, @thatolgayclassiccinema, and @skinmedspapj (all on IG)! Follow ITBR on IG, @ivorytowerboilerroom, TikTok, @ivorytowerboilerroom, and Twitter, @IvoryBoilerRoom! Thanks to the ITBR team! Andrew Rimby (Executive Director), Mary DiPipi (Chief Contributor), Kimberly Dallas (Editor) --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/ivorytowerboilerroom/support

In this week's episode Tim and Jeremy begin a three-part investigation into the music, politics and social practices of the downtown gay party scene in mid-70s New York City. The guys review the historiography of homosexual sexual activities, beginning with a refresher on Michel Foucault's analysis found in his History of Sexuality. Jeremy and Tim also cover Freud and the psychoanalytic account of sexuality (heavily critiqued by Foucault), broader questions around the creation of homosexual social identity, and how thinking around sexuality developed into the Fordist era. The episode also covers the Gay Liberation Front on both sides of the Atlantic, the influence of Feminism and Civil Rights on the GLF, the police, early 70s gay bar culture, the erasure of women in all this, Motown, jukeboxes, and Judy Garland. We end on the eve of the Stonewall Riot - in the next show, bricks get thrown. Produced and edited by Matt Huxley. Tune in, Turn on, Get Down! Become a patron from £3 per month by visiting Patreon.com/LoveMessagePod And check out our new website: https://www.loveisthemessagepod.co.uk/ Tracklist: Judy Garland - Somewhere Over The Rainbow Little Richard - Good Golly Miss Molly The Temptations - Don't Let The Joneses Get You Down Diana Ross & The Supremes - No Matter What Sign You Are Books: Michel Foucault - History of Sexuality

Ahead of a brand new season, we're celebrating some of our favourite episodes!Angela and Lucia “Doctors tried to give me a lobotomy because I was gay”  Two absolutely incredible women tell their coming out stories and also stories of being lesbian activists in Manchester in the 1970s and how the Gay Liberation Front changed the lives of LGBT people across the country.Presented by Emma GoswellProduced by Sam WalkerWe'd love to hear YOUR story.  Please get in touch www.comingoutstoriespodcast.com or find us on twitter @ComeOutStories and on Instagram @ComingOutStoriesPodWe have a book!  Coming Out Stories is available at all major shops now!JKP.com | Queerlit | Waterstones | AmazonComing Out Stories is a What Goes On Media Production 

Jim Fouratt, former actor, gay rights activist, and one of the founding members of the Gay Liberation Front which was formed on the third night of the Stonewall Riots (also called the Stonewall Uprising), discusses what happened on 28 June 1969, leading to six days of protests and violent clashes with law enforcement outside the bar on Christopher Street. Speakng to the many fictions that have circulated in recent years, perpetuated largely by the transgender lobby, Fouratt historicises the era as well as the class and race issues prevalent in the late 1960s within New York City's gay and lesbian community. Fouratt details how what he calls the Stonewall Rebellion was most definitely not a political protest that involved the sic “transgender community,” noting that Marsha P. Johnson was not even present and that drag queens barely figured into the venue of the Stoewall Inn much less the rebellion. Describing the political, policing, and social milieu at the time, Fouratt delves into how and why Stonewall took place, elaborating the social dynamics of various generations within gay culture as he vituperates the rewriting of gay and lesbian history by the transgender lobby that attempts to whitewash and erase gay men and lesbians from their own movement. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

In this episode I speak with Ron Punit Auerbacher - former Sannyasin and follower of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh known more commonly today as Osho.Ron also talks us through his difficult childhood and incredible activism work which has shaped history and Gay Rights as we know it today.Cult Vault Shop - cultvaultpodcast.com/shopCrimecon UK 2022 - https://www.crimecon.co.uk/Get In Touch:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/cultvaultpod/Twitter: https://twitter.com/CultVaultPodReddit: https://www.reddit.com/user/Cult-VaultGmail: cultvaultpodcast@gmail.comPatreon: https://www.patreon.com/thecultvaultSupport this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/cultvaultpodcast/exclusive-contentAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

