Israeli politician who served as Prime Minister and then President of Israel (1923-2016)
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4 episodes with Shimon Peres
4 episodes with Shimon Peres
4 episodes with Shimon Peres
3 episodes with Shimon Peres
3 episodes with Shimon Peres
3 episodes with Shimon Peres
2 episodes with Shimon Peres
2 episodes with Shimon Peres
5 episodes with Shimon Peres
Since Oct. 7, 2023, many progressive Canadian Jews have found themselves increasingly unwelcome by mainstream community members and organizations. But instead of keeping quiet, they have, over the past nearly two years, created their own spaces to have open and honest dialogues about Israel-Palestine, and their own relationship to Judaism. Recently, hundreds of these progressive Jews gathered for a series of peace summits in Toronto and Montreal, with smaller gatherings in Ottawa, Winnipeg, London and Vancouver. These coincided with a larger peace conference in Jerusalem now underway May 8-9, called It's Time, helmed by Israeli and Palestinian peace activists, including the granddaughter of Shimon Peres. The Toronto summit was organized under the auspices of Toronto Friends of Standing Together, an Israeli charity working to bridge the divide between all peoples living in Israel, and more immediately to stop the cycle of grief and violence preventing a peaceful co-existence when the war ends for good. On today's episode of The CJN Daily, hear what happened when host Ellin Bessner visited the conference—what the speakers and attendees had to say. You'll hear from Jeff Carolin, a criminal lawyer and dispute mediator who, after Oct. 7, started hosting regular meetings for progressive Jews in his living room; and siblings Noam and Ido Citrin, a pair of university students who are building new connections and having difficult conversations in unexpected places. Related links Learn more about the It's Time peace summit in Jerusalem. Read how the Israeli NGO "Standing Together" has launched several chapters in Canada beginning in 2024, in The CJN. Listen to The CJN Daily interview with Yafa Sakkehja, a Canadian entrepreneur of Palestinian original, member of Standing Together Toronto, who organized the Canada Peace Summit on April 24. You can watch the recording of the Canada Peace Summit on YouTube. Credits Host and writer: Ellin Bessner (@ebessner) Production team: Zachary Kauffman (senior producer), Andrea Varsany (producer), Michael Fraiman (executive producer) Music: Dov Beck-Levine Support our show Subscribe to The CJN newsletter Donate to The CJN (+ get a charitable tax receipt) Subscribe to The CJN Daily (Not sure how? Click here)
Subscribe here to Ark Media's new podcast 'What's Your Number? - https://lnk.to/3AQhX5Watch Call me Back on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CallMeBackPodcastArk Media on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/arkmediaorgTo contact us, sign up for updates, and access transcripts, visit: https://arkmedia.org/Dan on X: https://x.com/dansenorDan on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dansenorToday we have a special announcement: Ark Media, which we created as a home for Call Me Back, is launching its second podcast: What's Your Number? - a weekly show focusing on Israel's economy through a global lens.Hosted by Michal Lev-Ram, an Israeli-born Silicon Valley-based tech journalist and contributing editor at Fortune, and Yonatan Adiri, an Israeli entrepreneur and former adviser to Shimon Peres, What's Your Number? unpacks the latest developments in the Israeli economy. The podcast debuts this Thursday, May 1. Watch the trailer and subscribe here: https://lnk.to/3AQhX5This episode of Call Me Back is something of a hybrid between our show and a preview for What's Your Number? It was our pleasure to sit down with our new hosts, Yonatan Adiri & Michal Lev-Ram, to discuss the historic transformation Israel has been undergoing since October 7th, 2023. Follow Michal on X: https://x.com/mlevramFollow Yonatan on X: https://x.com/yonatanadiriCREDITS:ILAN BENATAR - Producer & EditorMARTIN HUERGO - Sound EditorGABE SILVERSTEIN - ResearchYUVAL SEMO - Music Composer
Dr. Einat Wilf er en ledende tenker innen Israel, sionisme, utenrikspolitikk og utdanning. Hun var medlem av Israels parlament fra 2010 til 2013, hvor hun fungerte som leder av utdanningskomiteen og medlem av den innflytelsesrike utenriks- og forsvarskomiteen. Født og oppvokst i Israel, har Dr. Wilf tjenestegjort som etterretningsoffiser i Israels forsvarsstyrker, utenrikspolitisk rådgiver for visestatsminister Shimon Peres og strategisk konsulent hos McKinsey & Company. Dr. Wilf har en bachelorgrad fra Harvard, en MBA fra INSEAD i Frankrike og en doktorgrad i statsvitenskap fra University of Cambridge. Hun har også vært Goldman Visiting Professor ved Georgetown University. English info: Dr. Einat Wilf is a leading thinker on Israel, Zionism, foreign policy and education. She was a member of the Israeli Parliament from 2010 to 2013, where she served as Chair of the Education Committee and Member of the influential Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. Born and raised in Israel, Dr. Wilf served as an Intelligence Officer in the Israel Defense Forces, Foreign Policy Advisor to Vice Prime Minister Shimon Peres and a strategic consultant with McKinsey & Company. Dr. Wilf has a BA from Harvard, an MBA from INSEAD in France, and a PhD in Political Science from the University of Cambridge. She was the Goldman Visiting Professor at Georgetown University. ► BLI MEDLEM Fremover vil de som er støttemedlemmer få tilgang til episodene først. Da støtter du podcasten med det samme som prisen av en kaffe hver måned. Setter stor pris på om du blir støttemedlem. Tusen takk. ► VIPPS Om du ønsker å støtte arbeidet med denne podcasten, kan du bidra med et stort eller lite beløp, etter eget ønske. All støtte settes pris på, og du bidrar til arbeidet med å lage flere episoder. Bruk Vippsnummer: #823278 ► Du kan altså støtte podden ved å donere et beløp til: ➡ Vipps (lenke for mobil) eller bruk Vippsnummer: #823278 ➡ Eller bli MEDLEM og få tilgang til de nyeste episodene først. ► Omtale/rating: Legg gjerne igjen en omtale/rating på Spotify & Apple Podcasts. Det hjelper podcasten med å bli synlig for flere. ► Linker: Youtube | Nettside | TikTok | Instagram | Podimo | Facebook | Apple
