Podcasts about david ben gurion

Imagine a classroom where students face each other, rather than the whiteboard, and discuss David Ben-Gurion and Aristotle, while studying Hebrew and Latin. Welcome to Emet, the first classical Jewish prep school in the U.S. Founded in 2023 in New York City, Emet is pioneering a model that integrates Jewish wisdom with academic excellence, offering students an education where Judaism is infused seamlessly into academic subjects, from physical education (Krav Maga), to chemistry. In this thought-provoking conversation with Emet's founding Head of School, Rabbi Dr. Abraham Unger, learn how academic rigor is raising the bar for its students to build strength and character, inspiring children to become Jewish leaders of the future. This episode was produced by Dina Nusnbaum and Miranda Lapides. The show's executive producers are David Bryfman, Karen Cummins, and Nessa Liben. This episode was engineered and edited by Nathan J. Vaughan of NJV Media. If you enjoyed the show, please leave us a 5-star rating and review, or even better, share it with a friend. Be sure to subscribe wherever you listen to podcasts and be the first to know when new episodes are released. To learn more about The Jewish Education Project visit jewishedproject.org where you can find links to our Jewish Educator Portal and learn more about our mission, history, and staff. We are a proud partner of UJA-Federation of New York. 

Unpacking Israeli History is coming to Chicago on June 8 for its first ever LIVE event!  Buy Your Tickets Now DISCOUNT: Get 20% off your tickets using the discount code UIHCHI. NB: Click "Unlock" and enter the discount code before selecting your tickets. This week, host Noam Weissman revisits one of Israel's most explosive debates, why don't most Haredim—often referred to as the ultra-Orthodox—serve in the IDF? As Israel endures one of the longest wars in its history, this deeply divisive question has returned to the forefront. Noam first tackled the issue in Season 3 and now it has been reignited by the ongoing war that has touched nearly every family in the country. This episode unpacks the roots of the draft exemption granted to yeshiva students by David Ben Gurion, the philosophy behind the "Torah Dome," and the fierce cultural battle between Haredi and non-Haredi Israelis. Please get in touch at noam@unpacked.media. This podcast was brought to you by Unpacked, a division of OpenDor Media. ------------------- For other podcasts from Unpacked, check out: ⁠⁠Jewish History Nerds⁠⁠ ⁠⁠Soulful Jewish Living⁠⁠ ⁠⁠Stars of David with Elon Gold ⁠⁠ ⁠⁠Wondering Jews

The state of Israel is a thriving, bustling democracy. But the freedoms Israelis enjoy today came at the expense of much pain and war immediately at its inception. A recently revealed excerpt from the diary of Israel's first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, offers an unfiltered view into the tension-filled beginnings of the Jewish state and reminds us of the great ... Read More The post Israel's Independence | May 10, 2025 appeared first on The Friends of Israel Today Radio.

To help struggling Israeli combat veterans find their way back, please visit the American Friends of Israel Navy SEALs' (AFINS): afins.us/warriorcareUpcoming Event Notice: Dan Senor will be delivering this year's State of World Jewry Address at the 92nd Street Y (92NY) on Tuesday May 13 at 7:30 pm. To register: 92ny.org/event/the-state-of-world-jewry-addressWatch Call me Back on YouTube: youtube.com/@CallMeBackPodcastSubscribe to Ark Media's new podcast ‘What's Your Number?': lnk.to/HJI2mXArk Media on Instagram: instagram.com/arkmediaorgTo contact us, sign up for updates, and access transcripts, visit: arkmedia.orgDan on X: x.com/dansenorDan on Instagram: instagram.com/dansenorToday's episode:Flames that engulfed more than 5,000 acres around Jerusalem as Israel marked its 77th Independence Day. Dozens of Independence Day ceremonies were canceled, and according to many Israelis — the feelings of national solidarity that normally characterize this day were scarce. For the families of hostages in Gaza,  this was their second Yom Haatzmaut without their loved ones. And yet, Israelis are nothing if not resilient. The country's population has now surpassed 10 million people. Forty-five percent of all Jews on Earth today call Israel home. So, while there are reasons for concern, there are also reasons for hope. Reflecting on how far Israel has come, and where it may go from here, we are joined by bestselling author and senior fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute, Yossi Klein Halevi, to discuss the debt we have to Israel's founders, and to the soldiers who have fallen in its defense. For Yossi Klein Halevi's books: tinyurl.com/ycfcn72uCREDITS:ILAN BENATAR - Producer & EditorMARTIN HUERGO - Sound EditorGABE SILVERSTEIN - ResearchYUVAL SEMO - Music Composer

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Senior analyst Haviv Rettig Gur joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode on Israel's Independence Day. Today, we will step back in time and attempt to get into prime minister David Ben-Gurion’s state of mind as the Jewish state is declared in 1948. We speak about the divided nation -- even as it was fighting for its mere survival against enemies on all fronts. To understand how Ben-Gurion was thinking on that fateful May 14, 1948, we turn to two newly released images of his handwritten diary, which reveal the first prime minister’s anxieties as the newly born country headed to war against invading Arab neighbors.We then discuss how a mere few weeks after the Declaration of Independence, one of the most painful episodes in Israeli history occurred -- the Altalena Affair. Rettig Gur explains this social turning point. Finally, Rettig Gur expounds on the current Israeli moment and compares it to the prescient anxiety felt by Ben-Gurion and the profound test of leadership he faced so soon after the founding of the state. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves and video edited by Thomas Girsch. IMAGE: Cartoon illustrating Israelis' first election, January 25, 1948. (AP Photo/H. E. Munhall)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Yom Ha'atzmaut:  Israel Independence Day and The Declaration That Almost Wasn't!  -  English only.  In 1948, after David Ben-Gurion signed Israel's Declaration of Independence, newspapers announced that the nation of Israel was born.  Yes, the nation was born but the document almost wasn't born!  Investigate the extraordinary history of Israel's Declaration of Independence!  This is a rebroadcast of a May 4, 2022, podcast from our archives.  This year, 2025, Israel Independence Day falls on May 1, 2025.

A rare handwritten excerpt from David Ben-Gurion’s diary, penned on May 14, 1948 – the day of Israel's declaration of independence – has been revealed to the public, offering a personal glimpse into the founding prime minister’s emotions and concerns at the birth of the state. KAN's Mark Weiss spoke with Shmuel Adler , the deputy director of the Ben Gurion Heritage Institute and the Ben Gurion Archives. (Photo: Courtesy)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

‘If the Jews are faced with a choice between the refugee problem and rescuing Jews from concentration camps on the one hand, and aid for the national museum in Palestine on the other, the Jewish sense of pity will prevail and our people's entire strength will be directed at aid for the refugees in the various countries. Zionism will vanish from the agenda - David Ben Gurion,   Notes Palestine Remembered article on the Evian Conference: https://www.palestineremembered.com/Articles/SSI/EvianConference.html   Not Accepting Refugees: The Evian Conference of 1938, Dr. Paul Bartrop https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OjyRxqmRTkM   Buy me a coffee: https://buymeacoffee.com/dsconsciousness   Become a subscriber: https://payhip.com/b/Sq0ZB   Rain and Tears by Neutrin05   / neutrin05   Creative Commons — Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported  — CC BY-SA 3.0  Free Download / Stream: http://bit.ly/2PKvY28 Music promoted by Audio Library    • Rain and Tears – Neutrin05 (No Copyright) matt2131@hotmail.com

Iyov 29, 30, 31: a group of chapters in Iyov's painful situation is compounded by his memories of the life he used to live where he was honoured by all and cared for anyone who had fallen on hard times. Calev Ben Dor explores how David Ben Gurion found the theme of previous glory and current worthlessness in Iyov to resonate with his own life. https://www.sefaria.org/Job.29?lang=bi,https://www.sefaria.org/Job.30?lang=bi, https://www.sefaria.org/Job.31?lang=bi

Today is a new day and a new year to receive new dreams for your life. This is a year for dreaming the dreams of God and for seeing the dreams of God fulfilled. Dreams are amazingly powerful. Martin Luther King's dream of racial de-segregation helped change America and many other nations, like South Africa. The Jewish dream of becoming a nation again after 2000 years became a reality in 1948. Shimon Peres, a famous former Prime Minister and President of Israel in his book called ‘No room for small dreams' quoted his mentor David Ben Gurion, who often said: ‘in Israel in order to be a realist, you must believe in miracles.' At the end of his long life, just before he died, Shimon Peres wrote these words: ‘I don't regret any of my dreams. My only regret is not having dreamed more.'   Dreams help us see how impossibilities can become realities. Dreams and visions are very biblical. God showed Abraham a vast vision of the future (Genesis 15:5-6). God showed a teenager called Joseph that he would one day become a very powerful ruler. His brothers called him ‘that dreamer' and one day they all saw the amazing fulfilment of Joseph's dreams (Genesis 37-50). The Hebrew prophets had dreams of a godly world, the kingdom of God, where justice would ‘roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream' (Amos 5:24).    ‘Dreams and visions are the language of the Holy Spirit,' wrote David Yonggi Cho who visualised that one day he would become the pastor of the world's biggest church. Cesar Castellanos, the senior pastor of MCI Bogota, wrote a book called ‘Dream and you will win the world.'    The founder of this church, Billy Richards, an ex-Welsh coalminer who had no money and no human support, came to Slough with a dream to establish a strong gospel church to touch the world. Pastor Wes has for decades has continued with a dream to develop a strong multi-ethnic church of great disciples and leaders that will be a light to nations and generations. Today, dream for yourself, your family, your church and for God's plans for nations and generations.  1. Receive God's dreams (Genesis 12:2-3; 2 Peter 1:4; Jeremiah 29:11) 2. Write down God's dreams (Habakkuk 2:2; Jeremiah 30:2-3; Revelation 1:19) 3. Persevere to receive God's dreams (Hebrews 10:36; Genesis 12:4-5; James 2:17; Romans 4:18-21; Hebrews 6:15)  Apply  1. Receive God's dreams. Not all dreams are from God. Dreams can be very selfish or even demonic. For example, Hitler had terrible dreams to destroy the Jewish people. In the musical ‘Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Dreamcoat' there is a song that says, ‘any dream will do.' Well, that's not true and may even be dangerous. For the best dreams you must have the dreams of God based on His Word, the Bible. Abraham first received a word from God (Genesis 12:2-3). There is always a word from God for you (2 Peter 1:4). God has dreams for you personally. Just as God had great plans for the young Joseph and the older Abraham so God has plans for you. You matter to God. You are not a nothing or a nobody. God rates you. God knows about you (Jeremiah 29:11). God loves each one of us more than we realise and wants to bless us and make us a blessing to others. You can succeed in your life, in your studies, in your career and ministry. You can be more than you think you can be. God has dreams for your family. God is well able to create and re-create families. He can bring families together who have drifted apart. He can bring peace where there were only rows. He can change your hearts so that you all get on together and your home becomes like heaven instead of hell. God has dreams for your leadership. You can be a great leader in the community, in business, in politics, in your chosen career and in the church. The church is one of the greatest training grounds for leadership in any walk of life. If you can lead in the church, you can lead anyone anywhere. When Jesus trained 12 young disciples it was because He had a dream that their lives would one day impact billions of people with the message of His love and righteousness. So, at the start of this year and every day, you must receive God's dreams by reading and studying on His Word. And from the Bible, the Holy Spirit will show you special verses for every part of your life.   2. Write down God's dreams (Habakkuk 2:2). When you write out the dreams and visions God gives, you will be able to remember the vision and keep running with these goals in mind. How often do we forget things simply because we don't write them down? In different places in the Bible, we read of the importance of writing down what God has said (Jeremiah 30:2-3; Revelation 1:19). Keeping a journal of what God speaks to you from the Bible in your devotionals is very important, and so is writing down dreams and goals for a year. Write down your dreams, make your poster or your dream book and paste photos or images. You also could do this on your laptop. Write out your dreams under five main headings: my dreams with God, my personal dreams, my dreams for my family, my dreams in ministry (for example starting or growing a group) and my dreams for my world (education, career, finances).   3. Persevere to receive God's dreams. You need to persevere so that when you have done the will of God, you will receive what was promised (Hebrews 10:36). This means that you must take action to move towards your dream. You can't just wait for God to do everything; there are some things we must do. Abram did something in response to God's word (Genesis 12:4-5). Abraham had to leave his country and people and father's household to receive God's promises of blessings that had no limit. Faith by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead (James 2:17). Hold on to your dream (Romans 4:18-21). Naturally there was no hope for Abraham to receive his dream, but he refused to stop believing God's promise to him. He didn't waver in his faith. So too you must never give up on your dream. Be determined not to lose your dream because things are taking longer than you wanted. Sometimes you must be very patient for some dreams to happen. But God has His perfect time to fulfil His promise. Never stop believing and working towards your dream. You must stick with your dreams. You must hold your ground when you feel like giving up. You must pray on for your kids, your parents, your partner. And in this way, you will receive the promised dream. This finally happened to Abraham in old age (Hebrews 6:15). Joseph saw how much God blessed him personally. God brought him to a great position of leadership. God gave him great provision. Joseph saw how God blessed his family. He was reconciled with his brothers who had betrayed him. He saw his dad again after many years and wept all over him. Joseph saw how God used him to be a blessing to multitudes who faced starvation. Today be sure that God intends for His every dream for your life to come to pass. Never dream too little and never give up on your dreams.  

Today is a new day and a new year to receive new dreams for your life. This is a year for dreaming the dreams of God and for seeing the dreams of God fulfilled. Dreams are amazingly powerful. Martin Luther King's dream of racial de-segregation helped change America and many other nations, like South Africa. The Jewish dream of becoming a nation again after 2000 years became a reality in 1948. Shimon Peres, a famous former Prime Minister and President of Israel in his book called ‘No room for small dreams' quoted his mentor David Ben Gurion, who often said: ‘in Israel in order to be a realist, you must believe in miracles.' At the end of his long life, just before he died, Shimon Peres wrote these words: ‘I don't regret any of my dreams. My only regret is not having dreamed more.'   Dreams help us see how impossibilities can become realities. Dreams and visions are very biblical. God showed Abraham a vast vision of the future (Genesis 15:5-6). God showed a teenager called Joseph that he would one day become a very powerful ruler. His brothers called him ‘that dreamer' and one day they all saw the amazing fulfilment of Joseph's dreams (Genesis 37-50). The Hebrew prophets had dreams of a godly world, the kingdom of God, where justice would ‘roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream' (Amos 5:24).    ‘Dreams and visions are the language of the Holy Spirit,' wrote David Yonggi Cho who visualised that one day he would become the pastor of the world's biggest church. Cesar Castellanos, the senior pastor of MCI Bogota, wrote a book called ‘Dream and you will win the world.'    The founder of this church, Billy Richards, an ex-Welsh coalminer who had no money and no human support, came to Slough with a dream to establish a strong gospel church to touch the world. Pastor Wes has for decades has continued with a dream to develop a strong multi-ethnic church of great disciples and leaders that will be a light to nations and generations. Today, dream for yourself, your family, your church and for God's plans for nations and generations.  1. Receive God's dreams (Genesis 12:2-3; 2 Peter 1:4; Jeremiah 29:11) 2. Write down God's dreams (Habakkuk 2:2; Jeremiah 30:2-3; Revelation 1:19) 3. Persevere to receive God's dreams (Hebrews 10:36; Genesis 12:4-5; James 2:17; Romans 4:18-21; Hebrews 6:15)  Apply  1. Receive God's dreams. Not all dreams are from God. Dreams can be very selfish or even demonic. For example, Hitler had terrible dreams to destroy the Jewish people. In the musical ‘Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Dreamcoat' there is a song that says, ‘any dream will do.' Well, that's not true and may even be dangerous. For the best dreams you must have the dreams of God based on His Word, the Bible. Abraham first received a word from God (Genesis 12:2-3). There is always a word from God for you (2 Peter 1:4). God has dreams for you personally. Just as God had great plans for the young Joseph and the older Abraham so God has plans for you. You matter to God. You are not a nothing or a nobody. God rates you. God knows about you (Jeremiah 29:11). God loves each one of us more than we realise and wants to bless us and make us a blessing to others. You can succeed in your life, in your studies, in your career and ministry. You can be more than you think you can be. God has dreams for your family. God is well able to create and re-create families. He can bring families together who have drifted apart. He can bring peace where there were only rows. He can change your hearts so that you all get on together and your home becomes like heaven instead of hell. God has dreams for your leadership. You can be a great leader in the community, in business, in politics, in your chosen career and in the church. The church is one of the greatest training grounds for leadership in any walk of life. If you can lead in the church, you can lead anyone anywhere. When Jesus trained 12 young disciples it was because He had a dream that their lives would one day impact billions of people with the message of His love and righteousness. So, at the start of this year and every day, you must receive God's dreams by reading and studying on His Word. And from the Bible, the Holy Spirit will show you special verses for every part of your life.   2. Write down God's dreams (Habakkuk 2:2). When you write out the dreams and visions God gives, you will be able to remember the vision and keep running with these goals in mind. How often do we forget things simply because we don't write them down? In different places in the Bible, we read of the importance of writing down what God has said (Jeremiah 30:2-3; Revelation 1:19). Keeping a journal of what God speaks to you from the Bible in your devotionals is very important, and so is writing down dreams and goals for a year. Write down your dreams, make your poster or your dream book and paste photos or images. You also could do this on your laptop. Write out your dreams under five main headings: my dreams with God, my personal dreams, my dreams for my family, my dreams in ministry (for example starting or growing a group) and my dreams for my world (education, career, finances).   3. Persevere to receive God's dreams. You need to persevere so that when you have done the will of God, you will receive what was promised (Hebrews 10:36). This means that you must take action to move towards your dream. You can't just wait for God to do everything; there are some things we must do. Abram did something in response to God's word (Genesis 12:4-5). Abraham had to leave his country and people and father's household to receive God's promises of blessings that had no limit. Faith by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead (James 2:17). Hold on to your dream (Romans 4:18-21). Naturally there was no hope for Abraham to receive his dream, but he refused to stop believing God's promise to him. He didn't waver in his faith. So too you must never give up on your dream. Be determined not to lose your dream because things are taking longer than you wanted. Sometimes you must be very patient for some dreams to happen. But God has His perfect time to fulfil His promise. Never stop believing and working towards your dream. You must stick with your dreams. You must hold your ground when you feel like giving up. You must pray on for your kids, your parents, your partner. And in this way, you will receive the promised dream. This finally happened to Abraham in old age (Hebrews 6:15). Joseph saw how much God blessed him personally. God brought him to a great position of leadership. God gave him great provision. Joseph saw how God blessed his family. He was reconciled with his brothers who had betrayed him. He saw his dad again after many years and wept all over him. Joseph saw how God used him to be a blessing to multitudes who faced starvation. Today be sure that God intends for His every dream for your life to come to pass. Never dream too little and never give up on your dreams.  