When did you last take part in a protest? Perhaps you signed a petition; joined a debate on social media; wrote to your MP or read an impassioned poem. In this episode Lemn is joined by Shami Chakrabarti to examine how campaigners have used language to further their aims throughout the centuries. Together, they listen to inspiring voices from the British Library Sound Archive, from leaders such as Nelson Mandela to campaigners fighting for LGBTQ rights, punk musicians and suffragettes such as Christabel Pankhurst.  Described in The Times as "probably the most effective public affairs lobbyist of the past 20 years," Shami Chakrabarti is a barrister and human rights activist, as well as Member of the House of Lords and former Director of advocacy organisation Liberty. Recordings in the episode in order of appearance:  Christabel Pankhurst speaking after her release from Holloway Prison on 18th December 1908.  British Library shelfmark: 1CL0025836    An extract from Nelson Mandela's speech made in April 1964 at The Rivonia Trial. Restored and transferred by the British Library from the dictabelt originals loaned by The National Archives of South Africa and © The National Archives of South Africa.  British Library shelfmark: C985   An oral history interview recorded with Mr Kemp from Nottingham, in November 1982. Part of the Nottinghamshire Oral History Collection: Making Ends Meet Project. British Library shelfmark: UUOL066/14    Member of the Gay Liberation Front, Luchia Fitzgerald, speaks to Dr. Sarah Feinstein in 2016 as part of Manchester Pride's OUT! oral history project. Thanks to Archives+ in Manchester for this extract. © Luchia Fitzgerald and Archives+. British Library shelfmark: UAP007  The Hooters perform ‘We shall Overcome' at the Hooters' club in Birkenhead in 1965. The recording was found at Archives+, Manchester, it's part of the Stan Mason folk music archive and was digitised as part of the Unlocking our Sound Heritage (UOSH) project.  British Library shelfmark: UAP004/5 S2 C1  Barack Obama speaking to his supporters in January 2008, after losing New Hampshire's Democratic primary to Hilary Clinton. Popularly known as the ‘Yes we can' speech. © Barack Obama. British Library shelfmark: 1SS0009809  Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's 2018 PEN Pinter Prize acceptance speech. The recording was made at the British Library. With thanks to The Wylie Agency (UK) Limited.  British Library shelfmark: C927/1981  Labour MP Jess Phillips's address to the House of Commons in January 2019. Parliamentary information licensed under the Open Parliament Licence v3.0.  Alice Walker reads her poem ‘First they said'. The recording was made at the Africa Centre in May 1985 and it is part of the African Centre Collection, digitised by the Unlocking Our Sound Heritage project.  British Library shelfmark: C48/56  Adrienne Rich reads her poem ‘Power' at Conway Hall in June 1984 as part of the 1st International Feminist Book Fair collection. The recording was digitised by the Unlocking Our Sound Heritage project.  British Library shelfmark: C154/2  Benjamin Zephaniah performing his poem ‘This policeman keeps on kicking me' at the Poetry Olympics festival, 1982. Recorded by the British Library at the Young Vic Theatre.  British Library shelfmark: C92/2 C43  ‘Black and White for Apartheid' performed by Ewan MacColl and Peggy Seeger in December 1964. It is part of the African Writers Club collection of radio programmes recorded in the 1960s in London.  British Library shelfmark: C134/375  Extracts from the British Library event called ‘Banned Books Week: Poetry in Protest' in September 2021. Myanmarese-British poet Ko Ko Thett and Dr Choman Hardi, poet and scholar, speak to columnist Kate Maltby.  An extract from ‘Oh Bondage Up Yours', the 1977 debut single by X-Ray Spex. © BMG, X-Ray Spex/Poly Styrene, Westminster Music Ltd/TRO Essex Group.  British Library shelfmark: 1CD0198888 

 The Forum is on its summer hiatus, so, in its stead we present a recent presentation by Dr. Kathy Rose-Mockry, past Director of KU's Emily Taylor Center for Women and […] The post Gay Rights – The Lawrence Gay Liberation Front appeared first on KKFI.