Peter Golden is an award-winning journalist, novelist, and historian. His novels include Comeback Love, Wherever There Is Light, Nothing Is Forgotten , and Their Shadows Deep, just published, in which John F. Kennedy is a major character. During the course of his career, Mr. Golden has interviewed Presidents Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, and George H.W. Bush; Secretaries of State Henry Kissinger, Alexander Haig, George Shultz, and Lawrence Eagleburger; Israeli Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres, and Yitzhak Shamir; and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. He lives with his wife near Albany, New York. The KunstlerCast theme music is the beautiful Two Rivers Waltz written and performed by Larry Unger
Today is a new day and a new year to receive new dreams for your life. This is a year for dreaming the dreams of God and for seeing the dreams of God fulfilled. Dreams are amazingly powerful. Martin Luther King's dream of racial de-segregation helped change America and many other nations, like South Africa. The Jewish dream of becoming a nation again after 2000 years became a reality in 1948. Shimon Peres, a famous former Prime Minister and President of Israel in his book called ‘No room for small dreams' quoted his mentor David Ben Gurion, who often said: ‘in Israel in order to be a realist, you must believe in miracles.' At the end of his long life, just before he died, Shimon Peres wrote these words: ‘I don't regret any of my dreams. My only regret is not having dreamed more.' Dreams help us see how impossibilities can become realities. Dreams and visions are very biblical. God showed Abraham a vast vision of the future (Genesis 15:5-6). God showed a teenager called Joseph that he would one day become a very powerful ruler. His brothers called him ‘that dreamer' and one day they all saw the amazing fulfilment of Joseph's dreams (Genesis 37-50). The Hebrew prophets had dreams of a godly world, the kingdom of God, where justice would ‘roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream' (Amos 5:24). ‘Dreams and visions are the language of the Holy Spirit,' wrote David Yonggi Cho who visualised that one day he would become the pastor of the world's biggest church. Cesar Castellanos, the senior pastor of MCI Bogota, wrote a book called ‘Dream and you will win the world.' The founder of this church, Billy Richards, an ex-Welsh coalminer who had no money and no human support, came to Slough with a dream to establish a strong gospel church to touch the world. Pastor Wes has for decades has continued with a dream to develop a strong multi-ethnic church of great disciples and leaders that will be a light to nations and generations. Today, dream for yourself, your family, your church and for God's plans for nations and generations. 1. Receive God's dreams (Genesis 12:2-3; 2 Peter 1:4; Jeremiah 29:11) 2. Write down God's dreams (Habakkuk 2:2; Jeremiah 30:2-3; Revelation 1:19) 3. Persevere to receive God's dreams (Hebrews 10:36; Genesis 12:4-5; James 2:17; Romans 4:18-21; Hebrews 6:15) Apply 1. Receive God's dreams. Not all dreams are from God. Dreams can be very selfish or even demonic. For example, Hitler had terrible dreams to destroy the Jewish people. In the musical ‘Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Dreamcoat' there is a song that says, ‘any dream will do.' Well, that's not true and may even be dangerous. For the best dreams you must have the dreams of God based on His Word, the Bible. Abraham first received a word from God (Genesis 12:2-3). There is always a word from God for you (2 Peter 1:4). God has dreams for you personally. Just as God had great plans for the young Joseph and the older Abraham so God has plans for you. You matter to God. You are not a nothing or a nobody. God rates you. God knows about you (Jeremiah 29:11). God loves each one of us more than we realise and wants to bless us and make us a blessing to others. You can succeed in your life, in your studies, in your career and ministry. You can be more than you think you can be. God has dreams for your family. God is well able to create and re-create families. He can bring families together who have drifted apart. He can bring peace where there were only rows. He can change your hearts so that you all get on together and your home becomes like heaven instead of hell. God has dreams for your leadership. You can be a great leader in the community, in business, in politics, in your chosen career and in the church. The church is one of the greatest training grounds for leadership in any walk of life. If you can lead in the church, you can lead anyone anywhere. When Jesus trained 12 young disciples it was because He had a dream that their lives would one day impact billions of people with the message of His love and righteousness. So, at the start of this year and every day, you must receive God's dreams by reading and studying on His Word. And from the Bible, the Holy Spirit will show you special verses for every part of your life. 2. Write down God's dreams (Habakkuk 2:2). When you write out the dreams and visions God gives, you will be able to remember the vision and keep running with these goals in mind. How often do we forget things simply because we don't write them down? In different places in the Bible, we read of the importance of writing down what God has said (Jeremiah 30:2-3; Revelation 1:19). Keeping a journal of what God speaks to you from the Bible in your devotionals is very important, and so is writing down dreams and goals for a year. Write down your dreams, make your poster or your dream book and paste photos or images. You also could do this on your laptop. Write out your dreams under five main headings: my dreams with God, my personal dreams, my dreams for my family, my dreams in ministry (for example starting or growing a group) and my dreams for my world (education, career, finances). 