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic reporter Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for a special Friday Focus episode, part two of last week's discussion, "Why the IDF abandoned the offensive and ended up with Oct. 7." When Israel's founding prime minister David Ben Gurion envisioned the country's defense forces, he proposed a small standing army and a large reservist force. In the first part of our conversation, we discussed how this model served the state, alongside a doctrine of deterrence, intelligence, and battlefield victory. However, as the state evolved, the standing army was increasingly shrunk alongside an outsized confidence in Israel's air array. How did this lead up to the complete failure of the army to prevent -- and spur -- the Hamas onslaught on October 7, 2023? This week, we speak about how Israel's army continues to evolve by learning from our current enemies -- non-state actors who don't fight by the rules. We discuss how this generation of IDF soldiers grew up in the shadow of the Disengagement -- and without much ground-operation experience. Finally, we hear lessons the IDF has learned from October 7 and how it is already attempting to implement them. For news updates, please check out The Times of Israel’s ongoing live blog. Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod Waves. IMAGE: IDF forces operation in the Gaza Strip in a handout photo issued by the Israeli military on January 9, 2025. (Israel Defense Forces)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic reporter Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan on today's show. In today's special longer Friday episode, Berman charts the evolving essential purpose of the IDF, starting with its origins. He speaks of the push-pull of a fledgling organization as both a defensive and offensive body. We learn how the fight for Israel's independence crystallized the need for an easily maneuverable fighting machine that would not hinder the Jewish state's need for a stable economy. Berman explains how first prime minister David Ben-Gurion's solutions worked well -- until with the shifting tides of warfare, they really didn't. In this podcast, the first installment of a two-part conversation, we hear how after a series of wars and political decisions, the stage was set for the IDF's catastrophic failure on October 7. For news updates, please check out The Times of Israel’s ongoing live blog. Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by the Pod-Waves. IMAGE: A detachment of Haganah soldiers overlooking Acre relaxes on May 21, 1948, after the three-day fight for the city, which surrendered on May 18. 1948. (AP Photo/FN)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This episode was first published on Oct. 24, 2023. Original show notes: Today's war between Israel and Hamas has its origins in the unresolved problems caused by the events of 1948. The year that witnessed the creation of an independent Jewish state in the former British mandate of Palestine, is known by Palestinians as the nakba, or catastrophe. Internecine violence intensified in 1947 as the U.N. weighed partitioning Palestine into two independent states, one Jewish and one Arab. Then five neighboring Arab countries invaded the new state of Israel immediately after David Ben-Gurion declared independence on May 14, 1948. In all, approximately 750,000 Arabs fled or were driven from their homes by Jewish forces. Many fled to Gaza and were forbidden from returning to their homeland after the war, turning them into permanent refugees. In this episode, Middle East expert Ian Lustick of the University of Pennsylvania discusses the throughline from 1948 to 2023.

This week on The Learning Curve, co-hosts U-Arkansas Prof. Albert Cheng and Andrea Silbert interview Israeli historian, journalist, and author of A State at Any Cost: The Life of David Ben-Gurion, Tom Segev. Dr. Segev delves into the life and legacy of David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s founding father. He shares insights into Ben-Gurion's early years in Poland, his involvement in Zionist politics, and immigration to Palestine […]

This week on The Learning Curve, co-hosts U-Arkansas Prof. Albert Cheng and Andrea Silbert interview Israeli historian, journalist, and author of A State at Any Cost: The Life of David Ben-Gurion, Tom Segev. Dr. Segev delves into the life and legacy of David Ben-Gurion, Israel's founding father. He shares insights into Ben-Gurion's early years in Poland, his involvement in Zionist politics, and immigration to Palestine in 1906, which set the stage for his leadership during pivotal moments in history. Segev covers Ben-Gurion's rise to prominence, his role in forming the Zionist Labor Federation, and the strategies he employed during the 1936-39 Arab revolt. Additionally, Segev examines Ben-Gurion's historic leadership in declaring Israel's independence in 1948, the unification of Jewish militias into the Israeli Defense Forces, and the implications of the Arab-Israeli War. He also highlights Ben-Gurion's efforts to establish state institutions, absorb Jewish immigrants, and his vision for the nation, while acknowledging the complicated aspects of his political leadership. Dr. Segev positions Ben-Gurion among the most significant leaders of the twentieth century, with a legacy that continues to influence Israeli society and its international relations today.

1/2: #ISRAEL: Return to the Iron Wall of David Ben-Gurion and Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Peter Berkowitz, Hoover Institution 1880 JERUSALEM

2/2: #ISRAEL: Return to the Iron Wall of David Ben-Gurion and Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Peter Berkowitz, Hoover Institution 1905 JERUSALEM

GOOD EVENING: The show begins in Central Asia as the Kremlin returns to shake hangs with the Taliban... 1890 Afghanistan CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR FIRST HOUR 9-915 1/2: #Central Asia: Russia warms toward the Taliban & What is to be done? Bill Roggio, FDD. Husain Haqqani, Hudson Institute. 915-930 2/2: #Central Asia: Russia warms toward the Taliban & What is to be done? Bill Roggio, FDD. Husain Haqqani, Hudson Institute. 930-945 1/2: #IDF: Back into Gaza; Securing the Lebanon Border. Seth Frantzman, Jerusalem Post, FDD. Bill Roggio, FDD 945-1000 2/2: #IDF: Back into Gaza; Securing the Lebanon Border. Seth Frantzman, Jerusalem Post, FDD. Bill Roggio, FDD SECOND HOUR 10-1015 1/2: #Ukraine: Russia advances and Zelensky explains. John Hardie, FDD. Bill Roggio, FDD. 1015-1030 2/2: #Ukraine: Russia advances and Zelensky explains. John Hardie, FDD. Bill Roggio, FDD. 1030-1045 #PRC: Re-boxing fools no one. Alan Tonelson, @RealityChek. @GordonGChang, Gatestone, Newsweek, The Hill 1045-1100 #TAIWAN: The new president trash-talks Beijing and prospers. Charles Burton, Sinopsis. @GordonGChang, Gatestone, Newsweek, The Hill THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 1/2: #ISRAEL: Return to the Iron Wall of David Ben-Gurion and Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Peter Berkowitz, Hoover Institution 1115-1130 2/2: #ISRAEL: Return to the Iron Wall of David Ben-Gurion and Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Peter Berkowitz, Hoover Institution 1130-1145 #IRAN: Naming the problem: one year late of Iran's war to destroy Israel as a state. John Bolton, Telegraph 1145-1200 #Russia: Both a migration and a birth rate crisis. Ekaterina Zolotova, @GPFutures FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 #NewWorldReport: Assassination in Sheinbaum's Mexico. Joseph Humire @JMHumire @SecureFreeSoc. Ernesto Araujo, Former Foreign Minister Republic of Brazil. #NewWorldReportHumire 1215-1230 #NewWorldReport: Mayoral battle run-off in Sao Paulo, largest city in Latin America. Joseph Humire @JMHumire @SecureFreeSoc. Ernesto Araujo, Former Foreign Minister Republic of Brazil. #NewWorldReportHumire 1230-1245 1/2: #HOTEL MARS: What explains The Great Dying of 250 mya? Alexander Farnsworth, Science, University of Bristol. David Livingston, SpaceShow.com 1245-100 am 2/2: #HOTEL MARS: What explains The Great Dying of 250 mya? Alexander Farnsworth, Science, University of Bristol. David Livingston, SpaceShow.com

Von der Katastrophe des Holocaust über die historische Gründung des Staates Israel im Jahr 1948 bis hin zu den Herausforderungen und Konflikten mit den arabischen Nachbarn – diese Episode beleuchtet die zentralen Ereignisse und Figuren, die die Geschichte des jüdischen Staates formten. Historische Persönlichkeiten wie Theodor Herzl und David Ben-Gurion spielen dabei ebenso eine Rolle […]

Eric welcomes back Michael Mandelbaum, author and Christian A. Herter Professor Emeritus of American Foreign Policy at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies.  Michael is the author of the new book The Titans of the Twentieth Century: How They Made History and the History they Made (New York: Oxford University Press, 2024). His book is a study of the interaction between individuals and the structural forces of history with essays on Woodrow Wilson, Vladimir Lenin, Adolph Hitler, Winston Churchill, FDR, Mohandas Gandhi, David Ben Gurion and Mao tse-Tung. They discuss the circumstances that allowed these figures to exercise enormous influence on the course of history in the 20th century, the role of will and will to power in driving historical change, the imprint that Lenin left on the Soviet Union, the continued influence of Woodrow Wilson on American internationalism of both the liberal and conservative variety, the role of ideas in politics and the danger of political figures committed to ideas and unrestrained by countervailing forces, the unique preparation of Churchill and FDR for wartime leadership, why these figures seem so much more substantive than today's political leaders and why all of the 8 leaders under consideration would likely see today's world as a failure of their efforts.    The Titans of the Twentieth Century: How They Made History and the History They Made: https://a.co/d/aylEsW4 Shield of the Republic is a Bulwark podcast co-sponsored by the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia.

Na fundação do Estado de Israel, o primeiro primeiro-ministro do país, David Ben Gurion, permitiu que os ultraortodoxos se isentassem do alistamento militar - obrigatório a todos os outros. Naquele momento, a população ultraortodoxa era pequena, mas 76 anos se passaram e eles são milhares. Esse é um dos tantos dilemas da sociedade israelense. No dia 25 de julho, a Suprema Corte de Israel definiu que não há nenhuma justificativa legal para que a população ultraortodoxa não se aliste. Essa crise pode derrubar o governo de Benjamin Netanyahu e pode significar uma mudança importante na sociedade israelense. Para conversar com a gente sobre esse tema, nossa convidada é Marta Topel, antropóloga, livre docente da Universidade de São Paulo e vice-diretora do Centro de Estudos Judaicos da mesma universidade, autora de “O sagrado e o impuro no judaísmo: lei, comida e identidade”.

The October 7 Hamas attack severely affected Israel's Ben-Gurion University (BGU) and its surrounding community. The university lost over 110 people, several students were taken hostage, including Noa Argamani, and thousands of students were called up for reserve duty. Doug Seserman, CEO of Americans for Ben-Gurion University, joins us to discuss the impact of the October 7 Hamas massacre on BGU and Israel's Negev region. Hear about the university's emergency response and volunteer efforts, highlighting the region's resilience and the university's innovation in sustainability, water conservation, and energy solutions.  *The views and opinions expressed by guests do not necessarily reflect the views or position of AJC.  Episode Lineup:  (0:40) Doug Seserman Show Notes: Listen – People of the Pod: The 2024 U.S. Presidential Election: What Does it Mean For Israel? Seven Months In: What Israelis Think About the War Against Hamas, Campus Antisemitism in America, and More What Does it Mean to be a Jewish American Hero? A Jewish American Heritage Month Conversation with AJC CEO Ted Deutch Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts. Transcript of Interview with Doug Seserman: Manya Brachear Pashman:   The Negev, the vast desert region that covers 60% of Israel's territory is home to only 10% of its population. It's also home to Ben-Gurion University and many of the communities attacked by Hamas terrorists on October 7.  Doug Seserman is the CEO of Americans for Ben-Gurion University. In that role, he has worked to highlight the innovations and technology know-how that Israel can offer America and the world when it comes to sustainability, water conservation, energy solutions and ecology. But since October 7 BGU's efforts have shifted from sustaining lives across Israel's south to rebuilding them. Doug Seserman is with us now to discuss those efforts. Doug, welcome to People of the Pod. Doug Seserman:  Thank you so much for inviting me. Manya Brachear Pashman:   So compared to other Israeli universities, the BGU community was disproportionately impacted by the October 7 massacre, correct? Can you give our listeners some perspective on the scope of loss? Doug Seserman:   Sure. So as the crow flies our main campus in Beer-Sheva is only about 22 miles from Gaza. We had a number of students at the Nova music festival site, and a number of our employees and their families live in the western Negev or Gaza Envelope area. So as a university today, we have 111 dead. That includes those murdered on October 7, as well as fallen soldiers. We've had close to 6,600 of our students, faculty, employees, administration, called up to milu'im, reserve duty, and not all of them have come back. Some 2000 are still fighting. So that was a direct and disproportional impact. Now everybody in Israel has experienced this war. Every family knows somebody, but for us, it's definitely disproportional. Literally every colleague's kids are fighting. Every younger woman who's a colleague in her 30s, their husbands are fighting. People are on their WhatsApp just trying to hear what's going to happen next. It's a very surreal situation. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Four hostages were rescued by the IDF earlier this month.  Were there any faculty, staff, or students from Ben-Gurion taken hostage?  Doug Seserman:   Noa Argamani, you may recall her name. She was at the music festival and forcibly separated from her boyfriend Avinatan Or, who's a BGU alum. But Noa is a 26-year-old information systems student of ours. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Yes, thank you. Of course, Noa was one of those hostages recently rescued. We are so thankful that Noa is now home. 124 hostages are still being held in Gaza. We are praying and advocating for the safe return home of all hostages, and will highlight those that are part of the BGU family: Sasha (Alexander) Trufanov, Avinatan Or, Alex Dancyg, and Segev Kalfon And Doug, how many at BGU were called up for reserve duty? Doug Seserman:   That's about a third of the student body. Classes, obviously, they were supposed to start on October 15, and they didn't resume until December 31. The president of the University, Professor Daniel Chamovitz, did his best to have no student be left behind. But at some point, we had to resume classes. And so today, when you go to the campus, it's, I don't want to say it's thriving, but it's functioning. There's a normalcy about life in Israel and also on campus. But there's nothing normal about this new normal.  Many of our reservists are back and they're in the classroom, but even going from being in Gaza, in conflict, to then studying for a test, you know, writing papers and things. People are traumatized, and the university has done an amazing job providing psychological support and counseling for the students and the faculty and the families who've been directly impacted. But still, it's a very difficult situation. Manya Brachear Pashman:   In addition to those called up for reserve duty immediately after October 7, was there a sizable volunteer effort? Or was the community just too shell-shocked? Doug Seserman:   Thank you for asking. Today when you go to campus, it's happening and it's alive and doing as well as it can. On October 7, that immediately pivoted from a university that was closing – had to close because of the war – to almost a hub for activity to support not only the faculty and students, but also the community – a logistics center, if you will. We were housing, in our dorms, evacuated families and also medical professionals from the center of the country that needed help. Soroka, which is the main hospital of the Negev and also the teaching hospital for our two medical schools. Very close relationship with Soroka Medical Center. Our medical students immediately became ER triage doctors. They learn by doing.  If you talk with some of them today, they'll tell you in this strange way that October 7 may have really accelerated their knowledge in terms of their career, etc. And then we just started doing what we could. Students mobilized, as Israelis do, to create care packages and provide clothing and anything that was necessary for these evacuated families. We had, I want to say close to 1500 members of our community that were evacuated. Manya Brachear Pashman:   You know, I imagine it's even more than medical students getting this, you know, on the ground experience. I happened to be in journalism school in New York when 9/11 happened. I remember places in New York City all of a sudden transforming into emergency centers, like what you're describing, and I think a lot of my classmates got a crash course, right, in journalism from covering that. Doug Seserman:   Absolutely. Even our social work and psychology students became kind of caseworkers. I mean, everybody was doing what they could and, in a way, we should feel really good about it. It's hard to say there are silver linings from October 7. But the resilience that the country has demonstrated in the university, in particular, is incredible and quite inspiring.  One thing about Ben-Gurion University that's unique is, yes, we are an educational and research institution and one of the leading universities in Israel, and we're quite proud of those accomplishments. But we have a particular and very unique mandate to develop the Negev region. And it's almost in what we call the Ben Gurion DNA, to activate the social justice aspect of being a Jew, honestly. But it's particularly manifest at the University and we're proud of it. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Well, you know, let's talk a little bit more about that innovative spirit that I hear a lot about, that characterizes Israel and, obviously, BGU. And I mentioned earlier how BGU has introduced, you know, all of these technologies, innovative solutions for environmental concerns.  I think David Ben Gurion said “making the desert bloom” – that was his goal and what the university aims for – but has the aftermath of October 7 highlighted other faculty, other fields? You talked about psychology and social work. Can you talk a little bit about how this kind of innovative spirit has been applied and has really shown itself since October 7? Doug Seserman:   Yeah, absolutely. I'm happy to do that.  And it's important to note also that Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, it was important on October 6. When you visit the Beer-Sheva campus, it's, in a way, it's startup nation on steroids. You have Ben-Gurion University and Soroka hospital, the advanced technology park that has 3000 employees and 70 multinational companies, right across the high speed train station to get you to Tel Aviv in just over an hour.  And you have the IDF moving south and their IT and computing base literally adjacent to the university. It's an amazing place. I actually feel like a lot of people visit Israel, and they don't really go south. And the truth is, you haven't seen the future of Israel until you spend time in the Negev. And you don't really understand the Negev until you've spent time at the University.  But in terms of areas that the University excels at, that are important in the aftermath. I mean, it's everything. But some of the things I would highlight is our strength in engineering, computer sciences, IT, cybersecurity. The cyber capital of Israel is actually Beer-Sheva. This IDF base that's adjacent to us, I call them 22nd century defense systems, remote sensing satellite defense technology. Hatzerim Air Force base is in the Negev, that's where all members of the Israeli Air Force get their wings, but they actually get their degree, their educational degree, from Ben-Gurion University. So when we think about the future, listen, it takes a village. And you can never do wrong by doing right. So I'd encourage your listeners to just get involved in something in Israel that's consistent with their values.  Manya Brachear Pashman:   I know the South has supplied much of Israel's kind of homegrown food, vegetable crops, barley, wheat, dairy, but obviously, I mean, many of the Palestinian and Thai workers who tended those fields, they're not returning anytime soon, neither are the residents of those kibbutzim. Has BGU played a role in filling that gap? Doug Seserman:   The answer is yes, and doing our best and not enough. And very proud of all the volunteers and that you're seeing, especially also from the diaspora coming to Israel to help pick fruit and etc. We had faculty that basically stop because they weren't teaching and they had time, they just started going into the fields and helping the farmers, both with their hands and their heart.  At the end of the day, there's a very close relationship and literally hundreds of our students and faculty and administration has been involved in volunteer efforts. At the end of our board of governors meeting last week, we had a whole afternoon dedicated for volunteers who came from around the world to volunteer as well. Manya Brachear Pashman:   I want to go back to campus real quick and talk a little bit more about the students. I know that BGSU has a really robust diversity and inclusion effort that covers Druze, other Arabs, women, disabilities, Ethiopian immigrants, ultra-Orthodox Jews – it's a very diverse campus. And I'm curious how this diverse student population views the scenes from some American university campuses. I mean, has there been vigorous debate on BGU's campus about how Israel is fighting this war? And does it look any different? Doug Seserman:   Now that's a big question. I can say this: we're extremely proud of the diversity on campus and sometimes what we call a shared society. We have Sarab Abu-Rabia-Queder, who's the Vice President of Diversity and Equity and Inclusion in Israel. That DEI term has become controversial, in the United States, but in Israel, you know, in our campus, it's a thriving concept.  We have approximately 20,000 students. Most of them are Israeli. We have about 1000 international students that study in English, mostly from China and India, but also from North America. And then we have about 2000 Arab-Israelis. So of the Arab-Israeli, a number of them are Bedouin. We're by far the largest university for Bedouin students in Israel. So we have robust discussions underneath that framework of the diversity, VP of diversity, to try to bring students together. Sometimes there have been, before October 7, protests, peaceful protests, with Arab students protesting and Jewish students also there. And we've never had issues.  You know, there's a way to have civil discourse, and free speech and academic freedom is critical. I mean, it's a hallmark to a just society. So you know, you have to be able to have peaceful protests. Now going back to what's happening on American campuses. You know, I'm personally embarrassed. I wrote an op-ed recently in The Times of Israel about what do you do when your alma mater no longer reflects your values?  I'm a proud Wildcat from Northwestern University. And we had a terrible situation on campus. And then our president Michael Schill, who's a smart guy, and also a Jew, negotiated with the encampment leaders and created a precedent almost like, it's not negotiating with terrorists, but it's compromising and rewarding, enabling bad behavior and creating a precedent that the way to make change is to be lawless and create hate speech.  So something's happened in the US that on college campuses, that's absolutely out of control. But at the same time, freedom of speech, and especially in academic institutions, must be protected, but it has to be safe. We teach chemistry on university campuses all across the country, perhaps we should be teaching morality. And maybe that should be a required course.  Now, I don't even know what that looks like. But I think people have lost a sense for the difference between proper behavior and improper behavior. And they sometimes use free speech to do hateful and wrongful things. And that's, that's not appropriate. Manya Brachear Pashman:   In other words, you're suggesting social chemistry lessons? How do we get along? How do relationships work? Doug Seserman:   I love that. I think what's happened is we all are talking in echo chambers. We've no longer figured out how to understand the narrative of the other, and how to find some sort of central place to move forward where people can agree to disagree, but you can move forward in some kind of democratic and civil way. Manya Brachear Pashman:   So I don't want to lose sight of the fact that you head Americans for BGU, right, the arm of the university that works to garner American support? Has October 7 presented some unexpected challenges in that realm? Doug Seserman:   You know the answer, to that is yes. And also, unfortunately, opportunities at the same time. There's been an October, I call it October 8 awakening, some people are calling it October 8 Jews – people in this country and in the diaspora are waking up, that something is happening out there with antisemitism, and the relationship between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. And as an American diaspora Jew, you have sort of like three options.  You can do nothing, and no miracles are going to come from that. Or you can kind of wait and see and no miracles are gonna come from that. Or you can kind of double down your efforts and get involved with institutions that matter, can make a difference. And that's what we're encouraging. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Well, Doug, thank you so much for joining us and for giving us a snapshot of what people are trying to do to rebuild Israel's south and help it recover after October 7. Thank you so much. Doug Seserman:   Thank you so much for having me.