 The Forum is on its summer hiatus, so, in its stead we present a recent presentation by Dr. Kathy Rose-Mockry, past Director of KU’s Emily Taylor Center for Women and Gender Equity. She has had a career devoted to advocacy for a wide range of areas, including gender equity, mentoring, resilience, women in STEMM, disability […] The post Gay Rights – The Lawrence Gay Liberation Front appeared first on KKFI.

Friday 1st July marked 50 years since the UK's first Pride march, led by the Gay Liberation Front through London. To mark this, thousands of people took to the streets to retrace the exact same route and to protest the current state of the world for LGBTQ+ people, with the parade being led by some of the original GLF members. We marched the route, and recorded some live interviews with people to find out why they'd wanted to take to the streets today, including Philip, who was one of the original marchers 50 years ago (and a member of LGBT+ Choice, The Pink Singers!). It's a special one. Be sure to check out some of our other speakers: Lesbians and Gays Support The Migrants, Quamar Leather, Schools Out and LGBT+ Traveller Pride. If you can, donate to the kickstarter for Don't Say Gay, the new film about the impact of Section 28, and buy The King Is Dead, by Benjamin Dean.Check out linktr.ee/bottomingpod, follow on Instagram and Twitter @bottomingpod and find more resources from this season at bottomingpodcast.com. You can now rate and review us on both Apple Podcasts and Spotify Podcasts - we'd love you even more if you did!Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/bottomingpodcast. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In 1972, members of the LGBTQ+ community marched through London demanding equality and celebrating their identities. Five decades on, Ted Brown from the Gay Liberation Front recounts his memories of that time. Help support our independent journalism at theguardian.com/infocus

After a two year hiatus, Pride is back for 2022. It's just in time to mark a monumental milestone - 50 years since the first-ever Pride march took place in London.We hear from Peter Tatchell, one of the organisers of the original march as well as Stuart Feather, both activists and then members of the newly-formed Gay Liberation Front. Britain's first movement of openly lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. Peter and Stuart take us back to what is was like to be gay men living in the UK in 1972, why they created Pride… and essentially, how they made history. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

On July 6, 1992, the body of Trans activist, model, performer, and beloved mother to anyone who needed someone, was found dead in the Hudson River. Because she was trans, the police quickly ruled her death a suicide and moved on. Years later, Marsha is remembered as hero and a catalyst in the Gay Liberation Front and what we know today as "Pride Month." Did Marsha commit suicide? Or did she take her own life?Click here to join Intuitive Development 101Click here to book a private reading with meShow Notes:Life Story: Marsha P. JohnsonAbout Marsha P. JohnsonDrunk History - Marsha P. JohnsonThe Death and Life of Marsha P. JohnsonStonewall ForeverStonewall Riot Apology

Martin Boyce is a Stonewall Riot (Uprising) activist, sharing the story of one of the most pivotal queer/trans action in history. Martin was 19 years old at Stonewall and was part of the uprising.The Stonewall Riots (also known as the Stonewall Uprising or the Stonewall Rebellion) were a series of spontaneous demonstrations by members of the gay community in response to a police raid that began in the early morning hours of June 28, 1969, at the Stonewall Inn in the Greenwich Village neighbourhood of New York City. Patrons of the Stonewall, other Village 2SLGBTQIA+ bars, and neighbourhood street people fought back when the police became violent. The riots are widely considered a watershed event that transformed the gay liberation movement and the twentieth-century fight for LGBT rights in Canada and the United States.Though the uprising didn't start the gay rights movement, it was a night that inspired many to take up political activism and led to the creation of many gay rights organizations – including the Gay Liberation Front, Human Rights Campaign, and GLAAD.Support the show