3. Persevere to receive God's dreams. You need to persevere so that when you have done the will of God, you will receive what was promised (Hebrews 10:36). This means that you must take action to move towards your dream. You can't just wait for God to do everything; there are some things we must do. Abram did something in response to God's word (Genesis 12:4-5). Abraham had to leave his country and people and father's household to receive God's promises of blessings that had no limit. Faith by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead (James 2:17). Hold on to your dream (Romans 4:18-21). Naturally there was no hope for Abraham to receive his dream, but he refused to stop believing God's promise to him. He didn't waver in his faith. So too you must never give up on your dream. Be determined not to lose your dream because things are taking longer than you wanted. Sometimes you must be very patient for some dreams to happen. But God has His perfect time to fulfil His promise. Never stop believing and working towards your dream. You must stick with your dreams. You must hold your ground when you feel like giving up. You must pray on for your kids, your parents, your partner. And in this way, you will receive the promised dream. This finally happened to Abraham in old age (Hebrews 6:15). Joseph saw how much God blessed him personally. God brought him to a great position of leadership. God gave him great provision. Joseph saw how God blessed his family. He was reconciled with his brothers who had betrayed him. He saw his dad again after many years and wept all over him. Joseph saw how God used him to be a blessing to multitudes who faced starvation. Today be sure that God intends for His every dream for your life to come to pass. Never dream too little and never give up on your dreams.
Today is a new day and a new year to receive new dreams for your life. This is a year for dreaming the dreams of God and for seeing the dreams of God fulfilled. Dreams are amazingly powerful. Martin Luther King's dream of racial de-segregation helped change America and many other nations, like South Africa. The Jewish dream of becoming a nation again after 2000 years became a reality in 1948. Shimon Peres, a famous former Prime Minister and President of Israel in his book called ‘No room for small dreams' quoted his mentor David Ben Gurion, who often said: ‘in Israel in order to be a realist, you must believe in miracles.' At the end of his long life, just before he died, Shimon Peres wrote these words: ‘I don't regret any of my dreams. My only regret is not having dreamed more.' Dreams help us see how impossibilities can become realities. Dreams and visions are very biblical. God showed Abraham a vast vision of the future (Genesis 15:5-6). God showed a teenager called Joseph that he would one day become a very powerful ruler. His brothers called him ‘that dreamer' and one day they all saw the amazing fulfilment of Joseph's dreams (Genesis 37-50). The Hebrew prophets had dreams of a godly world, the kingdom of God, where justice would ‘roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream' (Amos 5:24). ‘Dreams and visions are the language of the Holy Spirit,' wrote David Yonggi Cho who visualised that one day he would become the pastor of the world's biggest church. Cesar Castellanos, the senior pastor of MCI Bogota, wrote a book called ‘Dream and you will win the world.' The founder of this church, Billy Richards, an ex-Welsh coalminer who had no money and no human support, came to Slough with a dream to establish a strong gospel church to touch the world. Pastor Wes has for decades has continued with a dream to develop a strong multi-ethnic church of great disciples and leaders that will be a light to nations and generations. Today, dream for yourself, your family, your church and for God's plans for nations and generations. 1. Receive God's dreams (Genesis 12:2-3; 2 Peter 1:4; Jeremiah 29:11) 2. Write down God's dreams (Habakkuk 2:2; Jeremiah 30:2-3; Revelation 1:19) 3. Persevere to receive God's dreams (Hebrews 10:36; Genesis 12:4-5; James 2:17; Romans 4:18-21; Hebrews 6:15) Apply 1. Receive God's dreams. Not all dreams are from God. Dreams can be very selfish or even demonic. For example, Hitler had terrible dreams to destroy the Jewish people. In the musical ‘Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Dreamcoat' there is a song that says, ‘any dream will do.' Well, that's not true and may even be dangerous. For the best dreams you must have the dreams of God based on His Word, the Bible. Abraham first received a word from God (Genesis 12:2-3). There is always a word from God for you (2 Peter 1:4). God has dreams for you personally. Just as God had great plans for the young Joseph and the older Abraham so God has plans for you. You matter to God. You are not a nothing or a nobody. God rates you. God knows about you (Jeremiah 29:11). God loves each one of us more than we realise and wants to bless us and make us a blessing to others. You can succeed in your life, in your studies, in your career and ministry. You can be more than you think you can be. God has dreams for your family. God is well able to create and re-create families. He can bring families together who have drifted apart. He can bring peace where there were only rows. He can change your hearts so that you all get on together and your home becomes like heaven instead of hell. God has dreams for your leadership. You can be a great leader in the community, in business, in politics, in your chosen career and in the church. The church is one of the greatest training grounds for leadership in any walk of life. If you can lead in the church, you can lead anyone anywhere. When Jesus trained 12 young