Po celém Izraeli jich je asi 260 a žije v nich asi 160 tisíc lidí. V 10milionovém Izraeli je to ale menšina, přesto z jednoho z nich pocházeli například zakladatel první izraelský premiér David Ben Gurion, Golda Meirová nebo dlouholetý izraelský politik Šimon Peres. Jde o kibucy, tedy uzavřené izraelské společnosti, které stály u zrodu židovského státu.

In this episode we take up where we left off with Ep.172 talking about all things TWDSO. I recite numerous quotes by those in the know & discuss how they apply to today and explain how there's a very real conspiracy to rule the world at play and it's not really even hidden in many cases. Now time to get down that sandy Middle Eastern rabbit hole, and go far beyond the mainstream.   Cheers and Blessings   Support My Work https://www.patreon.com/theoddmanout   Other Episodes In This Series-   Pt. 1 https://theoddmanout.podbean.com/e/ep-117-those-we-don-t-speak-of-pt-1/   Pt. 2 https://theoddmanout.podbean.com/e/ep-119-those-we-don-t-speak-of-pt-2/   Pt. 3 https://theoddmanout.podbean.com/e/ep-120-those-we-don-t-speak-of-pt-3/   Pt. 4 https://theoddmanout.podbean.com/e/ep-121-those-we-don-t-speak-of-pt-4/   Pt. 5 https://theoddmanout.podbean.com/e/ep-128-those-we-don-t-speak-of-pt-5/   Pt. 6 https://theoddmanout.podbean.com/e/ep-131-those-we-don-t-speak-of-pt-6/   Pt. 7 https://theoddmanout.podbean.com/e/ep-137-those-we-don-t-speak-of-pt-7/   Pt. 8 Ep. 140 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt. 8 | The Oddcast Ft. The Odd Man Out (podbean.com)   Pt. 9 https://www.podbean.com/ew/pb-spivx-13dfe53   Pt. 10 Ep. 145 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt. 10 | The Oddcast Ft. The Odd Man Out (podbean.com)   Pt. 11 Ep. 145 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt. 10 | The Oddcast Ft. The Odd Man Out (podbean.com)   Pt. 12 Ep. 161 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt. 12 | The Oddcast Ft. The Odd Man Out (podbean.com)   Pt. 13 Ep. 164 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt.13 | The Odd Man Out (podbean.com)   Pt. 14 Ep. 165 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt. 14 | The Odd Man Out (podbean.com) Pt. 15 Ep. 170 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt. 15 | The Odd Man Out (podbean.com)   Pt. 16 Ep. 171 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt. 16 | The Odd Man Out (podbean.com)   Pt. 17 Ep. 172 Those We Don't Speak Of Pt. 17 | The Odd Man Out (podbean.com)   Notes From Show "With the exception of the USSR as a federated Eurasian state, all other continents will become united in a world alliance [i.e. 'New World Order], at whose disposal will be an international police force; armies will be abolished and there will be no more wars. In Jerusalem, the United Nations will build a shrine of the Prophets to serve the federated union of all continents; this will be the seat of the Supreme Court of Mankind, to settle all controversies among the federated continents, as prophesied by Isaiah." David Ben Gurion, former Prime Minister of Israel Look Magazine, January 6, 1962   Israel Prime Minister David Ben Gurion Quotes From Look Magazine 1962 https://youtu.be/Oh4ysLYaoho?si=hjCgPPWDTyrckXxF       Links https://linktr.ee/_theoddmanout   Oddman Rumble https://rumble.com/user/TheOddManOut   Please check out my Podcasting Family over at Alternate Current Radio. You will find a plethora of fantastic talk, and music shows including the flagship Boiler Room, as well as The Daily Ruckus! https://alternatecurrentradio.com/   Fringe Radio Network- Radio on the Fringe!  http://fringeradionetwork.com/   Patreon-Welcome to The Society Of Cryptic Savants  Welcome members of The Society Of Cryptic Savants! (bitchute.com)   Social Media: _theoddmanout on Twitter, and Instagram       Facebook https://www.facebook.com/theoddcastfttheoddmanout         A special Thank You to my Patrons who contributed to this episode. You are very much appreciated.   Their Order Is Not Our Order!

In an essay for Foreign Affairs, the Israeli historian Tom Segev argues that a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is impossible. As early as 1919, the future prime minister David Ben-Gurion observed that both nations' competing claims to the land created an unbridgeable abyss. In this episode, Segev traces the origins of today's war to the era of the British mandate. By facilitating the creation of a Jewish homeland in what was then an Arab-majority country, the British laid the groundwork for decades of bloodshed and grievances. (Foreign Affairs is the official publication of the Council on Foreign Relations).

In this episode, we uncover the remarkable life and legacy of David Ben Gurion, a towering figure in Israeli history whose visionary leadership continues to shapethe nation to this day. From his humble beginnings to his pivotal role in founding the State of Israel, we explore his incredible achievements. We also reflect on BenGurion's profound vision for the Negev, Israel's once "forgotten backyard," that is now flourishing but still faces ongoing challenges as we strive to perpetuate hisvision and commitment.In “something for the road,” Shira Kleinman, J2's Tour Educator and Senior Project Manager, shares her favorite Israeli radio station and her favorite Israeli artist.Links for further reading:The Vision Of David Ben Gurion In 2024 - I24NewsBen-Gurion: Father of Modern Israel – A Book Review - FathomDavid Ben-Gurion – The Man and His Legacy - Ruth Levush, The Library of CongressFollow us on Facebook, Instagram, and LinkedIn!Find more at j2adventures.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

“The difficult we do immediately. The impossible takes a little longer.” That quote is from David Ben-Gurion.And it reminds me of marketing. We're in the digital age, or maybe we've crossed over into the AI age. Either way, we don't have the long deadlines we had when I started my career writing print ads.And that's just the difficult. What about the impossible? Well, that is part of our stock and trade as marketers, right? We push, try new things, experiment, innovate – that which was impossible yesterday is our new campaign or new tool we built for the customer.So let me drop another quote in here, this one from my next guest – “Embrace ‘riding the worm.'” That's her way of saying, don't be afraid to try something that seems virtually impossible. It takes resourcefulness and the ability to tame something seemingly uncontrollable.To hear the story behind that lesson, along with many more lesson-filled stories, I talked to Erika White, Vice President of Marketing & Communications, Affirm (https://www.affirm.com/).Affirm is a public company that trades on NASDAQ. It reported $1.588 billion in revenue in 2023. White oversees a team of 35 professionals driving all aspects of marketing and communications for the company including growth marketing, martech/ops, partner marketing, brand marketing, research, and public relations. She was a core member of the team leading the $12 billion IPO in early 2021.Stories (with lessons) about what she made in marketingHere are some lessons from White that emerged in our discussion:Embrace ‘riding the worm'Don't forget to laugh and help others do the sameWithin teams, make ownership a feature not a bugEnergy and positivity are contagiousAlways take the callDirect feedback is a giftDiscussed in this episodeCustomer-First Marketing Guide: 4 steps (with case studies) to build a customer-first marketing strategy (https://www.marketingsherpa.com/article/case-study/customer-first-marketing)Just type /SNA into MeclabsAI (https://meclabsai.com/) and get conversion rate optimization ideas for your specific scenarios.  It's totally FREE to use, for now (Meclabs is the parent organization of MarketingSherpa).Get more episodesThis article is distributed through the MarketingSherpa email newsletter (https://www.marketingsherpa.com/newsletters). Sign up for free if you'd like to For more insights, check out...This podcast is not about marketing – it is about the marketer. It draws its inspiration from the Flint McGlaughlin quote, “The key to transformative marketing is a transformed marketer” from the Become a Marketer-Philosopher: Create and optimize high-converting webpages (https://meclabs.com/course/) free digital marketing course.Apply to be a guestIf you would like to apply to be a guest on How I Made It In Marketing, here is the podcast guest application – https://www.marketingsherpa.com/page/podcast-guest-application

Am 14.05.1948 endet das britische Mandat über Palästina. Noch am gleichen Nachmittag ruft David Ben Gurion den unabhängigen Staat Israel aus. Damit geht der Wunsch vieler Jüdinnen und Juden in Erfüllung, nach den letzten Jahrzehnten der Verfolgung und Ermordung zurückkehren zu können nach Zion, dem "Land der Väter". Der Weg von der Idee Theodor Herzls, in Palästina eine "Heimstätte" für das jüdische Volk zu schaffen, bis zum Staat Israel war lang. Von Beginn an war er von Konflikten und Interessenskollisionen bestimmt. Von Ulrike Beck (BR 2018)

*We had some major connection gremlins during recording, but please stick with it. Lots of great information is incoming from Terry.*   This week we welcome back author and historian, Terry Boardman. A deep dive into the historical context of the foundation of the State Of Israel is on the menu. Geo-politics, spiritual warfare and the hidden esoteric hand are areas we hope to explore and elucidate.   Follow Terry's work here: Website - https://threeman.org/ From the web: The foundation of the State of Israel is a fascinating story that spans millennia. Here's a brief overview: Ancient Roots: The roots of modern Israel can be traced back to ancient times when the Israelites established a united kingdom under King Saul around 1020 BCE. However, internal strife and external pressures led to the division of this kingdom into two: Israel in the north and Judah in the south. Over the centuries, the region witnessed a series of conquerors, from the Persians to the Greeks under Alexander the Great, followed by the Seleucid Empire. Roman Period and Jewish-Roman Wars: By 63 BCE, the Romans had annexed Judea, making it a province of the Roman Empire. The destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE by the Roman legions was a devastating blow. A subsequent revolt, the Bar Kokhba rebellion (132-136 CE), further diminished Jewish autonomy in the region. Spread of the Jewish Diaspora: Following these events, the Jewish diaspora spread across the Mediterranean and beyond, but a Jewish presence remained in Palestine throughout the subsequent centuries. Islamic Rule and Ottoman Empire: The rise of Islam in the 7th century CE brought new rulers to the region, including the Umayyad and later the Abbasid Caliphates. Over the next millennium, control of the region shifted among various empires, including the Crusaders, the Mamluks, and the Ottomans. Zionism and the Call for Return: In the late 19th century, the Zionist movement emerged, seeking to establish a national homeland for the Jewish people in Palestine. The term “Zionism” derives from “Zion,” symbolising the entire Promised Land. The Holocaust during World War II strengthened Jewish determination. Declaration of the State of Israel: On May 14, 1948, the Jewish People's Council gathered at the Tel Aviv Museum and proclaimed the establishment of the State of Israel. David Ben-Gurion, leader of the Jewish National Council, read out the proclamation, declaring the first independent Jewish state in nineteen centuries of history. The infant state faced immediate challenges, including war with the Arab League and invasions by three Arab armies. And so, the long-cherished Zionist dream became a reality, marking a pivotal moment in Jewish history   #history #zionism #israel _______________________________ Follow us here: https://allmylinks.com/the-amish-inquisition Signup for the newsletter, join the community, follow us online, and most importantly share links!  Producer Credits for Ep 328:  Producers - Rhona Kesson, Ben Limmer, Mat Chinn, Aliyah, Helen, General Lee and last weeks artist - Lee. _______________________________ Leave us a voicemail: 07562245894 Message us here....follow, like, subscribe and share. (comments, corrections, future topics etc). We read out iTunes reviews if you leave them. Website - http://www.theamishinquisition.com/ Join the Element server: https://matrix.to/#/%23the-amish-inquisition%3Amatrix.org Subscribe to the Newsletter: Drop us an email and let us know Get your Merch from: The Amish Loot Chest - https://teespring.com/en-GB/stores/amish-inquisition-loot-chest Email - theamishinquisition@gmail.com CashApp - £theamishinquisition https://cash.app/%C2%A3theamishinquisition Buy us a Coffee - https://www.buymeacoffee.com/theamishguys Twitch - https://www.twitch.tv/theamishinquisition Rumble - https://rumble.com/c/c-1347401 Twitter - https://twitter.com/amishinqpodcast Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/amish.inquisit.3 Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/theamishinquisition/?hl=en Bitchute - https://www.bitchute.com/channel/0fNMZAQctCme/ YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCmv8ucrv5a2KpaRWyBWfBUA Find out how to become a Producer here - http://www.theamishinquisition.com/p/phil-1523918247/ Become a Producer! The Amish Inquisition is 100% supported by YOU.  NO Ads, NO Sponsorship, NO Paywalls. We really don't want to suckle at the teat of some faceless corporate overlord. But that is only avoidable with your help! Join your fellow producers by donating to The Amish Inquisition via the PayPal button on our website, simply donate whatever you think the show is worth to you. If you find the podcast valuable, please consider returning some value to us and help keep the show free and honest.   Assets 326: Road Noise Risk: https://www.business-standard.com/health/traffic-noise-can-increase-risk-of-cardiovascular-disease-study-124042800125_1.html Monkey doctor: https://www.theguardian.com/science/article/2024/may/02/orangutan-seen-treating-wound-with-medicinal-herb-in-first-for-wild-animals-max-planck-institute-sumatra Iso: Blew in my mouth https://open.spotify.com/episode/4mma612SsUE5SrUW7bcmIu?si=X3hx0SvtQJChA-TuD1QoDA&t=344 Iso: gay rap 26.30 remaining https://open.spotify.com/episode/1gc6CJkQuypicc0eTbRRSQ?si=WRVK7w-MQyuxzhjlKTPM-g&t=4573 Iso: eye balls NA1654 5.mins [No Agenda] 1654 - "e-Safety" 

Research historian, data analyst, and conspiracy realist  @GavinNascimento   Gavin Nascimento returns to reveal the role of the Jewish Rothschilds, Marxism, and eugenics in the Zionist crusade to create the state of Israel on episode 152 of the Far Out with Faust podcast.*This is the most recent of our episodes with Gavin detailing the complicated and often misunderstood history of Israel. Be sure to check out parts 1 and 2 links below.*A veteran of the show (check out episode 79), Gavin has earned a reputation among some of the most prominent truth seekers of our time, like Joe Rogan and Billy Carson (episode 90). He's known for his relentless research and meticulous attention to detail and has spent over a decade uncovering historical truths through verifiable sources. He's the author of A History of Elitism, World Government & Population Control, as well as a host of compelling essays featured on The Free Thought Project (episode 118).In this episode, Gavin delves deeper into the geopolitical origins of the state of Israel. Topics include:-What is the history of Israel?-What is the history of Palestine?-Was Israel created for religious freedom?-What was there before Israel?-Did the Rothschilds fund Israel?-What is Zionism?-What's the difference between Zionists and Jews?-How did the British Empire help create Israel?-Who was Cecil Rhodes?-What was the Round Table Movement?-What role did eugenics play in the creation of Israel?-How and why were the Nazis involved with Israel?-Were the Nazis and Zionists working together?-What was the Haavara agreement?-What was the People's Will?-Were Israel's founding fathers (David Ben-Gurion, Menahem Begin, and Vladimir Zahev Jabotinsky) terrorists?-What's the difference between Labor Zionism and Revisionist Zionism?-How did the Zionists conquer Palestine?…and much more. Stay tuned for part two of this podcast, coming soon!Check out Gavin's book on AmazonA History of Elitism, World Government & Population Control https://a.co/d/go5nae1Connect with Gavin NascimentoPatreon: https://www.patreon.com/GavinNascimentoYouTube: https://youtube.com/c/GavinNascimentoInstagram: https://instagram.com/truthwarriorgavinFacebook: https://m.facebook.com/gavin.nascimentoCheck out our related episodesThe Truth About Israel Pt. 1 (ep. 130): https://youtu.be/KSCU3IxjM54The Truth About Israel Pt. 2 (ep. 131 ): https://youtu.be/KSCU3IxjM54Gavin Nascimento (ep. 79): https://youtu.be/_rr-QiuTIxM?si=rhhdKY3V0C6kxvX9Billy Carson (ep. 90): https://youtu.be/boZMIE-p30I Jason Bassler (ep. 118): https://youtu.be/rk-UNM1QgPg?si=aODhwSyGoNharzaF#Podcast #Israel #Palestine

Today Razib talks to Murtaza Hussain about the social, cultural and political context of recent fissures in the US around the conflict in Israel and Gaza. Hussain is a reporter at The Intercept and has his own Substack. They begin their conversation talking about Hussain's response to the 10/7 Hamas attacks on Israel, and Israel's subsequent invasion of Gaza. Hussain discusses his bewilderment and disappointment at some commentators who he saw being knee-jerk and tribalistic in their response. He also talks about the generational divides on Israel that have become apparent: while American Boomers and Gen-X tend to support the Jewish state overwhelmingly, while Millennials, and especially Zoomers, are more divided, or perhaps even a pro-Palestinian, perspective. Hussain, a Pakistani Canadian Millennial, though now a naturalized US citizen, does not approach the subject of the Israel/Palestine conflict with a reflexive sympathy for any particular side, but does believe that many Americans are unaware of the broad support that Palestinian nationalism attracts worldwide and especially among the youth. Razib and Hussain then discuss the intellectual history that led up the conflict between Hamas, an Islamist movement, and the state of Israel, and how the Palestinian national struggle is positioned within the global Left. They discuss the various connections between Palestinian nationalism in the 1960's and 1970's and the Soviet Bloc and Left-wing national liberation movements like the IRA, and how that might impact sympathies of activists. Hussain contends that in many ways the Palestinian liberation movement is a leftover of 20th-century struggles, with the end of apartheid South Africa and the peace accords in Ireland. He outlines the multi-decade relationship both the Palestinians and Israelis have had with the non-aligned movement and postcolonialism. Though today Israel is coded as a Western nation (they participate in Eurovision), Hussain notes that as Prime Minister, David Ben Gurion attempted to send Israeli delegates to the non-aligned Bandung Conference in 1955, a move that was blocked by Egypt. 