Er ist eine queere Ikone: Ralph Morgenstern! In der deutschen Unterhaltungsindustrie brilliert er neben Hella von Sinnen und Dirk Bach als Kämpfer der ersten Stunde für queere Rechte. Der gefeierte Theaterschauspieler und Entertainer wird der breiten Masse durch seine Erfolgsformate "Kaffeeklatsch" oder "Blond am Freitag" bekannt. 1978 steht er aber schon mit der Popgruppe "Gina X als Sänger auf der Bühne. Aufgewachsen in Mülheim an der Ruhr, outet er sich schon mit 17 als homosexuell und engagiert sich in der "Gay Liberation Front" in Köln. Für die Sichtbarkeit von queeren Menschen - vor allem im öffentlich-rechtlichen Fernsehen – hat er ohne Zweifel seinen Beitrag geleistet. So wundert es nicht, dass der Entertainer für seine Arbeit diverse Preise erhielt und Schirmherr für queere Plattformen wie z.B. der queeren Berliner Online-Plattform "PINK.LIFE" ist. Warmherzig, funkelnd und mitreißend: Ralph Morgenstern. ● Feedback und Kommentare gerne an wdr2@wdr.de oder über die WDR 2 App. Von Bettina Böttinger.

This week Theo spoke to Vincent Hardaker and Leonard Weiss about the Auckland Philharmonia Orchestra's Assistant Conductor-In-Residence position, then historian Brent Coutts about 1972: A Year in Focus, a publication commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Gay Liberation Front.   

In this excerpt from the 24 April 2022 Artbank, historian Brent Coutts talks about 1972: A Year in Focus, a publication commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Gay Liberation Front.   

Join The CommunityPhuong Truong, "just another lesbian in town", is the owner of Twist coffee bar in Thao Dien, a fun place for everyone and a safe space for the LGBTQ+ community.We discuss the LQBTQ+ community in Vietnam in the context of religion, region and generational acceptance.We also talk about sex education in Vietnam in light of a recent story in VNExpress with the headline, It's not working: sex education makes teachers and students squirm and another story about a parent finding her 12 year old child had been watching pornography.Phuong herself started watching pornography at only 8 years old.Follow Seven Million Bikes on Facebook or Instagram.Buy us a coffee.-------------------Theme music composed by Lewis Wright.Main Cover Art designed by Niall Mackay.Episode art designed by Niall Mackay, with pictures supplied by guests and used with permission.Audio Engineer Luke Digweed.These are the programs we use to create A Vietnam Podcast.These are affiliate links so they will give us a small commission, only if you sign up , and at no extra cost to you! You'll be directly supporting Seven Million Bikes too.Editing - Descript https://bit.ly/3FM3IFBHost - Buzzsprout https://bit.ly/3cFbQvkDesign - Canva https://bit.ly/3oW2S2nSupport - Fiverr https://bit.ly/3FI7EXZWebsite - 10 Web https://bit.ly/3HNTOoUSupport independent podcasting and A Vietnam Podcast Vietnam by joining the Seven Million Bikes Community. Start from just 90k a month, stop at any time, get episodes early, bonus content, free tickets to shows, invites to member-only events next 5 people to join up will get an SMB reusable mask for free! (Worth 129k) Did That Really Happen? A new comedy podcast from Seven Million BikesListen and Subscribe/FollowApple Podcasts / Spotify / Podcast Addict /

Come out and soak up some Gay Sunshine with Haley this week, as they traipse through the history of this unique little newspaper. Haley outlines some of the paper's history with Berkeley's Gay Liberation Front, the Gay Sunshine Press, and the long-time editor Winston Leyland. Or, skip to the end and listen to some iconic personal ads from Gay Sunshine in the 1970s. As always, music by Omar Nassar. Interested in being on the show? Contact us at Q4QPodcast@gmail.com or find us on Twitter @Queerpersonals and Instagram @Queerpersonalspodcast.Sources: Activism After Stonewall, Library of Congress LGBTQIA+ Resource GuideNoel Halifax, "When gays and Panthers were united" Socialist Review, July/August 2015. Nick Benton, ”Who Needs It?” Gay Sunshine, Aug-Sep, 1970, Vol. 01 No. 01. ONE National Gay and Lesbian Archives Finding Aid: https://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c8h41q5v/dsc/"Mattachine Review ." Encyclopedia of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender History in America, 1st Edition. . Encyclopedia.com. 16 Aug. 2021 . Charles Kirtley, “LET THE SUNSHINE IN: The Pioneering Role of Winston Leyland in Gay Publishing” Appeared in Lesbian and Gay New York, Spring 1998http://www.leylandpublications.com/article_leyland.html “Winston Leyland | Profile”, LGBTQ Religious Archives Network, accessed August 23, 2021, https://lgbtqreligiousarchives.org/profiles/winston-leylandGay Sunshine, March 1971, Vol. 01 No. 06. Gay Sunshine, January-February 1974, Vol. 01 No. 20. Gay Sunshine, Spring 1974, Vol. 01 No. 21. Support the show