disciples it was because He had a dream that their lives would one day impact billions of people with the message of His love and righteousness. So, at the start of this year and every day, you must receive God's dreams by reading and studying on His Word. And from the Bible, the Holy Spirit will show you special verses for every part of your life. 2. Write down God's dreams (Habakkuk 2:2). When you write out the dreams and visions God gives, you will be able to remember the vision and keep running with these goals in mind. How often do we forget things simply because we don't write them down? In different places in the Bible, we read of the importance of writing down what God has said (Jeremiah 30:2-3; Revelation 1:19). Keeping a journal of what God speaks to you from the Bible in your devotionals is very important, and so is writing down dreams and goals for a year. Write down your dreams, make your poster or your dream book and paste photos or images. You also could do this on your laptop. Write out your dreams under five main headings: my dreams with God, my personal dreams, my dreams for my family, my dreams in ministry (for example starting or growing a group) and my dreams for my world (education, career, finances). 3. Persevere to receive God's dreams. You need to persevere so that when you have done the will of God, you will receive what was promised (Hebrews 10:36). This means that you must take action to move towards your dream. You can't just wait for God to do everything; there are some things we must do. Abram did something in response to God's word (Genesis 12:4-5). Abraham had to leave his country and people and father's household to receive God's promises of blessings that had no limit. Faith by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead (James 2:17). Hold on to your dream (Romans 4:18-21). Naturally there was no hope for Abraham to receive his dream, but he refused to stop believing God's promise to him. He didn't waver in his faith. So too you must never give up on your dream. Be determined not to lose your dream because things are taking longer than you wanted. Sometimes you must be very patient for some dreams to happen. But God has His perfect time to fulfil His promise. Never stop believing and working towards your dream. You must stick with your dreams. You must hold your ground when you feel like giving up. You must pray on for your kids, your parents, your partner. And in this way, you will receive the promised dream. This finally happened to Abraham in old age (Hebrews 6:15). Joseph saw how much God blessed him personally. God brought him to a great position of leadership. God gave him great provision. Joseph saw how God blessed his family. He was reconciled with his brothers who had betrayed him. He saw his dad again after many years and wept all over him. Joseph saw how God used him to be a blessing to multitudes who faced starvation. Today be sure that God intends for His every dream for your life to come to pass. Never dream too little and never give up on your dreams.
HOUSEKEEPING NOTE:The Jewish Food Society is a nonprofit whose mission is to preserve and celebrate Jewish culinary heritage in order to deepen connections to Jewish life. As part of their annual fundraising drive, the Jewish Food Society is holding an auction to support their work. To place a bid on any of the items up for auction (including a lunch with Dan Senor), visit: https://givebutter.com/c/JFSFallAuction/auctionTo learn more about the work of the Jewish Food Society, visit: https://www.jewishfoodsociety.orgTODAY'S EPISODE:Over the past week, we have been monitoring developments in Syria, where there has been a significant escalation in its on-again, off-again, and now on-again civil war. Rebel forces, led by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, launched a surprise offensive, swiftly capturing key areas in northwestern Syria, including 13 villages and the strategic towns of Urm Al-Sughra and Anjara. Two days later, the rebels had breached Aleppo, Syria's second-largest city, marking their most substantial advance in years. In response, Syrian government forces, supported by Russian airstrikes and Iran-backed militias, initiated counterattacks to halt the insurgents' progress. The intensified conflict has resulted in significant casualties and displacement.What does this tell us about major power shifts taking place in the region? Is it part of larger tectonic shifts taking place globally? And what does this mean for Israel?To help us understand, our guest is Yonatan Adiri. Yonatan Adiri is a leading Israeli digital healthcare entrepreneur, and was formerly the Chief Technology Advisor and a senior diplomatic advisor to the late Israeli president, Shimon Peres. He is the founder of Healthy.io, a digital healthcare startup, which he has been building for the last decade, and is now returning to public service. Earlier in his career, Yonatan worked as an officer in the IDF Strategic Command - including when President Obama issued his “red line” in the summer of 2012 against the regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria. To learn more about Yonatan's startup, Healthy.io: https://healthy.io/