David Ben-Gurion appealed to Nehru to help mediate with Egypt in 1963, ‘Your voice, my dear Prime Minister, carries a special weight in the councils of the world,' he wrote.  

For thousands of years, the Jewish people lacked a political state; yet, what can we say about the Jewish tradition of statesmanship? What makes it distinctive, and what can we learn from it? In Providence and Power: Ten Portraits in Jewish Statesmanship (Encounter Books, 2023) , Rabbi Meir Soloveichik investigates ten Jews, from King David all the way to the […]

For thousands of years, the Jewish people lacked a political state; yet, what can we say about the Jewish tradition of statesmanship? What makes it distinctive, and what can we learn from it? In Providence and Power: Ten Portraits in Jewish Statesmanship (Encounter Books, 2023) , Rabbi Meir Soloveichik investigates ten Jews, from King David all the way to the foundation of Israel, what we can learn from their examples, and how history can provide hope amidst recent events in Israel. Rabbi Dr. Meir Soloveichik is director of the Straus Center for Torah and Western Thought at Yeshiva University and the rabbi of Congregation Shearith Israel, the oldest Jewish congregation in the United States. He received his PhD in Religion at Princeton in 2010. Among the world's preeminent Jewish thinkers and educators, Rabbi Soloveichik has lectured across the United States and Europe on topics relating to Jewish theology, bioethics, wartime ethics, and Jewish-Christian relations. He has a monthly column in Commentary magazine, and his writing has also appeared in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, First Things, and many other outlets. He is the host of the podcast Bible 365, and you can also listen to him via the Meir Soloveichik podcast. Sources and examples referenced in the interview: Rembrandt's David in Prayer, 1652. John Trumbull's George Washington Resigning His Commission and Declaration of Independence (1826). George Washington's Letter to the Jews of Savannah (1790). Dan Senor and Saul Singer's recent book The Genius of Israel. A secular Israeli broadcaster borrows a kippah and performs a blessing. Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University's James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program's podcast, Madison's Notes.

For thousands of years, the Jewish people lacked a political state; yet, what can we say about the Jewish tradition of statesmanship? What makes it distinctive, and what can we learn from it? In Providence and Power: Ten Portraits in Jewish Statesmanship (Encounter Books, 2023) , Rabbi Meir Soloveichik investigates ten Jews, from King David all the way to the foundation of Israel, what we can learn from their examples, and how history can provide hope amidst recent events in Israel. Rabbi Dr. Meir Soloveichik is director of the Straus Center for Torah and Western Thought at Yeshiva University and the rabbi of Congregation Shearith Israel, the oldest Jewish congregation in the United States. He received his PhD in Religion at Princeton in 2010. Among the world's preeminent Jewish thinkers and educators, Rabbi Soloveichik has lectured across the United States and Europe on topics relating to Jewish theology, bioethics, wartime ethics, and Jewish-Christian relations. He has a monthly column in Commentary magazine, and his writing has also appeared in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, First Things, and many other outlets. He is the host of the podcast Bible 365, and you can also listen to him via the Meir Soloveichik podcast. Sources and examples referenced in the interview: Rembrandt's David in Prayer, 1652. John Trumbull's George Washington Resigning His Commission and Declaration of Independence (1826). George Washington's Letter to the Jews of Savannah (1790). Dan Senor and Saul Singer's recent book The Genius of Israel. A secular Israeli broadcaster borrows a kippah and performs a blessing. Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University's James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program's podcast, Madison's Notes. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

It has occurred to me that there is great interest in the background to the current conflict.  Here is a discussion of the Palestinian Refugees of 1948. This is an extremely important topic surrounded by false narratives and inflammatory rhetoric.  I have put off preparing a podcast for some time, but not because it is sensitive.  I deal with quite a few sensitive topics.  It goes with the territory.  But in this case, a reason for my hesitation is that I have a written briefing document that is the basis of this podcast.  It is very thorough and is fully available to anyone through Deep Blue.  (See the separate podcast on how to access Deep Blue).  It has the same title as this podcast.  But I have thought for some time that transferring that written document to a podcast would be a good thing.  My hesitation is that I will be reading and improvising from a printed text into the spoken word.  I am worried about jumps and stops and stumbles along the way.  I hope those who listen to this will find it useful. It will certainly introduce some information that is new to most of you. And if you also want to download the document from Deep Blue that is good given that it has additional information in it.   https://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/handle/2027.42/110670Note that there are previous podcasts on The Palestine War of 1948, and The Palestinians After 1948. Some People in order of being mentioned:  Menachem Begin, Simha Flappan, Benny Morris, Ilan Pappe, Avi Shlaim, Tom Segev, Joseph Weitz, Herbert Hoover, David Ben-Gurion, Abba Eban, Samuel Katz, Meir Pa-el, Mordechai Ra'anan, Yigael Allon, Yitzhak Rabin, Gold Meir, Abu Iyad, Aharon Cizling, Moshe Sharrett, Nahum Goldman, Walid Khalidi. Some terms, places, organizations  in order of being mentioned: The Partition Plan of 1947 (181), Haganah, Irgun, Stern Gang, Plan D/Plan Dalet, Peel Commission of 1937, Deir Yassin, Haifa/Jaffa, Absentee property and the Present Absentees law, “transfer.” 

For thousands of years, the Jewish people lacked a political state; yet, what can we say about the Jewish tradition of statesmanship? What makes it distinctive, and what can we learn from it? In Providence and Power: Ten Portraits in Jewish Statesmanship (Encounter Books, 2023) , Rabbi Meir Soloveichik investigates ten Jews, from King David all the way to the foundation of Israel, what we can learn from their examples, and how history can provide hope amidst recent events in Israel. Rabbi Dr. Meir Soloveichik is director of the Straus Center for Torah and Western Thought at Yeshiva University and the rabbi of Congregation Shearith Israel, the oldest Jewish congregation in the United States. He received his PhD in Religion at Princeton in 2010. Among the world's preeminent Jewish thinkers and educators, Rabbi Soloveichik has lectured across the United States and Europe on topics relating to Jewish theology, bioethics, wartime ethics, and Jewish-Christian relations. He has a monthly column in Commentary magazine, and his writing has also appeared in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, First Things, and many other outlets. He is the host of the podcast Bible 365, and you can also listen to him via the Meir Soloveichik podcast. Sources and examples referenced in the interview: Rembrandt's David in Prayer, 1652. John Trumbull's George Washington Resigning His Commission and Declaration of Independence (1826). George Washington's Letter to the Jews of Savannah (1790). Dan Senor and Saul Singer's recent book The Genius of Israel. A secular Israeli broadcaster borrows a kippah and performs a blessing. Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University's James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program's podcast, Madison's Notes. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

For thousands of years, the Jewish people lacked a political state; yet, what can we say about the Jewish tradition of statesmanship? What makes it distinctive, and what can we learn from it? In Providence and Power: Ten Portraits in Jewish Statesmanship (Encounter Books, 2023) , Rabbi Meir Soloveichik investigates ten Jews, from King David all the way to the foundation of Israel, what we can learn from their examples, and how history can provide hope amidst recent events in Israel. Rabbi Dr. Meir Soloveichik is director of the Straus Center for Torah and Western Thought at Yeshiva University and the rabbi of Congregation Shearith Israel, the oldest Jewish congregation in the United States. He received his PhD in Religion at Princeton in 2010. Among the world's preeminent Jewish thinkers and educators, Rabbi Soloveichik has lectured across the United States and Europe on topics relating to Jewish theology, bioethics, wartime ethics, and Jewish-Christian relations. He has a monthly column in Commentary magazine, and his writing has also appeared in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, First Things, and many other outlets. He is the host of the podcast Bible 365, and you can also listen to him via the Meir Soloveichik podcast. Sources and examples referenced in the interview: Rembrandt's David in Prayer, 1652. John Trumbull's George Washington Resigning His Commission and Declaration of Independence (1826). George Washington's Letter to the Jews of Savannah (1790). Dan Senor and Saul Singer's recent book The Genius of Israel. A secular Israeli broadcaster borrows a kippah and performs a blessing. Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University's James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program's podcast, Madison's Notes. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/jewish-studies

For thousands of years, the Jewish people lacked a political state; yet, what can we say about the Jewish tradition of statesmanship? What makes it distinctive, and what can we learn from it? In Providence and Power: Ten Portraits in Jewish Statesmanship (Encounter Books, 2023) , Rabbi Meir Soloveichik investigates ten Jews, from King David all the way to the foundation of Israel, what we can learn from their examples, and how history can provide hope amidst recent events in Israel. Rabbi Dr. Meir Soloveichik is director of the Straus Center for Torah and Western Thought at Yeshiva University and the rabbi of Congregation Shearith Israel, the oldest Jewish congregation in the United States. He received his PhD in Religion at Princeton in 2010. Among the world's preeminent Jewish thinkers and educators, Rabbi Soloveichik has lectured across the United States and Europe on topics relating to Jewish theology, bioethics, wartime ethics, and Jewish-Christian relations. He has a monthly column in Commentary magazine, and his writing has also appeared in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, First Things, and many other outlets. He is the host of the podcast Bible 365, and you can also listen to him via the Meir Soloveichik podcast. Sources and examples referenced in the interview: Rembrandt's David in Prayer, 1652. John Trumbull's George Washington Resigning His Commission and Declaration of Independence (1826). George Washington's Letter to the Jews of Savannah (1790). Dan Senor and Saul Singer's recent book The Genius of Israel. A secular Israeli broadcaster borrows a kippah and performs a blessing. Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University's James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program's podcast, Madison's Notes. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