Ted Brown is a black LGBT rights pioneer who helped organise the UK's first Gay Pride march in 1972, featuring a mass ‘kiss-in' that, at the time, would have been considered gross indecency, which was against the law. When Brown realised he was gay, homosexuality was illegal in Britain - the only person he came out to was his mother. She cried and told him he'd have to battle not just racism but homophobia too; both were rife in society at the time. At one point Brown felt so dismal about his future that he considered taking his own life. But inspired by the Stonewall Riots, he found hope in Britain's Gay Liberation Front and became a key figure in fighting bigotry in the UK. He tells Emily Webb his moving life story. If you need support with issues relating to sexuality or gender, help and support is available from BBC Action Line - just search for bbc.co uk/actionline Get in touch: outlook@bbc.com Picture: Ted Brown (left) with his partner Noel and human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell (right) at the first Pride march in London, 1972 Credit: Courtesy of Ted Brown

Mark Horn is the author of “Tarot and the Gates of Light: A Kabbalistic Path to Liberation.” This innovative, spiritual workbook has won praise from two groups that don't usually come together—rabbis and tarot experts. Mark has been a life-long activist in the post-Stonewall LGBTQ movement, starting in 1970 as a member of both the Gay Liberation Front and the Gay Activist Alliance; as well as serving as chair of Gay & Lesbian Youth of New York. Over the years his activism and community service has included working as a peer counselor at the LGBTQ counseling center, Identity House; and serving on the board of directors of NewFest, New York City's premier LGBTQ film festival. He is the editor/writer of the Stonewall Seder liturgy, a ritual dinner celebrating Jewish LGBTQ Pride, which has been used and adapted by congregations around the United States, Europe and Australia. Mark is probably the only person who has taught at the Readers Studio International Tarot Conference, the Jewish Theological Seminary and the Identity House Gay Men's Conference. He lives on the Upper West Side in New York City where he is available for private instruction and consultation. Episode Highlights We discuss Mark's book, Tarot and the Gates of Light: A Kabbalistic Path to Liberation.  Mark shares about his spiritual journey from his days studying Buddhism in Japan to his work today teaching and doing tarot readings. He talks about his ways of working with his mysticism traditions as a path of queer liberation and wholeness. We learn about his creation of the Stonewall Seder and how it has grown and evolved over three decades. We explore the heroic journey archetype and how that applies to the queer community. Web links Find Mark at GatesOfLightTarot.com Connect with him on Instagram,   Twitter and Facebook   Help us support the queer community & keep the podcast going - Support us on Patreon.   Grab your FREE Guide: The Self-Confident Queer - Download it  here. Join the Queer Spirit Community Facebook group to continue the conversation and stay up to date on new episodes.   And follow us on Instagram!  Join our mailing list  to get news and podcast updates sent directly to you.