To conclude our trilogy of interviews with prominent tech journalists to celebrate the upcoming twentieth anniversary of the DLD Conference, today's interview is with David Kirkpatrick, author of The Facebook Effect and founder of Techonomy Media. In contrast with Steven Levy and John Markoff, whose attitude toward Silicon Valley doesn't seem have dramatically changed, Kirkpatrick's thinking has undergone quite a radical shift over the last twenty years. As he acknowledges, he's been transformed from a Facebook believer into one of its most acute critics. And, in contrast with Levy and Markoff, Kirkpatrick's intellectual attention has also broadened, shifting from the internet to focusing on technological fixes for global warming.David Kirkpatrick is a longtime technology and business journalist, author and media entrepreneur, known for his work connecting technology developments to societal impact and progress. He is an expert on internet companies and social media, and is now focusing especially on climate tech and the climate economy. He is also known for moderating on-stage conversations with tech leaders. Kirkpatrick's bestselling 2010 book, The Facebook Effect: The Inside Story of the Company that is Connecting the World, was published in 32 languages, including Catalan and Vietnamese. It was a finalist for the Financial Times/Goldman Sachs Business Book of the Year as well as the Gerald Loeb Award. In subsequent years, he has written extensively about the growing societal harms caused by Facebook/Meta and social media broadly. His articles include 2018's Facing Facebook's Failure for Techonomy, and earlier that same year, The Facebook Defect, in Time Magazine. In December 2023 he published Vinod Khosla Can See the Future: It Just Got Hazy for a Minute in The Information. Kirkpatrick founded and for 12 years led Techonomy Media, which hosted conferences on technology, innovation, business, and their connection to social progress. Techonomy's mission was to highlight ways technology could improve society and human lives. Among his numerous onstage interviews there were Mark Zuckerberg, Marc Benioff, John Chambers, Commerce Sec. Penny Pritzker, economist Jeffrey Sachs, Patrick Collison, DARPA Chief Arati Prabhakar, Sen. Cory Booker, Nandan Nilekani, and Sean Parker. He also has served as a moderator at Burda Media's DLD conference for 19 years, interviewing a wide range of leaders including Mark Zuckerberg. Kirkpatrick worked for Time Inc. for 30 years, mostly at Fortune Magazine, where he was for many years senior editor for internet and technology. Many years earlier, while serving as a copy clerk at Life Magazine, he served as unit chairperson of The Newspaper Guild at Time Inc. He founded and hosted Fortune's Brainstorm conference series beginning in 2001 and for six years wrote its Fast Forward column. At Brainstorm he hosted and interviewed Pres. Bill Clinton, Israeli Pres. Shimon Peres, Senator John McCain, and numerous technology and business CEOs. He was a formal participant and moderator at the World Economic Forum in Davos for 21 years, and for 13 years was a member of the Forum's International Media Council, consisting of 100 top global media leaders. He also served for many years as a contributing editor at Bloomberg Television. He is a recipient of the 2012 Silicon Valley Visionary Award, awarded alongside Elon Musk, Jim Breyer, and Sal Khan. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.Named as one of the "100 most connected men" by GQ magazine, Andrew Keen is amongst the world's best known broadcasters and commentators. In addition to presenting KEEN ON, he is the host of the long-running How To Fix Democracy show. He is also the author of four prescient books about digital technology: CULT OF THE AMATEUR, DIGITAL VERTIGO, THE INTERNET IS NOT THE ANSWER and HOW TO FIX THE FUTURE. Andrew lives in San Francisco, is married to Cassandra Knight, Google's VP of Litigation & Discovery, and has two grown children.Keen On is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe
Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak's association with Jeffrey Epstein has been a subject of scrutiny and criticism. Barak met Epstein in 2003 through Shimon Peres and maintained a relationship with him over the years. Between 2013 and 2017, Barak visited Epstein approximately 30 times at his residences in Florida and New York, and in 2014, he flew with Epstein on his private jet from Palm Beach to Tampa. In 2015, Barak entered into a business partnership with Epstein, investing in the Israeli startup Carbyne, a company connected to Israel's defense industry.Critics have questioned Barak's judgment in maintaining ties with Epstein, especially after Epstein's 2008 conviction for soliciting a minor for prostitution. Barak has defended his interactions, stating he never participated in any parties or gatherings with women or underage girls in Epstein's presence. Despite these assertions, the extent and nature of their relationship continue to attract public and media attention, raising concerns about the implications of such associations.We begin the conversation about Ehud Barak and his relationship with Epstein.Commercial at 16:33)To contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comSource:https://www.thedailybeast.com/israels-ehud-barak-i-visited-epsteins-island-but-never-met-any-girlsBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.
Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak's association with Jeffrey Epstein has been a subject of scrutiny and criticism. Barak met Epstein in 2003 through Shimon Peres and maintained a relationship with him over the years. Between 2013 and 2017, Barak visited Epstein approximately 30 times at his residences in Florida and New York, and in 2014, he flew with Epstein on his private jet from Palm Beach to Tampa. In 2015, Barak entered into a business partnership with Epstein, investing in the Israeli startup Carbyne, a company connected to Israel's defense industry.Critics have questioned Barak's judgment in maintaining ties with Epstein, especially after Epstein's 2008 conviction for soliciting a minor for prostitution. Barak has defended his interactions, stating he never participated in any parties or gatherings with women or underage girls in Epstein's presence. Despite these assertions, the extent and nature of their relationship continue to attract public and media attention, raising concerns about the implications of such associations.We begin the conversation about Ehud Barak and his relationship with Epstein.Commercial at 16:33)To contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comSource:https://www.thedailybeast.com/israels-ehud-barak-i-visited-epsteins-island-but-never-met-any-girlsBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.
Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak's association with Jeffrey Epstein has been a subject of scrutiny and criticism. Barak met Epstein in 2003 through Shimon Peres and maintained a relationship with him over the years. Between 2013 and 2017, Barak visited Epstein approximately 30 times at his residences in Florida and New York, and in 2014, he flew with Epstein on his private jet from Palm Beach to Tampa. In 2015, Barak entered into a business partnership with Epstein, investing in the Israeli startup Carbyne, a company connected to Israel's defense industry.Critics have questioned Barak's judgment in maintaining ties with Epstein, especially after Epstein's 2008 conviction for soliciting a minor for prostitution. Barak has defended his interactions, stating he never participated in any parties or gatherings with women or underage girls in Epstein's presence. Despite these assertions, the extent and nature of their relationship continue to attract public and media attention, raising concerns about the implications of such associations.We begin the conversation about Ehud Barak and his relationship with Epstein.Commercial at 16:33)To contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comSource:https://www.thedailybeast.com/israels-ehud-barak-i-visited-epsteins-island-but-never-met-any-girlsWe wrap up the conversation about Ehud Barak and his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein.(Commercial at 12:08)To contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comSource;https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/sealed-depositions-involving-jeffrey-epstein-name-ehud-barak-as-offender-632589Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.
Today, we're joined by Ruth Wasserman Lande, a former Knesset member and advisor to President Shimon Peres. Ruth helps us uncover the chilling events of October 7, when Hamas unleashed unimaginable violence on Israeli civilians. Ruth shares firsthand accounts of brutal rapes, murders, and an overarching sense of fear. She discusses the intense internal Israeli political debates about how to handle the hostage crisis and the incredible complexity of negotiating with groups like Hamas. We also dive into the broader geopolitical implications, focusing on Iran's influence in Gaza and beyond and how it fuels the ongoing conflict. Ruth's insights bring the resilience of the Israeli people to the forefront, highlighting the urgent need for global support and prayer. Join us for a gripping discussion on the harsh realities Israel faces and the enduring hope that persists. (00:02) October 7th impacted all Israelis deeply and broadly. (04:52) Israel's narrow region borders Palestinian authority—October 7th crisis. (09:26) Thousands of Hamas rockets targeted Israeli civilians. (10:39) Israelis' shelters are ineffective against the surprising Hamas attack. (16:39) Joel Rosenberg discusses Psalm 83 on the podcast. (18:30) The Psalmist describes ancient enemies. Pray for hostages. (23:36) Indoctrinated civilians commit horrific crimes against non-Muslims. (26:43) Screen footage for evangelical leaders; discuss hostages. (30:39) Transcends politics, lacks sufficient information on the situation. (34:52) Iran supports radical groups in Gaza West Bank. (37:19) Iran's influence extends to in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. (40:28) Simultaneous attacks to weaken Israel and pursue WMDs. (44:34) They hide weapons; humanity must confront Hamas. (46:51) Sympathetic to both sides; deal not ready. (49:04) Gratitude for supporting Israel-evangelical relationships. Learn more about The Joshua Fund. Make a tax-deductible donation. The Joshua Fund Stock provided by DimmySad/Pond5 Verse of the Day: Psalm 83:1 - O God, do not keep silence; do not hold your peace or be still, O God! Prayer Pray for all of the 101 hostages to be released and for God to supernaturally bring healing and comfort to the hostages themselves, their families and their friends, and all who've been traumatized in Israel. Related Episodes: Special Episode - The Impact of Nasrallah's Death on Israel and Middle East StabilityIsrael Awaits Crucial Reply on Hamas Hostage Deal #217Israeli Intelligence or Hand of God? #214Rising Tensions and Targeted Assassinations #203 Discover more Christian podcasts at lifeaudio.com and inquire about advertising opportunities at lifeaudio.com/contact-us.