This week on Breaking Battlegrounds, we have guest host Michelle Ugenti-Rita filling in for Chuck Warren, along with co-host Sam Stone. Join us as we welcome our first guest, Abe Hamadeh, who's running to represent Arizona's 8th Congressional District. A former U.S. Army Reserve Captain and Intelligence Officer, Abe is a staunch America-first fighter, and he'll share his vision for securing the southern border and holding the government accountable. Our second guest, Mike Coté, founder of Rational Policy and a writer at the National Review, offers a historical perspective on policy, international affairs, and politics. Tune in for engaging discussions and expert insights into the political landscape.-Connect with us:www.breakingbattlegrounds.voteTwitter: www.twitter.com/Breaking_BattleFacebook: www.facebook.com/breakingbattlegroundsInstagram: www.instagram.com/breakingbattlegroundsLinkedIn: www.linkedin.com/company/breakingbattlegrounds-About our guestsAbe Hamadeh is a former U.S. Army Reserve Captain & Intelligence Officer, Maricopa county prosecutor and an America first fighter. Abe is the son of immigrants; his family fled places like Syria and Venezuela. He knows all too well that if America falls, the flame of freedom may be extinguished forever. Abe is running to represent Arizona's 8th Congressional District where he grew up, having gone to Happy Valley School, Stetson Hills, and Terramar. He is honored to be the voice of the district back in Washington.Mike Coté is a writer for the National Review and historian focusing on great-power rivalry and geopolitics. He blogs at rationalpolicy.com and hosts the Rational Policy podcast.-Transcription Sam Stone: Welcome to another episode of Breaking Battlegrounds. I'm your host, Sam Stone. The international man of mystery. Chuck Warren is out of the studio again this week, but we are graced by the lovely presence Michelle Ugenti-Rita, former state senator here. She's running for office herself. Yeah, yeah.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Glutton for punishment.Sam Stone: Yeah. No, seriously. Having done that once now and having no interest, I have all these people keep coming up to me and they're like, hey, Sam, you should run again. I'm like.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Why are you kidding you? You value your yourself too much to do that again.Sam Stone: It's painful.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: It's tough. It's tough. I like it though. I mean, I don't know how many races have I done. 6 or 7. And you know, the vast majority of one lost one, one six. I like it. You have to like it to do it.Sam Stone: See, I like working on campaigns. Yeah.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: So you like it? Just a different component, a.Sam Stone: Different component of it. I actually I just found out that when I was doing it, I found out I don't like being the candidate.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Right. That's a that's a different kind of person, the person who likes to be a candidate. But there can be a lot of people that like to be in the political sphere, working behind the scenes, working on policy, working on campaign strategy. But the candidate, it's it takes a lot.Sam Stone: It's different. I mean, for one thing, the thing that that frankly got me and folks, we have some very good guests coming up today on our second segment, we're going to have Abraham Hamadeh. He was the candidate for attorney general, general election candidate in Arizona, lost by I think by the end it was like 270 votes. I think it was down to like 123 by the time it was all okay, whatever. And as we discussed briefly or will discuss briefly with Abe there, there's really no doubt in anyone's mind here that he got hosed out of that election by Maricopa County. And what happened on Election day and uncounted ballots.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Their incompetency.Sam Stone: Their incompetency and all this kind of thing. I have not met one serious person who doesn't think that he should be the AG right now in a fairly run election. Yeah, and that's even a lot of those people are people who disagree with Kari Lake and disagree with Donald Trump and don't take that position, but they look at what happened here on Election Day with malfunctioning machines and 63% of the precincts, all this stuff and they say, look, 100 and something votes that absolutely cost that. So he's announcing a run for Congressional District eight here in Arizona.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: So that's going to be that's going to be a really interesting congressional race. You mentioned we we talked to Abe about this.Sam Stone: But folks, in all fairness, before we stumble over this anymore, we actually already did our interview with Abe. We pre-recorded it before we began the show here. I'm just going to be honest about this. Like, folks, you know, we're not live. We pre-record this on Friday. You're going to you're going to hear this on Saturday. So it is what it is. Instead of assembling it over to Michelle, we'll just tease this interview that's coming up and then folks make sure yeah, make sure you stay tuned afterwards because we're going to do a nice podcast segment following on this as well. And then for segments three and four today we have Mike Cote, writer for National Review and historian, focusing on great power, rivalry and geopolitics, which obviously isn't relevant at all to the moment in time we're in. Yeah, yeah. Um, but so we were teasing the lead in with Abe in that race from last time when Debbie Lesko became the congresswoman. I think if I remember, I mean, it was a huge field, like 15 to 18 people in that field.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: I think so too. I mean, everyone and their mom comes out and puts their hat or puts their name in the hat to run. And but that is honestly the nature of an open seat. You see that quite frequently in an open seat. It is exasperated by fact that it's a congressional open seat. And on our side, the Republican side.Sam Stone: Whoever wins the primary.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Yeah, it will. The general.Sam Stone: The general. I mean, I think when Debbie ran, her Democrat opponent in the general was.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Tipirneni.Sam Stone: Was it Hiram Tipirneni or was it? I think it was Brian nee. Brianna Westbrook. I don't know. Either way. It was terrible.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Candidates or something. Yeah. It's terrible.Sam Stone: Well, yeah. No. So the Democrats here in Arizona don't have a great bench.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: No, no, they don't have a good bench at all. It's not deep. Just the fact that we have Katie Hobbs as our governor I think is evident of that. But it does tell you, though, that if we aren't smart about how we're campaigning, if we don't have strategy, if we don't stick to our talking points, if we veer off of, you know, issues that matter to people, it's not a given. We're going to win. I mean, right, you know, just because the other side is that bad does not mean you're going to win. You know, you really have to make sure that you get your message out and you, frankly, stay on message. Stay. On message. I hope that's what happens in in CD eight is they stay on message. There's so much going on. Abe talked about that. And people want results. Yes. You know, deliver something for the good people of that district, please.Sam Stone: Well, you know one thing, and I know Debbie Lesko a little bit. You probably know her a lot better than I.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Served with her.Sam Stone: Um, but one of the things I was a little disappointed with her over the few years she's been in office versus Paul Gosar, for instance, is that Paul ran around and turned out voters in his bright red district in general elections. Yeah. And Debbie did not do that in hers. And folks, that makes a big difference. You need a candidate. Yeah. They've won the thing in the primary. It's over basically. But you need them to go out and turn out those votes.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: You do have to energize the base, right? This is a numbers game. The person with the most numbers, you know, the highest number, excuse me, wins. And it's about keeping majorities or getting majorities if we don't have them. And that doesn't happen unless let's get out to vote. Like your point.Sam Stone: Let's take a Debbie Lesko and let's call it five of our brightest red state legislative districts. Right. What what how much of a change is there if each one of if Debbie turns out an extra 1000 votes and all of those turn out an extra hundred.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: And especially since races are becoming more and more competitive, they're closer and closer. So, you know, a lot of people have this mindset of like, oh, it doesn't matter or I'm just one. But when when, you know, the race we had the superintendent race, there was another legislative district race. This was just last general election, right. They they triggered recount my recount bill, by the way, that the counties opposed vehemently because they don't like to recount.Sam Stone: That's one of the things most people don't maybe don't know, because people don't follow the legislature in any state.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: They should, but they should.Sam Stone: I always laugh because, like the Florida legislature has done so much right, and everyone, all everyone talks about is governor DeSantis. Now, I love governor DeSantis too, but let's be honest, 80% of what he gets credit for.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: They they served up to for him.Sam Stone: They're teeing him up. And, you know, we we haven't always done a good enough job here. But had we turned out those extra 1500 Republicans, we're not talking about Abraham Hamadeh running for CD eight. We're talking about AG Abraham Hamadeh right I mean that's a big difference. And this is nationwide folks. Think about all these the presidential election, everything how close that was.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: And it's only going to be I think that you're going to see more and more competitive races. And what I mean by that, the differential between the top two candidates become narrower, more narrow and narrow. So they're going to be razor close. So every vote actually does count. And I think in 2016 it was Congressman Andy Biggs that won his race by I want to say 27 votes.Sam Stone: Yeah it was really tight really really tight tight. Yeah. And so these things make a big difference.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: So if you're extended family's not voting and you lose that race I mean you can't go to any family function ever again.Sam Stone: Well no you can. You just you stand at the door and you're like, you're allowed in. Let's see. Did you vote? Pull up the voter rolls. Did you cast a ballot? Oh no no, no potato salad for you today.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Exactly.Sam Stone: Um, there's a lot going on in the world, and obviously we're going to be focusing on a lot of the the great power situation and all of this with Mike Cote. When Cote, I'm hoping I'm probably mispronouncing this two different ways. That's what I do, folks. Um, but I want to touch on something else that came up today. It's kind of icky, but I'm throwing I'm throwing this into this thing. It's Friday. There's the news out today that about a week ago you had a reporter in Philadelphia, 39 year old reporter who was murdered in his home. And everyone was like, you know, what's going on, blah, blah, blah. Well, today they arrested a 19 year old homeless kid that he was having a air quote, I'm putting up the air quotes here, folks. Relationship with. This comes about two weeks after we saw a activist stabbed on the streets of New York.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: That was horrific.Sam Stone: Video for basically the same underlying reason that he had been in a relationship with this crazy young homeless person who then stabbed him to death. Democrats have a pedophile problem.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: You are going bold.Sam Stone: I am going bold there. But you know what they do. Look at the thing. So there was a little bit of controversy here about Turning Point USA. One of their activists chasing and asking questions of an ASU professor, who then shoved the cameraman and physically made a poor decision of who to assault because he just got tossed to the ground by a much stronger person as a result. Now that that was the result of his actions, this this act, this activist professor. But I looked into why they were asking him these questions. This guy is a professor at our university and he's basically promoting pedophilia. I mean. What are we? What do we have to do?Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Why isn't why isn't there an outcry about that?Sam Stone: You know, I saw a little clip from Joe Rogan this morning, and I actually, I like Rogan. I think he's a great interviewer. It's not his insights I actually find the most interesting. UsuallyMichelle Ugenti- Rita:  He's good at teasing it out of his guests.Sam Stone: Yeah, he's a great interviewer. He asks brilliant questions, but this was a kind of a clip of him talking with one of his guests, guest hosts or co co producers or whatever, and he was saying, you know, you have this thing where it's just Ghislaine Maxwell has been jailed, convicted, right, of selling kids for sex. And yet there's no one anywhere in any documentation who bought. That sex. Now obviously that happened. I'm not saying it didn't write. But why aren't they being charged? All of those people who were flying to Epstein Island.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Who are they and.Sam Stone: Who are they? Where's the list?Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Where's right? It happened. Where's the list? Who are they? Why can't we identify them?Sam Stone: Yeah.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: And bring them to justice.Sam Stone: And forget trying to hold them accountable? We're not even being told who we.Michelle Ugenti- Rita:  You don't even. Know who it is.Sam Stone: Who should be held accountable.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Very powerful.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Forces.Sam Stone: And this is this is something totally different. Like I always was. You know, you grew up in a country where it's like, hey, one side wants lower tax rates and the other one side wants to spend more money. And like, okay, that's a discussion we can all have.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: And be on.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Either side of the issue on. Right. But why, why are why why is this one divided. Right. Or at least feels like it? Shouldn't we all be on the same side on this one?Sam Stone: I'm sorry.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: You have a different perspective when it comes to pedophilia.Sam Stone: Or. Yeah.Sam Stone: I mean, like they go so far as to call it minor attracted persons. Now they're trying to do this name swap thing again.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Hopefully Huckabee has banned that term.Sam Stone: Everyone should ban that term. If your governor hasn't banned that term you need to talk to your governor. I don't care which side of the aisle they're on. Okay, folks, we're going to break. We're going to be coming back for more. Make sure you tune in for our podcast segment, because I want to follow up on some of this. It's, you know, there's some weird stuff going on these days, folks. We'll catch you on the next episode here. We're going to be talking to Abe Hamadeh and then moving on with my coat or coat writer for the National Review in just a moment.Advertisement: At Overstock. We know home is a pretty important place, and that's why we believe everyone deserves a home that makes them happy. Whether you're furnishing a new house or apartment or simply looking to update and refresh a few rooms. Overstock has every day free shipping and amazing deals on the beautiful, high quality furniture and decor you need to transform any home into the home of your dreams. Overstock. Making dream homes come true.Sam Stone: All right. Welcome back to Breaking Battlegrounds with your host, Michelle Ugenti-rita. And I'm Sam Stone. Coming up next, a guest who just announced a run for Congressional District eight here in Arizona. He is also the man. I really believe that you can if you're a Democrat or you're an independent, you want to quibble about what happened to Kari Lake? You can, but I don't believe you can quibble about what happened to this guy in Maricopa County in this last election, where he theoretically lost by a couple hundred votes when they had huge problems with the machine problems. I have not talked to anybody in Arizona, anybody who's reasonable, who doesn't think the election was stolen from Abe Hamadeh. So, Abe, thank you for taking the time this morning. I know you've got a busy schedule because you just launched this run for Congress. Tell us how you're doing and what's going on.Abe Hamadeh: Thank you. Sam, good to be with you, Michel. It's been, you know, it was Groundhog Day for a whole year, just about since last November. Right. Focusing on our election lawsuit, which, you know, as you said, I think everybody recognizes what happened. And, you know, with the government withholding all of the evidence, all these 9000 uncounted ballots. But when this opportunity arose, you know, I decided, hey, you know, I don't trust I don't trust the court system right now. Sam, you know, it's really unfortunate that we've been met with roadblocks. So I plan to serve in in Washington alongside Kari Lake and alongside Donald Trump. And I think that's where the focus is now. But we're still fighting the election lawsuit, of course, because we need to expose what happened. But, you know, right out the gate, we had so many endorsements, Sam, and we got endorsed by Kash Patel, who's a huge fighter. We have Ric Grenell and director of National intelligence. We had Robert O'Brien, the national security adviser. We even had Adam Laxalt, who ran for Senate in Nevada, the former AG up there. So I think we built this really broad coalition and a type of unity to kind of ticket right now, because I'm just trying to I want the grassroots, the grassroots right now need a victory.Abe Hamadeh: You know, they need a fighter who's willing to say the things that need to be said and do the things that need to be done. And when I go to Washington, DC, everybody knows my fighting spirit, right? I mean, the establishment wanted me to go cower and hide and, you know, beg for forgiveness. And instead I stood tall to them. I stood tall to them, the the media and the political class. And I think I've come out stronger than ever. And the polling suggests that certainly right now. So we're in a very good spot. And I'd be honored to go back to my eighth congressional district, where I actually grew up from. I lived in North Peoria. I went to school at three different schools out there. So it feels it feels really nice and especially that area for so long. You know, it's really MAGA country, very supportive of President Trump. And who can't be, especially with the world on fire right now. Sam. So I think my skill set, you know, being the an Army captain serving overseas, being a former prosecutor, I think it's going to be it's going to be really good transition in Congress.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Yeah. So I think the audience we kind of need to set up this race. This is this is we had an incumbent who is not running for re-election, Debbie Lesko. So we have an open seat in a.Sam Stone: Very red district.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: A very.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Red district. So this is going to stay Republican. It's just what flavor Republican are we going to get. And we need to get a conservative. The race is shaping up. Talk to us about what that looks like right now. How many candidates are in the race. How do you see it ultimately kind of solidifying as as people look at.Sam Stone: As I told someone the other day, I think Abe has a pretty good chance of winning a 19 way primary.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Well, you know what?Michelle Ugenti- Rita: These open seats, right? I mean, that's around how many candidates enter the races.Sam Stone: I think last time it was like 18 or 19 for this seat when it kicked off.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: So it's really going to be about your base. And in that niche what do we what does it look like right now.Abe Hamadeh: So I think you guys are exactly right. And, you know, I entered the race as the clear underdog with 0% name ID and, you know, that was probably the most contentious primaries in terms of how many legitimate candidates there were. And, you know, we defeated all of them because, you know, the voters are smart. They really sense authenticity. They know who's genuine. They know who's a fighter. Right now, I know my one of my opponents, Blake Masters, just entered the race. He's coming in all the way from Tucson, no ties to the district. And, you know, actually did the worst out of any of the Trump endorsed candidates. He he only won that district by 7%, which is kind of scary. I won the district by 12%. So but, you know, I'm focused on my race. I don't really need to focus on anybody else. But people know they're the electorate nowadays is a lot smarter than people give them credit for. They know they're really in tune with so much of what's happening. So, you know, the more the merrier that come in and, you know, we'll, we'll we'll just run our race just like we ran the ag race. And I have no problem running against people who are older than me, who are more established than me, but I.Abe Hamadeh: People at this at this time. They know our country is collapsing. I mean, we have to be very honest about the assessment of our country. It's in a dire state. And it's the same reason why I ran for AG and the same fighting spirit I'm going to take to Congress with me is I know what's at stake. My family left Syria, know I was born in the United States, but my family immigrated from Syria and my family from Venezuela. And I've seen what Marxist revolutions do to countries. And once they activate them, it happens very quickly. And as I were seeing all of our institutions under attack right now, but I look forward to a spirited primary and, you know, we're going to we're going to go off to the races. But I feel very confident we're going to have a lot of support. I'm honored that Kari Lake endorsed me right off the bat, too. She was actually on the phone with me telling me to get in the race. So I feel really good about the way of the race. Right now.Sam Stone: We have just about two three minutes left before we get to the end of this segment here, and I want to give some time for you at the end to be able to share your website and all your information so people can help support you. But one of the things I noted from the campaign last time for Attorney general and for folks outside of Arizona, you wouldn't have seen any of this. Obviously, no one's paying attention outside of the state. It was, like you said, a big primary. One of the things I thought differentiated you from the other campaigns was you were focused on campaigning, on things you were going to do in office. A lot of them spent a lot of time attacking you. I didn't see that from your camp. You really ran a issue based. YeahMichelle Ugenti- Rita: Right.Abe Hamadeh: Yeah, that's exactly right. I mean, there are so many, so many people want to get into politics because they want to be a politician. I'm getting into it because I'm desperately worried about our country. And I've seen it firsthand. Right. When when you had everybody coming after me, you know, with this election that happened last November, you know, one of the things I want to go into Congress is get election integrity at the federal level. And so I think just that type of fighting spirit the voters recognize, they know that I'm so focused on terrorism. You know, I've served overseas in Saudi Arabia vetting, you know, trying to prevent terrorists from coming into the United States. And, you know, you see our wide open border, which I think, unfortunately, we've had 167 encounters with people on the terror watch list. I mean, there's so much, so many things that are happening in our country where it's a multi-dimensional war and we have to fight it on all fronts. And having somebody with that conviction and who can withstand the pressure is so important right now at this dire time, and especially with and look at this time last year, Sam, Michelle, we didn't president Trump wasn't under indictment. Now he's had to withstand four indictments. And I think people need to be really concerned about the direction of our country right now, where we're starting to jail political opponents. I mean, this is not something that we've seen in the United States of America before. This is more reminiscent of banana republics, third world countries. And I think I can speak to it most better than most people right now.Sam Stone: We have just a minute left. Oh, real quick, give us your top three issues and then tell folks how they can support your campaign.Abe Hamadeh: My top three issues are, of course, the border. I mean, the border is completely open because of the disaster of the Biden administration, which I do believe is intentional. And I think we need to impeach Secretary Mayorkas as soon as possible. Election integrity is my other focus, and I've been tried and tested in that battlefront, and we're going to do some good things at the at the federal level with that. And thirdly, you know, national security and military, you know, somebody who served, you know, I know what veterans go through. And I also know that a foreign policy that doesn't put America first is a is a disaster. But I feel really blessed to be to represent this district. And if anybody wants to learn more about the campaign, I'm honored to have their support. They can go to my website at for Azcom. Abe. Perfect.Sam Stone: Thank you so much, Abe. We're coming back in just a moment. All right. Welcome back to Breaking Battlegrounds with your host, Michelle Ugenti-rita. I'm Sam Stone. We're going to be continuing on with our interviews here in just a moment. But folks, you've been hearing me talk about why Refy for a year now? It's actually been a year since they started sponsoring this program. And, you know, after a few months, I went and did some research on my own and really got to know the folks in that company. And I got to tell you, you are missing a fantastic opportunity. If you don't go to their website and see about the incredible rates of return, you can get there. It's not linked to the stock market. You can earn up to a 10.25% fixed rate of return. That is just an incredible opportunity in today's market. So check them out. Invest y refy.com that's invest the letter Y then refy.com. Or give them a call at 888 y refy 24 and tell them Chuck and Sam sent you. All right. Continuing on today, folks, we have Mike Coté. He is a writer for the National Review and historian, focusing on great power, rivalry and geopolitics, blogs at Rational policy.com and host the Rational Rational Policy podcast. Mike, thank you so much for joining us. And welcome to the program.Mike Coté: Great. Thanks so much for having me.Sam Stone: So nothing to talk about at all these days in the areas of great power, rivalry and geopolitics. Um, you know, one of the one of your recent articles is that titled the Sky Isn't Falling for those who decry Western support for Ukraine, everything a precursor to World War three? This couldn't be further from the truth. Tell us a little bit about that, because I thought that was an interesting take and kind of an important one to inject into the discussion at this moment.Mike Coté: Yeah, great. Thanks so much. So the piece basically I'm trying to talk about we have people online, especially even going up to people in Congress as well as the president of the United States that are basically thinking that any sort of change in our posture in Ukraine, whether that's giving them more weapons, assisting them with intelligence, things like that, pretty much are forcing us into a third world war. You'll see people talking about World War Three, things like that all the time online. And that was something that really bothered me. As someone who studied both world wars, they're basically mistaking the way that escalation dynamics worked, both in the current war as well as in both the First and Second World War. So unfortunately.Sam Stone: What are what are some of the primary differences in that?Mike Coté: Sure. So with World War One, that's something I study a lot, and I feel like it's unfortunately not really well understood as much here in the US, but people usually think about it as, you know, war that happened for nothing. A lot of people died for really no reason. It kind of burst out of nowhere with the assassination of Franz Ferdinand in summer of 1914, but this was something that was brewing for a very, very long time beforehand. The big geopolitical rivalries between Britain and Germany and France and Russia with Germany as well, were really simmering for decades, if not longer. And this was something that really kind of ramped up over time. And I see the Ukraine war right now as much more as one of those smaller wars that were kind of earlier, a couple of decades earlier, as a precursor to the First World War. It's a proxy war essentially. Right now, the US is not directly involved, neither is any other NATO country. And you have Russia basically trying to take over their smaller neighbor. So there are various conflicts that were like this before World War One.Mike Coté: None of them blew up into the big one. Obviously that eventually happened, but there was a lot more build up to it than there is right now with Ukraine and with respect to World War II specifically, I think the lesson that people are taking away from that is kind of the opposite. We saw those smaller conflicts happening before World War II as well. Hitler was trying to gobble up different parts of Europe. Japan was trying to take over China since 1937, and essentially us in the West. We did very little about that. You famously have Neville Chamberlain with the peace in our time, getting a piece of paper at Munich, basically saying, oh, Hitler is not going to do any more besides take this part of Czechoslovakia. And we all know how well that worked out. So I think the lesson coming from World War II is that if we meet with force, these sorts of revanchist aims by a country like Russia and Ukraine, then we may be able to avoid a much bigger conflagration later on.Sam Stone: And, you know, I think that makes sense. It's a view that you don't hear expressed that clearly very often. And I think one of the issues that I see with the public on this is that coverage of the war tends to be either rah rah or no, no, the war in Ukraine, there isn't much room for nuance, it seems, in the national discussion right now.Mike Coté: Yeah, yeah. And I think that's a big problem with it. I mean, I wish the president would go out and make a speech that really kind of explained the stakes, why it matters to the US to aid Ukraine in this war against Moscow and kind of help them protect their own territory. You know, one of the things that I think people don't talk nearly enough about is the world system. We live in now that the US is really the hegemon of. That's something that's very fragile. And these things that are chopping away at the edges of it, like the war in Ukraine, really do undermine our security here at home.Sam Stone: Yeah, absolutely. We're going to be going to break here in a moment, but we're coming back with more from Mike Kott, writer from National Review and historian focusing on great power, rivalry and geopolitics, blogs at Rational policy.com. And he's the host of the Rational Policy podcast. We also want to get into, obviously, what's going on with the Israel-hamas conflict and how history can help us understand that conflict a little bit better. And in general, I think it's valuable just to hear from people who aren't looking at these things as black and white and very straightforward. They are complex issues that will affect this world for decades to come. So stay tuned, folks. We're coming back with more in just a moment.Advertisement: At Overstock. We know home is a pretty important place, and that's why we believe everyone deserves a home that makes them happy. Whether you're furnishing a new house or apartment or simply looking to update and refresh a few rooms, Overstock has every day free shipping and amazing deals on the beautiful, high quality furniture and decor you need to transform any home into the home of your dreams. Overstock. Making dream homes come true.Sam Stone: Welcome back to Breaking Battlegrounds with your host, Michelle Ugenti-rita. I'm Sam Stone on the line with us. Mike Cote, writer for the National Review. Mike, when we went to the break, we were talking obviously a little bit about the Ukraine conflict with Russia. I do want to touch one thing real quick on that, and then I want to get on to what's going on in Israel and Hamas. And another piece you've written that I think is very interesting. But talking about containing Vladimir Putin. How much do leaders around the world and intelligence agencies see Ukraine as a line where if we allow that, that domino to fall, that it's almost certain Russia will take additional steps, and perhaps China and other potential aggressors will see that as the green light to go in, you know, expand their territorial ambitions.Mike Coté: Yeah. And I think that's that's very true. I think one thing with Ukraine specifically is we've kind of seen this happening over the past decade or so. In 2008, you had the invasion of Georgia by Russia, which we didn't really do much about, that. Georgia was not in NATO is not in NATO at this point. Basically, Russia carved off a significant portion of Georgia and has kind of kept that country on the sidelines in terms of an American or a NATO alliance. We saw that as well in Ukraine in 2014, when Russia invaded, took Crimea and started a long, prolonged conflict in the eastern part of the country. Obviously, this year they've expanded that, trying to take out pretty much all of Ukraine. Their initial advance was really on Kiev, which was the capital. And obviously trying to do that is not something you do if you're just trying to take small, different parts of the territory. I think one thing that Vladimir Putin is banking on is that Ukraine is not in NATO. I think that really is where he's trying to push at first to see how NATO responds when it's not a NATO ally that's directly affected. But we have seen NATO allies directly affected as well, especially in the Baltic countries. Over the past 5 or 6 years. We've seen various incursions there, especially with cyber attacks.Mike Coté: And that's something that I think we're going to see more of going forward, that asymmetric sort of warfare, trying to test NATO's tripwires and see where we'll really get a stronger response and where they may not. And as you said, with other countries, especially with China, in Taiwan, I think, as you said, with respect to Israel, we've seen Iran becoming more belligerent with respect to the way that it's attacking Israel and trying to carry out its own aims. You know, we've responded pretty strongly in Ukraine. I think one of the problems is we haven't been getting them the material they need fast enough. The Biden administration has basically slow walked a lot of these things saying, oh, you know, Israel doesn't need it, sorry, Ukraine doesn't need it. And then a few months later, okay, well, Ukraine can get it in a couple of months from now. And by the end of that cycle, it's 8 to 9 months, if not a year down the line, that Ukraine is actually getting these sorts of weapons on the battlefield. And that sort of delay is something that I think really does incentivize our enemies to try to make these big moves, especially like China on Taiwan, and try to get that done before we even really have the opportunity to react.Sam Stone: Yeah, absolutely. Okay. Moving on and switching up subjects a little bit here, talking about what's going on in Israel with the Hamas attacks. Israel's response. You had a great piece accusing Israel of genocide as a moral outrage, but also based on your historical background and knowledge. How can people I mean, again, this is a narrative, Michel, that I think has been massively oversimplified in public discussion here and around the globe. There's a lot of history that goes into this. And people, you know, people talking about apartheid or talking about occupation don't seem to understand that history very much at all. So, Mike, give us a little bit of that background and what is informing the decisions that are being made on both sides.Mike Coté: Sure. So I mean, you can go back even to before the foundation of the State of Israel in 1948. And see, there was very interesting back and forth between Israel, Jews in the area that would become Israel, and the Arabs in the area that would have become Palestine had they accepted the creation of a state either in 1948 or later on. And basically, we're seeing a battle over something that's been really fought about for for centuries. The Holy Land has always been somewhere that you've had competing claims Muslim, Jewish, Christian, obviously, the Crusades going back over a millennia at this point. But with respect to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it really goes back to 1948, where you have Israel being partitioned, the land that was Mandate Palestine. The UN basically split it into what would have become a Jewish state and what would have become an Arab state. And that was something that was accepted by Jewish leaders at the time, including David Ben-Gurion, who became the first prime minister of the country. Unfortunately, the Arabs did not accept this and had basically launched a genocidal invasion at the time to wipe out all the Jews of Israel. And this is something that you can see pretty clearly from the historical record. Various Arab and Palestinian leaders essentially are saying that we need to wipe out the Jews here. We need to make sure that this is purely a muslim land. And at that time, you had a significant number of Arabs living in what would become Israel. Many of them fled. There was a lot of fighting that was really back and forth, civil war, sort of fighting. A lot of civilian casualties on both sides. And the Arab armies that were coming in essentially said, hey, get out of our way.Mike Coté: Let us come in here to do what we need to do to destroy what would be the state of Israel. And then you can go back to your homes afterward. And so a lot of people did listen to that. Most of the population, the Arab population of the area fled. I think there were about 750,000 refugees. Palestinians today call that the Nakba, the catastrophe. So basically, the catastrophe for them was the very existence of Israel in the first place. And you see a lot of this happening at the time, you know, various partitions of states, India and Pakistan being split up, which caused about 15 million refugees, a much, much larger population. And those people were eventually absorbed into those two states. Obviously, there's still conflict between India and Pakistan, but you don't have as much of that internal conflict, whereas you have Palestinian refugees that have been refugees in camps for 75 years now. And I lay a lot of that blame at the feet of the Arab states around which have kept the Palestinians essentially completely outside of the political process in these countries. Whereas you had Arabs who remained and became citizens of the state of Israel who have participated in politics in Israel. You even had in the last government, an Arab party was part of the government for the first time in Israeli history. So it's really been a very long term conflict here. You've always had Palestinian Arabs, especially in the leadership, basically advocating a genocidal aim towards the Jews of Israel. And that's something that is very, very hard to make peace with, as we have seen.Sam Stone: Obviously, the underlying issue, I mean, really break it down, is that one side would accept peace and one side will not. And the accusations of genocide are completely reversed from the reality. Yeah.Mike Coté: No, totally. I mean, it's one of those things again and again, you'll hear even people who have been very pro the peace process. Bill Clinton, for example, in 2000, essentially was trying to broker a deal at Camp David between Yasser Arafat and the Israeli government, and they gave Arafat essentially everything that he could ask for in terms of territorial splits, in terms of having a relatively contiguous Palestinian state. And he turned it down, and they launched the Second Intifada, which killed several hundred Jews in terrorist attacks across Israel. And it's really one of those things where, again, you can offer so much, but if it's not accepted, what are you going to do? Israel withdrew unilaterally from Gaza in 2005, pulled out Israeli settlers at gunpoint and relocated them into the state of Israel. And yet you had the people of Gaza essentially electing Hamas as their government, who only had one election. They've held a power in Gaza the rest of the time, and they've been using all of the aid money we give them, essentially, to impoverish their own people and build terrorist infrastructure to try to destroy Israel. So it's very hard to make peace with a group of people who are led essentially by terrorists, who have no interest in actually having a state, even when they have the chance.Sam Stone: One of the one of the charges you hear all the time is that Israeli settlements are encroaching upon Palestinian land. But but as you point out, since 2005, that has not been the case. As far as I can tell. Those complaints are actually based on well, Israel's population is growing, so they're building more houses in Israel.Mike Coté: Yeah, yeah, that's a lot of it. And you do have some settlements in the West Bank, which have been very controversial, but that has nothing to do with the conflict with Hamas in Gaza. Like I said, there have been no Jews living in Gaza essentially since 2005. And if you look at Palestinian governed territories or generally the Middle East overall, it used to be various vibrant Jewish communities across the Middle East, whether that was from in Morocco, in Baghdad, which had a centuries old Jewish community. They were all evicted essentially after 1948, causing about 850,000 refugees, which were indeed accepted by Israel and integrated into the population.Sam Stone: So a fair swap at that time, I mean, if we're just talking fair, would have been, okay. All you Arab states, you take the 750,000. That are.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Refugees.Sam Stone: That are that left to get out of the way of your armies. You take those refugees and we're taking the 750,000 Jews. But but this, this sort of genocide, if you want to talk about genocide or apartheid has continued very programmatically into very recent years in a lot of these Arab countries where even just 10 or 20 years ago, there were still hundreds of thousands of Jews living there. And now there are basically none.Mike Coté: Yeah, yeah, you've seen that happen constantly across the years. And thankfully there is a state of Israel for these people to go to that would be able to protect them. And I think that's one of the biggest things that we see is that obviously there is the atrocities of October 7th, and that was one thing that was obviously a very big security failure for Israel that they'll be dealing with over time. But that's somewhere where you have an Israeli army that is meant to protect Jews in Israel. And having that place for them to go to is something that really is very different than what the Arab countries. Obviously, there are plenty of Arab countries. Jordan has a very large Palestinian population, and yet they have refused to essentially integrate these people into their societies, which has indeed actually caused many more problems. Know, if these Arab countries aren't integrating Palestinian refugees, that breeds more resentment. And instead of directing that resentment towards the Arab countries, they're directing it towards the one Jewish state in the region.Sam Stone: Mike, before we wrap up, we have just about three minutes left here today. Really appreciate you joining us on the program, folks. You can follow his work at Rational policy.com. Also at National Review. Mike Cote, I want to thank you so much for joining us. But before you go, I want to jump onto one last topic. You recently wrote a piece, The Multi-headed Hydra Menacing America, talking about increasing cooperation between China, Russia and Iran. Why should that concern the average American?Mike Coté: So basically, I think it comes down to their goal, which is really what unites them. They all wish to essentially destroy the world order that we live in and have lived in since the end of World War two. Basically, at that point in time, the transition from Britain, you know, running the world is really not the right word. But controlling the world system, making the rules, trying to establish fairness for various countries that really that responsibility came on to the United States. And what we've seen over the past 75 years is an explosion in prosperity, not only within the US, but around the world. Whether that's been the protection of trade by the American Navy, the fact that we have rule of law generally have international bodies which have arbitrated disputes between states. Obviously, there have been wars since World War two, but nothing to the extent of that war. And I think part of that is really because of the Western led world order and these countries China, Russia and Iran, as well as some of their proxies, Venezuela and North Korea, etcetera. They want to overturn that. They want to return to a world that's much more like the 19th century, where you'd have hard spheres of influence with the great powers basically running their near abroad and controlling that. And that's been something that has not been the case for the past 75 years, where we've had small states be able to have their own interests and have their own security without having to worry about their bigger neighbors gobbling them up. And so these nations really want to go back to that older world where they can have a stronger influence around the countries around them, whether that's economic or military. And one of the ways they're trying to dismantle our world order is through secondary economic institutions. They try to avoid US sanctions. They try to build their own banking systems, things like that, to really separate themselves from the American led order. And that poses a danger to us here at home, because it really cuts at the core of our prosperity and our security.Sam Stone: Fantastic. Mike, thank you so much for joining us today, folks. Mike Kotei, writer for the National Review. Mike, how do folks follow you and your work and stay in touch? And obviously, we're going to look forward to having you back on to continue some of these discussions. I think it's critical for the future. Yeah, sure.Mike Coté: Well, thanks so much. They can check out my website at Rational policy.com. I write there a good bit. Obviously I have writing at National Review, Providence Magazine, and The Federalist, and you can check me out on Twitter or whatever they're calling it now at RATL Policy.Sam Stone: Fantastic, folks. Thank you so much for tuning in today. Breaking battlegrounds. We'll be back on the air next week, but make sure you download our podcast segment. Also got some juicy stuff in there this week from Michelle and I. Breaking battlegrounds back next week.Advertisement: The 2022 political field was intense, so don't get left behind in 2024. If you're running for political office, the first thing on your to do list needs to be securing your name on the web with a Your name web domain from GoDaddy.com. Get yours now.Sam Stone: All right, welcome to the exclusive podcast segment of Breaking Battlegrounds with your host today, Michelle Ugenti-rita. Thank you so much for joining us in studio I love coming. You know, we were talking a bit in the first segment, and I want to kind of build off of that about the Democrats really appear to have a problem with pedophilia, and they have a problem calling it out, and they're not willing to just be like, this is wrong.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Well.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: You know. Do they see a constituency there?Sam Stone: Apparently they must. I mean, but but so I was thinking about that in light of everything going on with Hamas and Israel. Right. I don't know how you cannot anybody everybody cannot unambiguously say that people. Raping women and children, taking hostages, killing civilians, 1400 dead civilians. How? You cannot say that. That is an unalloyed wrong. There is no justification for such an act ever. And yet you see Democrats in this country, they cannot say that.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Right. There's something there's something that they're unwilling to admit.Sam Stone: The moral, the moral equivalencies they're creating. Are just. I mean.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: But remember.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: These are the same people that can't even say what a woman is.Sam Stone: Yeah, it all ties together, though, to me, Michel, because, like, you can't say that a woman's a woman. No, you can't call a pedophile a pedophile, and you can't call a terrorist a terrorist.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: So it's bigger than those examples. It's it's really this war on facts and the truth. And they seem to want you to believe that there's subjectivity in facts and the truth and there's not. It just is factual and it just is the truth, whether you believe it or not, doesn't take it away. The truth doesn't need you to support it. It survives and exists outside of of whether you agree with it or not. But they don't want it seems like they don't want you to believe that. They want you to believe. Whatever they say is the truth, or that you have some ability to create your own set of facts and truth.Sam Stone: You know.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: How do you have. A society if there aren't rules?Sam Stone: Well, so this is actually the point I was I was going to get to with all this discussion. How do you have a society without some sort of moral values? Right? I mean, the entire Western world has been built on essentially the Judeo-Christian set of values, right? We all agreed on those things. And I think one of the things that's going on is Democrats. It's all about power and control. And a moral. People do not require a lot of government oversight.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: No, but.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: You're right on power and control. That's exactly what you saw with Covid. That was all about power and control. That's what all of. And that's really this. The trans gender issue is about power and control, making you feel that you can't even speak out loud what you know to be true, what is true, what is factual because you are so in fear of being either ridiculed, fired, you know, drawn and quartered in your community. And that's a power and control thing. They don't want you to feel like you have freedom. They want you to get permission.Sam Stone: And and you just brought up a really good point. So for like you and me, you know, I say things whether here on the radio or on Twitter, which I now call Twix, right? I say things all the time that if I were working for almost any company, any fortune 500 company in this country, I would be fired that day.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: There'd be some video.Sam Stone: Oh no. Yeah, I mean, they they would never tolerate someone like me. They would never hire someone like me if they went back and looked at those things.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: So, you know, I, you know, this really actually brings up an interesting area which is corporations and what they're doing, what they have done. To allow this and give this kind of this, this power grab steam. I mean, look how they market. Look what they do. Look at the choices they make, look at how they set up their corporate boardrooms and the diversity training and what, you know, cancelling Christmas parties because God forbid, you celebrate anything and, you know, they're part of it.Sam Stone: It's corporate cowardice, I think is the root of this. And I don't think they're just part of it. I think they are the engine now behind it, because I think the I think the left realised that without the power of corporations behind these ideas, that these ideas would never extend past the dark recesses of academia.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: That's right.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: They would implode upon any reasonable person, you know, thinking about it or looking at it. It couldn't survive. It's that nonsensical. So you use corporate the corporate world to.Sam Stone: Yeah, you infiltrate HR.Sam Stone: You take HR and turn it into something it was never intended to be. Hr was never intended to be the Hall monitor in a business. It was simply intended to be the person who managed like your health plan and your benefits. Yeah, exactly. And, you know, oversaw the paperwork for now.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: You know, looking in your office and seeing what posters you've put up or, you know.Sam Stone: They're following all your socials, you know, they're they're tracking everything you say and do.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: These ideas don't sell like you were saying. So people have to be.Sam Stone: They have to be.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Coerced and coerced into acquiescing. So that's why you can never acquiesce. Don't put that mask on. Don't social distance.Sam Stone: Amen. You know, I know absolutely.Sam Stone: Absolutely. You're hearing it from a Jewish guy now.Sam Stone: Amen, sister.Sam Stone: There's no question that is exactly right. The only answer is to have no tolerance at all for their version of this societal great change that they're trying to bring in, which is built on the most amoral and and unsustainable foundation.Michelle Ugenti- Rita: Well, no. Yes. It's collectivism. Right? Everybody does the same thing. Nobody stands out. That is not how we are built, particularly in America. It's exceptionalism that motivates us. Individuality. It's funny that these are the same people that pretend to care about individuality when they want everyone to be the same, marched to the same tune. Do not deviate. Everyone has to act the same, be the same, think the same, look the same. It's that's really how they behave.Sam Stone: It's an amazing.Sam Stone: Point. It's. It is. You're telling these people, oh, you're an individual warrior, and yet you don't allow them to step out of line one bit. They're ants marching, right?Michelle Ugenti- Rita: That's exactly right, sheeple. Going right off the cliff.Sam Stone: Well, and speaking of off the cliff, folks, we are going off this cliff and off the air. But thank you so much for tuning in and joining us today. We really, really appreciate having you. And make sure if you're not subscribed, subscribe. Send this to a friend. We really count on those things to show the support to the Salem Network and to our folks here, so we can expand and help reach more people each week. Again, thank you for tuning in for Michelle. I'm Sam. We'll see you next week. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit breakingbattlegrounds.substack.com