In this Live Listening Series episode we begin with Shelby, a proud member of the LGBTQIA+ community, sharing her story with us. From there we take a trip back in time to New York City in June of 1969 to discuss the infamous Stonewall Riots. We compare and contrast the protests and riots of that time to the ones that we are experiencing today. We further identify the organizations whose origins can be traced back to these outcries for social justice and equality and how much they share in common. (Gay Liberation Front and Black Lives Matter) BIO: This week I am joined by DJ Shelby Haun. Shelby attended Western Kentucky University where she got her Bachelor's and Master's degrees in Social Work. After graduating, she worked as a targeted case manager and worked in Trauma Focused Cognitive Behavioral therapy with children in rural Kentucky. Shelby relocated to Dallas/Fort Worth in 2015 and worked as a program therapist with the intensive outpatient program of a psychiatric hospital and now works as a service coordinator for children (up to age 21) with mental disabilities. The depth and breadth of Shelbys work in both Kentucky and Dallas has honed her skills in rural and urban social work. Shelby started DJing 2013 and did so with a certain wild abandon. She has provided DJ/MC services for wedding receptions, awards banquets, parties, fundraisers and school dances. Since moving to Dallas, she has been working alongside and learning from her mentor DJ Rod Baker for six months and is already considered an invaluable part of the DFW Parties team.

Meet Lisa Power, a dyke who's (in her own words) been around for donkeys years, as she recollects on gay seperatism, a fractioning feminist movement, and mid 70s London pride marches. Special thanks to Lucy Rowland and Rachel James for their part in obtaining and reading out the Gay Liberation FRont demands of 1970. From a Whisper to a Roar forms part of an oral history project conducted by Opening Doors London and with the support of the National Lottery Heritage Fund. The project focuses on lived experiences of lesbian, bisexual and transwomen over the last 50 years - spanning the Stonewall Riots of ‘69 and the formation of the Gay Liberation Front in 1970 to the present day. The podcast is a 3 part series with content taken from the 40+ interviews conducted by Evelyn Pittman and produced by Lori E Allen. Each of the interviews can be accessed in their entirety at the Bishopsgate Institute in London. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/lori-e-allen/message

The 70s was a hotbed of activism, from lesbians fighting for child custody to gay men demanding equal laws for the age of sexual consent. Tracking the movement through the log books, Tash and Adam hear from activists on the frontline, including Lisa Power and Ted Brown. Meanwhile, young activists in a resurgent Gay Liberation Front discuss the actions they plan for 2020...Content warning: stories about racism and stories with sexual content.The Log Books — stories from Britain's LGBT+ history and conversations about being queer today. Produced by Shivani Dave, Adam Smith and Tash Walker, in partnership with Switchboard - the LGBT+ helpline.For more information about LGBTQ+ rights, take a look at:Blowing the Lid by Stuart FeatherNo Bath But Plenty of Bubbles by Lisa Power A short history of LGBT rights from the British Library Music by Tom Foskett-BarnesArtwork by Natalie Dotohttps://www.thelogbooks.orgSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/thelogbooks. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

The mainstream fight for gay rights—for inclusion, for marriage equality—has been waged over fraught territory. Its victories—a changed and changing culture, legal and political leaps unimaginable half a century ago—are nothing short of monumental. But rainbow flags are as double-edged as they are fabulous. Visibility often means complicity; normalization can mean collective amnesia. At the Stonewall Inn in 1969, diverse queer folks rioted and danced, birthing the Gay Liberation Front and the Pride marches of today—many of which have become corporatized. The June issue of Harper's Magazine featured “Stonewall at Fifty,” a forum of eight writers and artists across the L.G.B.T.Q.+ spectrum who offered personal and political reflections about a place that has become more symbol than structure. In this week's episode, three of the forum's contributors unpack Pride with web editor Violet Lucca. Novelist-essayist and Whiting Award¬–winner Alexander Chee insists on conceiving of the queer community not as a monolith but as an amalgam of queer communities: plural, overlapping, in challenging but transformative conversation. T Cooper, novelist and director of the award-winning 2018 documentary Man Made, charts empowerment for people of difference, which can move from the streets to the screen to the classroom, an activism as polyphonic as the identities it emboldens. And T Kira Madden, author of the memoir Long Live the Tribe of Fatherless Girls, encourages us to be buoyed, rather than dismayed, by the contradictions that the next fifty years of Pride and Stonewall will carry in tow.