Vincent Lemire, historien spécialiste de Jérusalem est le directeur du centre de recherche français à Jérusalem, maître de conférences et spécialiste des conflits du Proche-Orient.Il est l'auteur de très nombreux ouvrages, dernièrement de la bande dessinée à succès "Jérusalem" mais il a également participé au podcast de France Inter "Israël Palestine : anatomie d'un conflit" et est l'auteur du livre éponyme.Vincent a consacré l'ensemble de sa carrière à étudier cette région du monde, avec un regard attentif sur les dynamiques historiques, religieuses et géopolitiques qui la traversent. Ensemble, nous avons pris le temps de décrypter un sujet complexe, sensible et souvent mal compris : le conflit israélo-palestinien.Aucun sujet ne devrait être tabou mais il est important de les traiter avec neutralité et s'attachant aux faits et aux lois. C'est exactement ce que l'on fait avec Vincent.Cet épisode est le plus long jamais réalisé sur Vlan, il est donc séparé en 2 parties. Dans cet épisode, nous parlons de l'émergence du sionisme, un mouvement politique et national né à la fin du 19ème siècle en Europe. C'est Theodor Herzl, marqué par l'antisémitisme européen, et notamment par l'affaire Dreyfus en France, qui a formulé l'idée d'un refuge pour les Juifs dans un contexte de montée des persécutions. J'ai questionné Vincent sur la manière dont ce projet sioniste s'est structuré et les différentes options qui ont été envisagées avant que la Palestine ne devienne la destination privilégiée pour la création d'un foyer national juif. Ce point de départ est crucial pour comprendre les tensions qui s'en suivront.Nous avons aussi exploré la cohabitation entre Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens dans la Palestine ottomane à la fin du 19ème siècle. Contrairement à ce que l'on pourrait imaginer, les relations entre ces communautés étaient relativement harmonieuses à l'époque, notamment à Jérusalem, où la municipalité était mixte, avec des représentants de chaque communauté. Vincent explique comment ce fragile équilibre a été bouleversé par la montée des nationalismes à partir du début du 20ème siècle.Le conflit a véritablement pris forme après la Première Guerre mondiale, lorsque les puissances coloniales ont pris le contrôle de la région. Nous avons discuté de la guerre de 1948, un tournant décisif, et des raisons pour lesquelles les Palestiniens ont rejeté le plan de partage proposé par l'ONU. Vincent offre un éclairage précieux sur cette période, où 80% de la population en Palestine était arabe, mais où le projet sioniste prenait de plus en plus de poids, soutenu par une volonté de créer un État juif indépendant.La guerre des Six Jours en 1967, un autre moment clé, a conduit à l'occupation de la Cisjordanie, de Gaza, du Golan et du Sinaï par Israël. Cet épisode a profondément redessiné les frontières de la région, transformant le conflit israélo-palestinien en une lutte pour la restitution des territoires. Nous avons discuté de la façon dont cette occupation perdure encore aujourd'hui et comment elle continue d'alimenter les tensions.Enfin, nous avons abordé les tentatives de paix, notamment les accords d'Oslo dans les années 1990, qui avaient suscité beaucoup d'espoir mais qui, malheureusement, ont échoué à apporter une solution durable.J'ai interrogé Vincent sur les raisons de cet échec, en particulier le pari fait par Yasser Arafat, qui a reconnu l'existence d'Israël en échange d'un espoir de restitution de 22% du territoire pour un État palestinien. A cette occasion, il recevra le prix Nobel de la Paix conjointement avec Yitzhak Rabin et Shimon Peres.Malheureusement, cet espoir n'a jamais été concrétisé.Cet épisode est une véritable plongée dans l'histoire et les enjeux contemporains du conflit israélo-palestinien. Nous tentons de prendre du recul pour mieux comprendre les racines profondes de cette confrontation, les dynamiques religieuses et nationales, ainsi que le rôle des grandes puissances dans la région. C'est une invitation à aller au-delà des raccourcis et des idées préconçues pour saisir la complexité d'un conflit qui continue de modeler l'actualité internationale.Une partie des questions que l'on traite avec Vincent :À partir de quel moment historique est-il pertinent de remonter pour comprendre le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Comment le projet sioniste a-t-il émergé à la fin du 19ème siècle et quelle a été son influence sur les relations internationales ?Quelles ont été les motivations derrière la déclaration de Balfour en 1917 et comment a-t-elle changé le cours du conflit ?Quelles étaient les dynamiques religieuses et sociales entre Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens dans la Palestine ottomane avant le début des tensions nationalistes ?Pourquoi les Palestiniens ont-ils refusé le plan de partage de l'ONU en 1947 ?Quels ont été les impacts des guerres de 1948 et de 1967 sur les frontières actuelles de la région ?En quoi la guerre des Six Jours de 1967 a-t-elle marqué un tournant décisif dans le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Comment l'occupation israélienne de la Cisjordanie et de Gaza s'est-elle mise en place, et pourquoi persiste-t-elle encore aujourd'hui ?Quelles étaient les principales divergences entre les mouvements sionistes révisionnistes et les mouvements sionistes plus modérés ?Pourquoi les accords d'Oslo ont-ils échoué à résoudre le conflit et quels étaient les enjeux stratégiques pour les deux parties ?Quel rôle a joué la diaspora palestinienne dans le soutien international à la cause palestinienne ?Comment les puissances coloniales, comme la France et le Royaume-Uni, ont-elles influencé les premiers accords autour de la Palestine ?Quel est l'impact de la montée des mouvements religieux en Israël et en Palestine sur les négociations politiques ?En quoi le processus de paix est-il entravé par la politique des colonies israéliennes en Cisjordanie ?Pourquoi les frontières définies après la guerre de 1948 n'ont-elles pas suffi à stabiliser la région ?Quel rôle jouent les grandes puissances, comme les États-Unis et la