Today's war between Israel and Hamas has its origins in the unresolved problems caused by the events of 1948. The year that witnessed the creation of an independent Jewish state in the former British mandate of Palestine, is known by Palestinians as the nakba, or catastrophe. Internecine violence intensified in 1947 as the U.N. weighed partitioning Palestine into two independent states, one Jewish and one Arab. Then five neighboring Arab countries invaded the new state of Israel immediately after David Ben-Gurion declared independence on May 14, 1948. In all, approximately 750,000 Arabs fled or were driven from their homes by Jewish forces. Many fled to Gaza and were forbidden from returning to their homeland after the war, turning them into permanent refugees. In this episode, Middle East expert Ian Lustick of the University of Pennsylvania discusses the throughline from 1948 to 2023.

¡Vótame en los Premios iVoox 2023! A principios del siglo XX el territorio que hoy ocupa el Estado de Israel formaba parte del imperio otomano. Se encontraba dividido entre el valiato de Beirut y el mutasarrifato de Jerusalén. En aquella región reinaba la paz desde hacía siglos, concretamente desde que en 1517 el sultán Selim I se la arrebató a los mamelucos egipcios. Ese prolongado periodo de paz sólo se vio interrumpido por la llegada en 1799 de un ejército francés capitaneado por Napoleón Bonaparte, que libró una breve guerra contra los otomanos. Consiguió hacerse con algunas plazas, pero se estrelló contra San Juan de Acre, fuertemente amurallada y asistida por los británicos desde el mar. Durante el sitio de Acre Napoleón envió una proclama a un periódico francés en la que llamaba a los judíos europeos para que emigrasen a la tierra de sus ancestros y restableciesen la antigua Jerusalén. Nadie en Europa se tomó en serio aquella proclama. Napoleón fue derrotado en Siria y regresó a Egipto. Años más tarde Mehmet Alí, el valí de Egipto, se enfrentó allí mismo con el sultán otomano, pero una revuelta obligó a los egipcios a marcharse. Para entonces, entre las comunidades judías de Europa la idea de emigrar a Jerusalén había cobrado cuerpo. Comenzó entonces un goteo de inmigrantes judíos llegados de Europa y de otras partes del mundo que no se detendría hasta el momento presente. El fenómeno se intensificó en la segunda mitad del siglo organizándose en torno a las llamadas aliyás, grandes olas migratorias hacia la tierra de Israel para establecerse allí. En ello tuvo mucho que ver un escritor austrohúngaro llamado Theodor Herzl, fundador de la Organización Sionista que promovía el retorno de todos los judíos europeos a Israel para que construyesen allí un Estado-nación como los que habían surgido en Europa tras la revolución francesa. Hasta el nacimiento del Estado de Israel en 1948 hubo seis aliyás que provocaron un cambio radical en la demografía de aquel lugar. En menos de un siglo la población judía se multiplicó por sesenta pasando de unos 10.000 a mediados del siglo XIX a unos 600.000 en el momento de la independencia. La creación del Estado de Israel no se hizo a costa del imperio otomano, que desapareció en 1920 con el tratado de Sèvres, sino de un mandato temporal, el de Palestina, que la Sociedad de Naciones había encomendado al imperio británico. El problema era que los británicos durante la primera guerra mundial habían prometido un Estado tanto a árabes como a judíos para que se aliasen con ellos contra los otomanos. No cumplieron su palabra, pero el mandato se les terminó indigestando. Los árabes y la creciente población judía no tardaron en llegar a las manos poniendo así en aprietos al alto comisionado británico. Tras la segunda guerra mundial y el Holocausto, la ONU buscó una solución para aquel conflicto designando una comisión internacional que estudiase el caso. El informe de la comisión indicaba que lo mejor era crear dos Estados, uno judío y otro árabe conforme a un plan de partición que se votó en la asamblea general y resultó aprobado por 33 votos a favor, 13 en contra y 10 abstenciones Poco después los británicos anunciaron que se marcharían, lo harían el 14 de mayo de 1948. Un día antes David Ben Gurion, un judío de origen polaco que había emigrado durante la segunda aliyá y que ejercía de presidente de la Agencia Judía, declaró la independencia de Israel en un museo de Tel Aviv bajo un retrato de Theodor Herzl. Horas después los ejércitos de Egipto, Jordania, el Líbano e Irak invadieron el nuevo Estado provocando una guerra en la que, contra pronóstico, se impusieron los israelíes. Ese fue el punto de inicio de un conflicto que traería dos guerras más entre Israel y sus vecinos y que, convertido ya en un enfrentamiento entre los israelíes y la población árabe local, dura hasta nuestros días. En El ContraSello: - Leyenda negra y leyenda rosa - La línea Mason-Dixon Bibliografía: - "Historia de Israel" de Gerardo Stuczynski - https://amzn.to/3ZRHv4u - "David y Goliat" de Carlos Canales y Miguel del Rey - https://amzn.to/3FfNpms - "Una historia contemporánea de Palestina-Israel" de Jorge Ramos Tolosa - https://amzn.to/46qZb9D - "Israel "La víspera": La creación del Estado de Israel" de Marcus Masin - https://amzn.to/3PO15dc · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #palestina #israel Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

Summary Brig. Gen. (res.) Erez David Maisel (Twitter, LinkedIn) joins Andrew (Twitter; LinkedIn) to provide a crash-course in Israeli Intelligence history. Erez is a researcher and former head of the IDF's International Cooperation Division.  *FULL SHOWNOTES & FULL TRANSCRIPT HERE* What You'll Learn Intelligence Early history of intelligence in Israel The origins of Israeli intelligence organizations Preparing for a Nazi invasion of British Palestine The shift from British to American influence on Israeli intelligence Reflections The challenge of survival Conflict and compromise, or lack thereof And much, much more … *FULL SHOWNOTES & FULL TRANSCRIPT HERE* Episode Notes This week on SpyCast, Andrew was joined by Erez David Maisel to discuss an overview of the history of intelligence and espionage in Israel. This episode is the first in our 5-part series on Israeli Intelligence. In this month-long series, SpyCast takes a deep dive into the ins and outs of intelligence and espionage in Israel – its intricate history, agencies, major successes and failures, and current state. In this first episode, Erez helps us to lay out a broad roadmap of the history of Israeli intelligence, providing an excellent foundation of knowledge to build upon in the coming weeks. Stay tuned! And…  Erez is an alumni of the University of Haifa, which sits atop the northeastern slope of Israel's Mount Caramel mountain rage. On the western side of the range, you can find the The Nahal Me'arot / Wadi el-Mughara Caves, a UNESCO World Heritage Site that documents over 500,000 years of the history human evolution.  Quotes of the Week “I would say that from 1909 until probably the early eighties of the 20th century, the biggest threat is survival. You know, this fear that somebody … would come and do something. And we have to protect ourselves from that.” – Erez David Maisel. *FULL SHOWNOTES & FULL TRANSCRIPT HERE* Resources  SURFACE SKIM *SpyCasts* Kenya, East Africa, and America with African Intelligence Chief Wilson Boinett (2023) Irish Garda Intelligence Chief with Assistant Commissioner Michael McElgunn (2023)  Israeli Military Intelligence with IDF Brig. General (Res.) Yossi Kuperwasser (2023) Hitler's Trojan Horse – Nazi Intelligence with Nigel West (2023) *Beginner Resources* Israel Profile: Timeline, BBC (2019) [Timeline of important events] The Israel-Palestine conflict: a brief, simple history, Vox, YouTube (2016) [10 min. video] Zionism, Encyclopedia Britannica (2023) [Short background article] *FULL SHOWNOTES & FULL TRANSCRIPT HERE* DEEPER DIVE Books A State at Any Cost: The Life of David Ben-Gurion, T. Segev (Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2019) A History of the First Arab-Israeli War, B. Morris (Yale University Press, 2009) The Sword And The Olive: A Critical History Of The Israeli Defense Force, M. Van Creveld (PublicAffairs, 2002) One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs Under the British Mandate, T. Segev (Picador, 2001) Primary Sources  The Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel (1948) Israel Requests Recognition From the United States, Jewish Virtual Library (1948) Presentation of the Jewish case by representatives of the Jewish Agency, Jewish Virtual Library (1947) The Balfour Declaration, Center for Israel Education (1917) The Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916) The Jewish Question and the Plan for the Jewish State, Center for Israel Education (1896) *Wildcard Resource* While this episode focuses mainly intelligence over the past 100 years, the history of espionage in Israel goes back much further.  Check out the Story of the 12 Spies from a portion of the Torah to learn more about biblical spies!  *FULL SHOWNOTES & FULL TRANSCRIPT HERE*

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 15-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world, from Sunday through Thursday. Editor David Horovitz and military correspondent Emanuel Fabian joint host Amanda Borschel-Dan. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu set off last night for about a week in the US. We talk about what he hopes to accomplish, how was he greeted at Ben-Gurion Airport and his flammable response to protesters. Rioting continued along the Gaza border on Friday and Sunday and yesterday morning, a Palestinian was reportedly stabbed and wounded as groups of settler and Arab youths clashed in the West Bank city of Hebron overnight. Fabian updates on clashes with Palestinians over the long weekend. On Friday, the High Court of Justice pushed off a planned hearing on petitions against Justice Minister Yariv Levin's refusal to convene the Judicial Selections Committee by a month. Horovitz weighs in on the new timing of the hearing and gives background. On early Friday, an explosive device that was planted near a tree in Tel Aviv's Hayarkon Park went off. What do we know about who was behind this as well as the unrelated arson of the famous statue of prime minister David Ben-Gurion on early Saturday morning? Discussed articles include: TOI Webinar: No vote, no voice? Diaspora Jews' influence on Israel's judicial overhaul crisis Outcry after Netanyahu says anti-overhaul protesters joining forces with Iran, PLO Leaving for US, PM says protesters joining forces with PLO and Iran, defaming Israel Israel temporarily shutters Gaza pedestrian crossing following border rioting Palestinian said stabbed in brawl with settlers in Hebron High Court pushes off Tuesday hearing on Levin's refusal to convene judicial panel 2 suspects detained on central Israel highway after blast in Tel Aviv park Iconic Ben-Gurion headstand statue on Tel Aviv beach badly burned in attack Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on iTunes, Spotify, PlayerFM, Google Play, or wherever you get your podcasts. IMAGE: Anti-judicial overhaul demonstrators protest against the Israeli government's judicial overhaul and against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, at the Ben-Gurion International Airport near Tel Aviv, September 17, 2023. (Avshalom Sassoni/Flash90)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 15-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world, from Sunday through Thursday. Editor David Horovitz and environment reporter Sue Surkes join host Amanda Borschel-Dan in today's episode. A full front-page ad taken out in many if not most Israeli newspapers this morning with an image of IDF chief Herzi Halevi and the famous David Ben-Gurion quote, "Every Israeli mother will know that she's entrusted the fate of her children into the hands of commanders who are worthy of it."Who took out the ad and what is its purpose? On Tuesday this week, several ultra-Orthodox newspapers appeared to jump on the anti-judicial overhaul bandwagon. What is the motivation here? Temperatures in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Gulf of Eilat are reaching near-record highs this year. How is this expected to affect the seas' ecospheres? The First International Resources public relations firm, headed by political strategist Zev Furst, has been employed by Abu Dhabi's renewable energy company, Masdar, to improve the image of oil magnate Sultan al-Jaber, the controversial pick to lead this year's United Nations COP28 climate conference in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Hear how the US Jewish community is being targeted. The Environmental Protection Ministry recently published its annual index of wrongdoers. What topped this year's list? Discussed articles include: Ultra-Orthodox push for draft exemption law strains the coalition's docile unanimity Netanyahu, Levin said to seek pause to overhaul after Haredi party revolt Eastern Mediterranean turning tropical, as warming waters force native species out PR firm says it may tap US Jews to boost image of UAE oil boss ahead of climate meet Phosphate mining company ICL Rotem tops latest list of worst environmental offenders Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on iTunes, Spotify, PlayerFM, Google Play, or wherever you get your podcasts. IMAGE: An ultra-Orthodox Jew walks outside the army recruitment office in Jerusalem, August 16, 2023. (Chaim Goldberg/Flash90)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Two of the Jewish world's leading podcasts, People of the Pod and Israel Story, are teaming up to bring you inside the making of ‘Signed, Sealed, Delivered?' – the latest series from Israel Story that explores the lives of the signatories of Israel's Declaration of Independence and their descendants. Recorded live at AJC Global Forum 2023 in Tel Aviv, the episode features Mishy Harman, host of Israel Story, and Eran Peleg, the grandson of signatory Moshe Kol (born Moshe Kolodny). Tune in to hear Eran's lasting memories of his grandfather, the strong Zionist values he instilled in his family, and why the Declaration of Independence matters 75 years later. *The views and opinions expressed by guests do not necessarily reflect the views or position of AJC.  ___ Episode Lineup:  (0:40) Mishy Harman and Eran Peleg (42:35) Yehudit Kol Inbar and Mishy Harman  ___ Show Notes: Listen: People of the Pod: Israeli President Isaac Herzog in Conversation with AJC CEO Ted Deutch People of the Pod: Two Ukrainian Refugees Reflect on Escaping War, and Life in Israel– Live from AJC Global Forum 2023 Israel Story: Episode 89 - Moshe Kol  Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, tag us on social media with #PeopleofthePod, and hop onto Apple Podcasts to rate us and write a review, to help more listeners find us. __ Transcript of Interview with Mishy Harman and Eran Peleg: Manya Brachear Pashman:   As many of our listeners know, People of the Pod recorded not just one but two episodes in front of a live audience at AJC Global Forum 2023 in Tel Aviv. We also took the show on the road and did a few more interviews in Tel Aviv and in Jerusalem. You'll hear those episodes in the months to come. This week, we bring you our second live show in partnership with one of Israel's most popular podcasts: Israel Story.  Welcome to the second live podcast recording here at AJC Global Forum 2023 in Tel Aviv. So on Monday, you heard two very different perspectives from two women who fled war torn Ukraine and landed here in Israel, their new home. Today, you will hear the story of Israeli Moshe Kol, born Moshe Kolodny, in 1911, in what is now Belarus. He was one of the 37 founders of the State of Israel, who signed Israel's Declaration of Independence. We're bringing you this live show together with another podcast that you might enjoy, Israel Story. Think This American Life except it's This Israeli Life. Broadcasting in English since 2014, each episode introduces us to the wide array of characters who make up this diverse and dynamic democratic nation.  In honor of Israel's 75th year of independence, the team at Israel Story set out to find the closest living relative of all 37, who signed Megilat Ha'atzmaut. In March, they began rolling out what I would call audio portraits of those 37 people. Portraits about who they met, what they could tell us about the 37 people who signed that founding document. They call the series, 'Signed, Sealed, Delivered?' And since March, we have met eight of Israel's founding mothers and fathers. Over the next several months we will meet the other 29 including Moshe Kol, through the lens of his daughter. Today, you get a special preview through the lens of his grandson. With me to talk about 'Signed, Sealed, Delivered?' is the host of Israel Story, Mishy Harman, and the grandson of Moshe Kol, Eran Peleg.  Mishy, Eran, welcome to People of the Pod, live in Tel Aviv.  So Mishy, I will start with you. The title is not 'Signed, Sealed, Delivered,' it's 'Signed, Sealed, Delivered?' What's with the question mark? Mishy Harman:   Well, first of all, that's a good question. I mean, it's always difficult to adjust with your intonation to indicate a question mark. But I think that this is a real question. When we began this series, it was actually before the last elections which took place in November, and before this unprecedented wave of democratic, cry for democratic values in this country in light of the government's judicial reform. And we set out to ask, there is this founding document, its status, its legal status is unclear. It's the best way I think, to think of it is, it's some sort of moral compass for our country. And, you know, interestingly, the only action item that actually exists within the Declaration of Independence is to formalize the Constitution, which of course, never happened. So we want to say, to ask the question of what this document actually is in Israeli society, whether we live up to the promise of the words and the ideas that were described within it, whether we haven't. In which ways we have or we haven't, and we wanted to do this through the prism. I'm sure every citizen of Israel has something to say about this and we wanted to do it through the prism of the descendants of the people who signed this document who you know with, with strike of their pen birthed, this country. Actually Moshe Kol call was in Jerusalem at the, on the day of the declaration. There were 11 out of members from Moetzet Ha'am who were who were stuck in Jerusalem, that was besieged and didn't participate in the, in the ceremony, which was here in Tel Aviv. So I think your grandfather signed something like a month later, during the first ceasefire, the different members of Moetzet Ha'am were brought to Tel Aviv by plane actually, to sign. But we wanted to ask, well, here we have this group of people. And it's an interesting group, because the first thing to say about it is that there are no non Jews who signed Megillat Ha'atzmaut, and that's, I think, a very important thing to keep in mind. But when you look at the group of these 37 signatories, it's a little bit like a pointillist painting. So when you look from afar, it looks like a pretty monolithic group of Polish and Ukrainian and Russian Labor Party operatives. But when you come closer, you actually see that there was a dazzling diversity among the signatories. There were ultra-orthodox Jews, and there were atheists, and there were revisionists. And there were communists. And there were people who were born in the middle of the 19th century, and there were people like Moshe Kol, who was the second youngest signatory who was born in 1911, I think. And they represented very different ideologies. And we want to see if a generation and a half or two afterwards whether that diversity had expanded, or shrunken. And to what extent these people who are closest to the ones who imagines the state, how they think about the place we live in today. Manya Brachear Pashman:   So 25 signed in Independence Hall, just a little ways from here, actually, here in Tel Aviv, 11, we're in Jerusalem under siege, including your grandfather, two women. Hm. But there was a lot of diversity in the group. That said, I know that they–oh, one in America, I forgot about one in America. They organized it alphabetically. When they signed it, though, even though they signed it at different times? Mishy Harman:   With the exception of David Ben-Gurion, who signed first. Everyone else signed alphabetically, and they left little spaces for them. Some of them signed terribly. Like, even though it was the founding document of the state, they couldn't sign on the right line. And actually right underneath Ben-Gurion is the signature of Daniel Auster who was the mayor of Jerusalem. His surname is Auster, which begins with an aleph. So he was the first to sign. And he recalled how Ben-Gurion berated him because his signature was just like some sort of scribble and Ben-Gurion said, don't you understand the importance, the historical importance of the document you're signing. I think your grandfather's signature actually is sort of legible, right?  Eran Peleg:   Yeah, you can read it. Mishy Harman:   I don't know if you sort of, when you were a boy, when you went up to the Declaration of Independence and sort of pointed to your grandfather's signature with pride or something.  Manya Brachear Pashman:   One of the women you interviewed said that her father or grandfather, I don't recall, but she remembers practicing and practicing the signature beforehand. It was an exciting, it was such an exciting moment. So going back to the organization, how did you organize the episodes? And how did you decide the sequence of how you would release the episodes? Mishy Harman:   So we decided not to follow the order in which they appear on the scroll. We did start with David Ben-Gurion. An episode in which his grandson who was really his, the closest person, I would say to him in the family, including his own children, talked about Ben-Gurion. And interestingly, Yariv Ben-Eliezer, Ben-Gurion's grandson, has quite radical views about Israel today. And he thinks of Israel as an apartheid state and says that his grandfather would be very, very upset, and that the whole dream sort of went down the drain.  So it was important to us in the next episode to present a pretty different view. So the next episode was the son of Zerach Warhaftig, who was one of the leaders of the Religious Zionist movement. And is a sort of mainstream right winger today. We do try to take into account, you know, gender. So even though there were only two female signatories, we obviously tried to interview as many women as we could who are descendants. Some sort of political variation, we also do try to have episodes have a theme, so whether it's economy or socialism, or tourism or you know, Yemenite Jewelry, or women's rights. So it's not just about the, about the signatory himself or herself, but also sort of about the things that were most important to that person. Manya Brachear Pashman:   I tried to as we were, as we were planning this and planning this episode, I tried my hand at tracking someone down from Israeli history and tracking down descendants. And I told your producer that it just made me even more impressed by the work that went into this project, because it was damn near impossible to find who I was looking for. Tell us how you tracked everyone down? Or are there some really good stories about how you connected the dots and landed the right, right person. Mishy Harman:   So all of the signatories of the Declaration of Independence are dead. The last one, who was the only one who was younger than your grandfather, Meir Vilner, died about 20 years ago. 14 of the 37 have children who are still alive. In fact, your grandfather, you were just telling me that all of his three daughters are still alive. So that was quite straightforward to find the children. When you start getting into grandchildren and great grandchildren, it becomes quite messy, there are 1000s of descendants. There were only three ultra orthodox Haredi signatories, but they have many, many descendants. And there becomes an interesting question of who you choose, right? Because depending on who you choose, you can tell a very, very different story. And we always tried to prefer people who knew their ancestor, and had firsthand experiences with them. But also to try and maybe we'll get into this a little bit later, but to try to demonstrate a variety of opinions today, too. So it is an interesting fact that the vast, and maybe maybe you'll talk about this, but it is an interesting fact that the vast majority of the descendants of the signatories of the declaration are in what you might call today, the sort of center and center left camp in in Israel, who are concerned about assaults on Israeli democracy. And in fact, the Declaration of Independence has, in recent months, become a rallying cry for the demonstrations. Suddenly the Declaration of Independence, you can't you can't escape it. It's everywhere. The municipality of Tel Aviv, hunger, massive replica, on the building. In demonstrations. There's sort of resigning of the Declaration of Independence, it's really, it's really become an icon, basically. And it was important for us to also show that there are descendants who think otherwise. And so for example, in episodes that haven't yet come out, their descendants who wonder why we even talk about Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, they say democracy is an important concept. It's some sort of Hellenistic fossil. It's not a Jewish value. We don't think that that should even be something that we aspire to. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Interesting. Interesting. Eran, how did you get the call that Israel Story was putting this together? Do you recall that day? Eran Peleg:   The truth is, I don't remember exactly. Because I've had numerous conversations with them. I think it was probably towards the end of last year at some point. And again, as Mishy said, it was before kind of all these events happened here in Israel. Very happy because I thought, you know, it's, as you say, now it's like the declaration is everywhere. Yeah, people talk about it all of a sudden people, you know, it's, we see it everywhere. But for many years, I mean, hasn't been much discussed, actually. So I was kind of saying, Ah, yeah, it was the 75th anniversary, the State of Israel is coming up. Some chance that we'll get something about it, but that wasn't expecting much. And I was quite happy, to have the opportunity to talk about the declaration, my grandfather, obviously. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Tell us a little bit about your own upbringing and what Moshe Kol was like as a grandfather. Eran Peleg:   Well, I was just telling Mishy, I mean, quite a small family. My grandfather Moshe or as we called him, Saba Misha, grandfather Misha. You know, he had three daughters. Elisa, Sari, who's my mother and Yehudit, who is the younger one. And altogether, you know, a bunch of grandchildren, seven grandchildren. But that's, that's pretty much it. And so we're a very close family. Every Friday night, for example, we would all gather at my grandparents house and have Shabbat dinner there that was like, you know, you had to be there was no discussion about it or negotiation. So even like, my friends always know that if we want to go out on Friday nights, always after dinner at Saba Misha and my grandmother Keta's house. So we spent a lot of time together. At the point when I was growing up already, my grandfather was obviously getting less involved with state affairs.  When I was seven years old, he kind of retired essentially, in 1977. So I had the opportunity to spend time with him actually, both here and also they took me abroad on a couple of trips with them. So it was very interesting. He was a very kind man, very interesting man.  I thought he was very smart. The Zionist project was kind of his life mission, if you like. So he was always talking in some way about it. He was always involved even after he retired he was involved in various different projects. Some of them had to do with coexistence within Israel, between Arabs and Jews, Druze, he was very involved with the Druze community, actually, he made good friends there. So even after his retirement, he continued to be active. And so I had the great privilege of kind of knowing him until I was 19 years old when he passed away. And really learned a lot from him. Manya Brachear Pashman:   When did you learn that he had signed the Declaration of Independence? Eran Peleg:   I don't remember exactly, frankly. And this is one of the interesting things is that I don't remember much discussion at home about the Declaration of Independence. And I think my mother and aunt as well, I don't think, I think they'll probably agree with that even at an earlier stage. And it's quite interesting that he never made a big deal about it, definitely. And I think that in a way, he, although obviously, in hindsight, it was, and maybe at the time, it was a big event, but to him it was I think, and look at here, I'm kind of interpreting, this is my perspective on it. I think to him, it was one necessary and important, obviously, but you know, one necessary step in the big project, and the big project was, you know, establishing and building the Jewish state, the state of Israel. But I don't think if you asked him probably what was the highlight of kind of what was the most important thing you did in your life? I'm not sure if he would have said signing the Declaration of Independence. For example, I think— Mishy Harman:   He would have said bringing over 100,000 kids from the Diaspora. Eran Peleg:   Exactly yeah, so he was head of youth Aliyah for 18 years after the Holocaust and after the establishment of the State of Israel. To him, I think that was his kind of big, the big thing he you know, he accomplished more than anything else, and he was even later a minister, a cabinet minister, and so he did you know, many other things, but I think that was probably to him, the highlight of his career, Zionist, you know, and the declaration was kind of, you know, one step, kind of  a necessary step, but just, you know, one step along the way. Manya Brachear Pashman:   So why was he invited to sign that day? Eran Peleg:   So, and maybe Mishy, who's more of a historian can, perhaps, can you shed more light on this? But what I know is that, you know, the signatories were invited, it was based on kind of a, it was a party basis, or there were different movements, as Mishy mentioned, within, you know, Zionism or wasn't specific Zionism, because it really, it was supposed to represent the people who were living here actually ex the non Jews, right?  Mishy Harman:   Though interestingly, there probably would have been non Jews who would have agreed to have been part of this effort, I mean, your grandfather was involved in, in the cause of Christian Arabs from the North, who were, who were removed from their villages, Iqrit and Biram and stuff like that. Those kinds of people were actually allies of the Zionist movement in those days. And it's, it's possible, although Druze leaders- Eran Peleg:   It's possible, although, I mean, it's difficult, I think, for us sitting here now to know, because we have to remember this was like, it was a very tense time and, you know, we just had the War of Independence, kind of breaking out and all that. So it's difficult to say, I think. So he was representative of one of the movements, one of the factions within the Zionist movement, he was part of the, what they called, at the time, the General Zionists, Tzionim Haklaliym. And I think he was one of six representatives, I think of the General Zionists. And already at the time, he was a prominent leader within, you know, the kind of centrist Zionism. He was very early on in his life, he was already head of the, what was called the Noar Hatzioni, the movement, the global leader of the Noar Hatzioni. From there, so he kind of knew, he attended several of the Zionist congressional,l the conferences along the years, he was already a member of the executive committee of the Jewish Agency at that point. So he already had a certain position or statue within the kind of Zionist Movement. And as one of the leaders of the General Zionist, he was invited to participate in Moetzet Ha'am, which were the signatories of the declaration. Manya Brachear Pashman:   You said, I'm sorry, the first thing you said, he was the global leader of, and I didn't quite hear what you said. Eran Peleg:   The Noar Hatzioni movement. Manya Brachear Pashman:  What is that?  Eran Peleg:   It was a youth movement. One of the, at time it still exists, actually. Interestingly, less so in Israel, actually. But in some countries in South America, I know it still exists. Today it's quite small, then it was a decent youth movement. That's actually how we met my grandmother. Because my grandmother was involved in the Noar Hatzioni in Belgium in Brussels. She was one of the heads of the Noar Hatzioni there, and and he has kind of part of his job as the Global Head, whatever of the movement, he was traveling and went to see all these different, all these different places. And that's how he ended up in Brussels where he met my grandmother. Manya Brachear Pashman:   You mentioned earlier that some of the descendants had evolved, drifted away from their ancestors, ideologies, political perspectives or philosophies. I'm curious, what your team found was it was did that account for most of the interviews that you did? Or a minority? I mean, did you find that in most of the interviews, the philosophies were kind of embedded in the family DNA? Mishy Harman:   It's interesting. Most people are quite similar to their fathers, grandfathers, uncles, mothers, and so on, so forth. But, and, of course, I mean, the important thing to remember is that we're talking in a completely different worlds now, right? If you think about Israeli society today, and you think about our chances of ever agreeing on a single document or a single vision of this state, that's you have to be crazy, basically, to think that that's possible.  I mean, we live in such a fragmented and fractured society today, that getting a group that is in some way representative of the country to agree on what this country actually is, what this project that we call Israel, really is, today seems almost unimaginable. And I think, honestly, that it was pretty unimaginable at the time too. I think that they had other things going for them that in the background that allowed them to reach this moment of agreement. Which, you know, there were, as Eran just said, that we were in the middle of a war and it was, seemed like an existential war, right. We were gonna live or die. This all came together very, very quickly. You know, people understood that this was this opportunity, the British Mandate was about to end, there was going to be a power vacuum, the Zionist movement had an opportunity to declare statehood, which was something that, you know, in the Jewish psyche, had been a dream for 2000 years, 1900 years.  And they weren't going to, there was some sense of sort of, I would say, communal responsibility, which, you know, there's this word in Hebrew that is difficult to translate, really, which is Mamlachtiut, it's really some sort of sense of, of being part of a larger state collective, that that wasn't going to allow them even if they disagreed with a specific phrasing or a specific idea to be the one saying, No, I'm going to I'm going to be the sole naysayer in this otherwise historic opportunity. And that's what got a lot of people on board, right. I mean, otherwise, how, and I know, they're all these stories about sort of vague phrasings whether they refer to God or don't refer to God or whether they can be interpreted in other ways, and so on and so forth. Today, we're a much more blunt society today. People would want things to be said very, very clearly. And we just unfortunately, and then I'd be interested to hear what you think. But I don't think that as a collective we share any clear understanding of what we can agree on. At least it doesn't seem that way today. Eran Peleg:   It's definitely, I agree. But I still remain optimistic, maybe it's my nature. But I do think that, you know, we've seen, you know, the huge amount we've achieved here in such a short period of time. And I do think that, you know, in some ways the values and political views are more clear now than they were back then. As you say, because of everything that was going on at the time, and they, and they were really occupied with kind of let's build this state more than anything else. You know, they put a lot of other things aside, frankly, it's not that they didn't have views about the economy about, you know, they had views about other other things about education, economy, it's just that they said, let's put this aside for now. And let's focus on the main project or the main mission.  And they hope to get to the other stuff. Well, they actually promised to put together a constitution, which I guess, but the truth is, it was, frankly, with historical perspective, I think it was very difficult because they were actually set a date. I think. They said that until the, you know, the declaration was signed in May. And they said by October 1st, something like that, I think it's a very short period of time after they already want to have a constitution. And I think that probably wasn't realistic.  Also because there was a war going on. And they were occupied with, you know, just existence, or survival. But also, because, you know, views were not, you know, really clear on many different issues, and they didn't have the opportunity to discuss them really yet. United States, for example, putting together a constitution, the Constitution came really only I think, like more than 150 years after people landed, with the Mayflower. So there was a long time where they were already living together. And also then, there was a very serious job around putting together the American Constitution here, they, they were trying to put it together a middle of a war and just wasn't realistic.  Mishy Harman:   I think that this is particularly interesting for American listeners, because 75 years is a long time, but it's also almost no time at all. And what we feel lucky about with this project is that we're able to still touch these people, who, before they sort of drift into the realm of becoming historical figures in in books and research papers and stuff like that, and we can, we can talk to two sons and daughters, who remember these people as real as real people. And I think, you know, that's unimaginable, obviously, in the American context. And we tend to, we tend to attribute so much importance to phrasings and to wordings, of these kinds of declarations of, and we forget that at the end of the day, these are people who are writing writing these words within within specific historical context and bringing themselves and you know, Moshe Kol, for example, is signing, signing his name on on this scroll of independence. You know, a few years, four years, I don't know, after, after his parents and sister are murdered in the Holocaust, and that was the story of many of the signatories. And as it was saying, it was in the middle of the war and 1% of the population was killed in this war. I mean, they're writing these words, both without sort of knowing what we know today that 75 years hence, Israel is going to be around and Israel is going to be this thriving country with a cantankerous democracy. It was, I think, in many ways, sort of a prayer or a wish, of what, of what this place could be. Many of them came from, you know, socialist backgrounds or from small villages and stuff like that, and suddenly found themselves here in this radically different environment than anything that they had known previously. And they were trying to imagine, well, what can we imagine a just society being? And another interesting thing is that, sort of patriotic symbols like the flag and like the Declaration of Independence, which for years had been essentially owned by the right in this country have in the last year. Eran Peleg:   Less so the Declaration. Mishy Harman:  The declaration was a little more in the right. But have been completely appropriated by the protest movement, right? I mean, if you go here to Kaplan on Saturday night, which I strongly recommend everyone to do, whether you agree with the protests, or not just because it's a really, it's an incredible, incredible sight for anyone who cares about democracy, to see what these protests are like. You'll see basically a sea of flags, of Israeli flag. So that's, for me, that's a fascinating development.  Manya Brachear Pashman:   But doesn't it belong to both? I mean– Eran Peleg:   I mean, it definitely does. But, you know, the flag was, you know, is always perceived as a bit kind of nationalistic kind of, has this kind of flavor to it. But yeah, but you're right, it obviously belongs to both. Manya Brachear Pashman:   They're just embracing it in different ways.  Mishy Harman:   One question that I would have to you about who things belong to is whether, sorry, I don't know if you– is whether being the grandson of one of the signatories of the Declaration of Independence, makes you feel different about your own ownership of this place? Whether it sort of casts a shadow of responsibility.  Eran Peleg:   I don't think I'm in a position of privilege or entitlement different from anyone else. I happen to be his grand, yeah, grand grandson. But, but what I think I do have, which maybe some other people don't, I do have, I think, a good sense of history, at least, kind of understanding where we've come from, you know, etc. And I think that's something that sometimes I see missing with other people, maybe that gives me a slightly different perspective on things. So, for example, I see, you know, because we're the generation that was already born into the state of Israel. For us, it was like a given that, right? Self-evident, it's given. And I see especially with people who, like us, some people. It does make me angry when some people might say, I don't like what's going on, I'm just gonna go elsewhere. And to me, like, that makes me angry. But I don't think it makes me angry. Because I'm the son of Moshe Kol, I think it makes me angry, because at least I have an understanding of, you know, what's been put into this project already.  And the efforts that have been made, and obviously, you know, people have given their lives as well, I mean, soldiers, for us to be where we are today as well. So, just kind of thinking that, Oh, you know, Israel will always be there for us, even if we go elsewhere, then we decide to come back, right. If we want, we can always come back. But no, that's not the case. Israel wasn't always here.  I mean, you have to understand that we have a very, very special situation or position where we have the State of Israel, it's such a valuable thing. We can't just give it up, you know, just like that, okay. And you can't just take it for granted that we'll be here or that it's here, that we'll be here when you decide one day to come back from wherever you're going.  Manya Brachear Pashman:   Maybe you don't feel that Israel belongs to you. But do you belong to Israel?  Eran Peleg:   Definitely. Yeah. It's definitely the case.  Manya Brachear Pashman:   Do you ever, and I actually, I address this question to both of you. Wouldn't it be great if we could make plans. But if you had complete control over the universe, and your future, do you foresee ever leaving Israel? Mishy Harman:   Eran? Eran Peleg:   Again, it's very difficult to know what the future holds. But I see Israel as my home, I've actually had the opportunity to go abroad and come back. And part of the decision to come back was because this is my home. And my home also consists of the fact that my family's here, obviously. So it's a family, family reasons as well. But also, definitely, also Zionism played a role in my decision. I've lived 12 years outside of Israel, but my assumption was always that I'm there for a limited period of time, and I'm going to come back at some point. And that's actually what happened. And so, to me, Israel is where it's place for me.  Mishy Harman:   So I don't totally know what the word Zionism really means. Today, and something I think about a lot. My grandparents, who were of the same generation of Eran's grandparents, and also very active in the Zionist movement and in building the state. So not quite the blue-bloodedness of signing the Declaration, but they met in the early 30s. They were both students, they were both British, and they met because my grandfather, who was later on Israel's ambassador to the US for many, many years and the president of the Hebrew University, he was the he was the head of the student of design a student union at Oxford, and they met at a debate in which he debated my grandmother who was the head of the anti Zionist Student Union at the London School of Economics and she was an anti Zionist not because she had any particular beef with the Zionist movement but because she was an internationalist and she didn't believe as many others in the in the years between the wars, but leave she did believed in the concept of nation states and, of course, then spent the remainder of her life in the service of this particular nation state. But she was a tremendous presence in my life, she lived to be almost 100 and lived across the street from us.  So I'll just share with you very quickly, one of the sort of formative memories of my life is that in 2006, she was already a very elderly woman in her mid 90s. She, we were and not totally with it all the time. At that point, we were watching television together and it was the Second Lebanon War. And she sort of perked up out of nowhere. And she said, Look what a strange thing we're talking about, there are hills to the north of here, that have vegetation, and have wildlife, and have flowers. And we've drawn a line in the middle of those hills. And we call one side of that line, Israel and the other side of that line Lebanon. And there are people living on both sides of that line. And what the TV is saying is that when Moti Cohen's life is destructed, or he's injured, because a Katyusha missile fell on his building, or something, we need to be deeply, deeply sad. And Ahmad Salman''s life is destructed because the Israeli Air Force bombed his village or something, no one's saying that we need to be happy, but we can basically be kind of indifferent.  And she said, I don't know Moti Cohen. And I don't know Ahmad Salaman, but I'm equally saddened by the hurt that both of them are feeling. And that was that statement that stayed with me and stays with me, till today.  So my connection to this place, I would say, is less from an idealistic point of Zionism, in sort of the classic sense of Jewish self determination. And more from the fact that I was born here, and I grew up here. And the park in which I played soccer, growing up still exists, and the streets, in which I, you know, walked hand in hand with my first girlfriend still exist, and my family are here, and my friends are here. And I like the food that I am accustomed to eating my entire life. And in some fundamental way, this is my home. So, you know, Madison, Wisconsin, or London are not my home in the same way. So that's what makes me want to be here and in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, try to make our country live up to the lofty and beautiful ideals that that set out to achieve. Manya Brachear Pashman:   That's beautiful, both of you. Both beautiful answers. Before we go, I do want to talk about, you've mentioned that a couple times, maybe the absence of God and democracy, those words from the declaration, and I'm just curious if you could both share your thoughts on: does that matter? And is it mattering today? If those words were embedded in the document, would anything be different today, possibly? Mishy Harman:   I think the absence of the word God was very intentional. And there's a lot of historical documentation about that. And I think the absence of the word democracy was less intentional in that. I mean, I don't want to bore you with a lot of technicalities. But democracy did appear in previous drafts of of the Declaration of Independence, and was ultimately taken out but not because I think that anyone had any sense that they wanted to be less…yeah, the the intent of Israel being a democracy, I think it's very clearly stated that Israel will come into existence based on the guidelines of the United Nations and the Partition Plan that called for the creation two democratic entities here.  I think the Declaration of Independence talks about equality and about freedom of religion and, and in all the main tenets of democracy. So, I think that the Declaration of Independence does, as a document does appeal to a wide variety of people even today. I think that you know, it would be more difficult Today to write a founding document, that in the current makeup of Israeli society that doesn't refer to God and doesn't refer more clearly to the divine. Eran Peleg:   But there is some implicit- God is implicity present. I think there's a- Mishy Harman:   Tzur yisrael (rock of Israel). Eran Peleg:   Exactly, right.  Mishy Harman:   Which was sort of a very famous kind of pie style compromise, of saying things and not saying them at the same time. Mishy Harman:   And maybe as the last thing to say, which opens up a whole other conversation with you, if you maybe want to invite us again, to the podcast, we can discuss, is that, you know, the Declaration of Independence set in place, a notion which I think to most signatories did not seem like a contradictory notion of a Jewish and democratic state. And I think we're grappling till this day with whether those terms are contradictory whether a democracy can be a Jewish state, whether a Jewish state can be a democracy, I think all of them signed the Declaration thinking that this was a possible outcome. And I don't think that they thought that these terms would come to clash in the ways that they have.  And I think till today, we're dealing with that legacy of this sort of impossibly simple and yet impossibly difficult coupling of terms, which we're now living in a moment in which we're trying to understand whether the signatories were right, whether this is a possibility. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Mishy, I hope you don't mind me asking you a personal question to close us out. And that is, I know you lost your father shortly before the debut of this series. It is dedicated in his memory. And you just shared a story about his mother, I believe that was your paternal grandmother. I'm curious as your team was having all of these conversations, you and your team were having these conversations with children and grandchildren, about the people they love their legacies, did that shape any of the conversations you had with your father in his final days, because you were working on it kind of simultaneously. Mishy Harman:   Sure. My father would have loved this series very much because it represented his Israel. It's also Eran's Israel, which is an optimistic Israel, which sees the good in people and the potential and the dream of this project that we began here. I think he would have been very interested, he knew many of these characters who we're talking about. I think he would have also been saddened to hear that a lot of them are dismayed by where things have gone. And I think he was as well. He was the greatest Zionist that I could imagine. And that he really believed. Zionism is a sort of catchphrase in which you can insert almost anything that you want into it. But I think his most fundamental belief, which he attributed to the heart of Zionism was a belief and the quality and a belief that people are people and the belief in education, and the belief in the spirit of the Jewish people. And in this really miraculous entity that we've created that allows us to ask these fundamental, difficult questions about our past. And for me, it's very, very meaningful to be able to dedicate this series to his memory. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Thank you so much to both of you for joining us. Thank you for the series. I encourage everyone here to listen to episodes of- Mishy Harman:   And the next episode that's coming out on Monday is about Moshe Kol.  Manya Brachear Pashman:   Oh, perfect timing. Wonderful. And thank you both for joining us.  Mishy Harman:   Thank you. Eran Peleg: Thank you very much. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Thank you, audience. Manya Brachear Pashman: To listen to Israel Story's special series on the Declaration of Independence or any other regular episode, you can subscribe to Israel Story wherever you get your podcasts. Just don't forget to also subscribe to People of the Pod and our award-winning series, The Forgotten Exodus. To learn more about Moshe Kol, here's a sneak peek of Israel Story's interview with  his daughter, Yehudit Kol Inbar, the former director of the Museums Division of Yad Vashem in Jerusalem. Excerpt from Israel Story - Episode 89 - Moshe Kol:  Yehudit Kol Inbar: He was eating grapefruit and he was crying, because for him it represented, ‘wow, we are in Israel and we have a grapefruit that we ourself grew it.' He was very proud and happy with the feeling that they're building a place for the Jewish people. Mishy Harman: That's Yehudit Kol Inbar, the daughter of Moshe Kolodny, who - for nineteen years - headed the Jewish Agency's Youth Immigration Division, and was responsible for bringing more than 100,000 unaccompanied minors to Israel from eighty-five different countries. Despite being among the founders of at least seven kibbutzim and five youth villages, and later on holding senior cabinet posts, he considered that immigration effort to be his greatest public achievement. It was, he once said, a project that had no equivalent in the annals of human history. Manya Brachear Pashman: To listen to the rest of the episode, head to the link in our show notes. Our thanks once again to host Mishy Harman and the staff at Israel Story for sharing these incredible stories with us at AJC Global Forum 2023 in Tel Aviv.   

We kick off our new series - a deep dive into Megillat Ha'Atzmaut, or the Declaration of Independence - with the man who needs no introduction: Israel's first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion.Stay connected with us on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and by signing up for our newsletter at israelstory.org/newsletter/. For more, head to our site or The Times of Israel. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Nearly 75 years ago, on May 14, 1948, David Ben-Gurion proclaimed Israel's sovereignty: a renewed Jewish state, the political expression of the national home of the Jewish people, located in their ancestral homeland. Many essays and books have been published about the words Ben-Gurion spoke that day—Israel's Declaration of Independence. But the professor Neil Rogachevsky and his co-author Dov Zigler take a new angle on the declaration and what it means. In a new book from Cambridge University Press, Israel's Declaration of Independence: The History and Political Theory of the Nation's Founding Moment, they look at the drafting process and distill from the elements that endured from draft to draft—as well as the elements that were changed or removed—a political theory of Israel's founding, in which the political purposes of the Israeli project are made most clearly manifest. How, in other words, did Israel's founders think about rights, about citizenship, about the justifications of Israel's sovereignty, an Israeli view of freedom, of civil order, and of religion? That's the subject of their new book—and the subject of the conversation they have here with Mosaic editor Jonathan Silver. Musical selections in this podcast are drawn from the Quintet for Clarinet and Strings, op. 31a, composed by Paul Ben-Haim and performed by the ARC Ensemble.

What were the major political and diplomatic issues that Israel's founders faced in 1948? How did they inform the writing of Israel's Declaration of Independence? What can Israel's Declaration teach us about natural and historic rights, the relationship of religion and state, and the meaning of national sovereignty? To discuss these questions, we are joined by Neil Rogachevsky, a scholar of Israel studies and political thought at Yeshiva University in New York and co-author, with Dov Zigler, of the forthcoming book: Israel's Declaration of Independence. Rogachevsky tells the riveting story of the composition of Israel's Declaration of Independence. Its first draft, he explains, was a collaboration between an American rabbi and a young Israeli lawyer, and produced a text that fundamentally drew upon America's Declaration of Independence, which blended natural rights and Jewish justifications for the Jewish state. Rogachevsky narrates the drama of the weeks and days leading up to the eve of independence on May 14, 1948, as the Declaration weaved its way through the bureaucracy of the state-to-be before landing on the desk of Israel's first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion. Ben-Gurion had to make monumental decisions about the character of the state and its relationship to the outside world. His choices, Rogachevsky argues, fundamentally shaped modern Israel—and offer lessons about democracy, rights, sovereignty, religion, and statecraft that resonate to this day.