Russie, dans la dynamique du conflit actuel ?Comment la guerre en Ukraine a-t-elle influencé la perception du conflit israélo-palestinien sur la scène internationale ?En quoi les accords récents, comme ceux d'Abraham, impactent-ils le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Quels sont les principaux points de blocage dans les négociations actuelles entre Israël et l'Autorité palestinienne ?Comment l'évolution des mouvements politiques en Israël, comme la montée de l'extrême droite, a-t-elle influencé la gestion du conflit ?Quelle est la position de l'Union Européenne sur les colonies israéliennes et l'occupation des territoires ?Pourquoi les résolutions de l'ONU n'ont-elles pas abouti à une solution durable ?En quoi la guerre des Yom Kippour en 1973 a-t-elle modifié la géopolitique régionale ?Comment la question des réfugiés palestiniens influence-t-elle encore aujourd'hui le processus de paix ?Quel rôle les organisations non-gouvernementales jouent-elles dans la médiation du conflit ?Timestamps : 02:00 - Les origines du sionisme : Émergence du projet sioniste en Europe à la fin du 19ème siècle en réponse à l'antisémitisme.07:00 - La cohabitation à Jérusalem avant 1908 : Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens vivaient en harmonie dans la Palestine ottomane.12:30 - L'influence de la déclaration de Balfour (1917) : Promesse britannique de soutien à la création d'un foyer national juif.18:45 - La guerre de 1948 et le plan de partage de l'ONU : Analyse des raisons pour lesquelles les Palestiniens ont refusé le plan proposé.23:00 - La montée des tensions dans les années 1920 : La formation des milices juives et les premières confrontations.28:40 - L'impact de la guerre des Six Jours (1967) : Transformation des frontières et occupation des territoires palestiniens.35:00 - La question des réfugiés palestiniens : Les conséquences de l'expulsion de milliers de Palestiniens après 1948.40:15 - Pourquoi les accords d'Oslo ont échoué : Discussion sur les espoirs et les déceptions des négociations des années 1990.45:30 - La montée de l'extrême droite en Israël : Impact des partis religieux et nationalistes sur la politique israélienne.50:10 - Le rôle des colonies israéliennes : Comment la politique de colonisation en Cisjordanie complique le processus de paix.55:45 - Le rôle des grandes puissances : L'implication des États-Unis, de la Russie et de l'Union Européenne dans la gestion du conflit.1:01:00 - La perspective palestinienne aujourd'hui : Comment les Palestiniens perçoivent leur situation face à l'occupation israélienne.1:05:00 - Le rôle des médias et des réseaux sociaux : Leur impact sur la perception internationale du conflit.1:10:00 - Les accords d'Abraham : Quels impacts ont eu ces accords récents sur la dynamique du conflit israélo-palestinien ?1:12:30 - Perspectives d'avenir : Quelles solutions sont envisageables pour un futur plus apaisé dans la région ? Suggestion d'autres épisodes à écouter : #312 Les défis géopolitiques d'un monde hors de contrôle avec Thomas Gomart (https://audmns.com/jscnrns) #175 Comprendre le dessous des guerres invisibles mondiales avec Thomas Gomart (https://audmns.com/DDPnQDW) #166 Comprendre le phénomène des génocides pour les éviter avec Jacques Fredj (https://audmns.com/ftstCEN)
Vincent Lemire, historien spécialiste de Jérusalem est le directeur du centre de recherche français à Jérusalem, maître de conférences et spécialiste des conflits du Proche-Orient.Il est l'auteur de très nombreux ouvrages, dernièrement de la bande dessinée à succès "Jérusalem" mais il a également participé au podcast de France Inter "Israël Palestine : anatomie d'un conflit" et est l'auteur du livre éponyme.Vincent a consacré l'ensemble de sa carrière à étudier cette région du monde, avec un regard attentif sur les dynamiques historiques, religieuses et géopolitiques qui la traversent. Ensemble, nous avons pris le temps de décrypter un sujet complexe, sensible et souvent mal compris : le conflit israélo-palestinien.Aucun sujet ne devrait être tabou mais il est important de les traiter avec neutralité et s'attachant aux faits et aux lois. C'est exactement ce que l'on fait avec Vincent.Cet épisode est le plus long jamais réalisé sur Vlan, il est donc séparé en 2 parties. Dans cet épisode, nous parlons de l'émergence du sionisme, un mouvement politique et national né à la fin du 19ème siècle en Europe. C'est Theodor Herzl, marqué par l'antisémitisme européen, et notamment par l'affaire Dreyfus en France, qui a formulé l'idée d'un refuge pour les Juifs dans un contexte de montée des persécutions. J'ai questionné Vincent sur la manière dont ce projet sioniste s'est structuré et les différentes options qui ont été envisagées avant que la Palestine ne devienne la destination privilégiée pour la création d'un foyer national juif. Ce point de départ est crucial pour comprendre les tensions qui s'en suivront.Nous avons aussi exploré la cohabitation entre Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens dans la Palestine ottomane à la fin du 19ème siècle. Contrairement à ce que l'on pourrait imaginer, les relations entre ces communautés étaient relativement harmonieuses à l'époque, notamment à Jérusalem, où la municipalité était mixte, avec des représentants de chaque communauté. Vincent explique comment ce fragile équilibre a été bouleversé par la montée des nationalismes à partir du début du 20ème siècle.Le conflit a véritablement pris forme après la Première Guerre mondiale, lorsque les puissances coloniales ont pris le contrôle de la région. Nous avons discuté de la guerre de 1948, un tournant décisif, et des raisons pour lesquelles les Palestiniens ont rejeté le plan de partage proposé par l'ONU. Vincent offre un éclairage précieux sur cette période, où 80% de la population en Palestine était arabe, mais où le projet sioniste prenait de plus en plus de poids, soutenu par une volonté de créer un État juif indépendant.La guerre des Six Jours en 1967, un autre moment clé, a conduit à l'occupation de la Cisjordanie, de Gaza, du Golan et du Sinaï par Israël. Cet épisode a profondément redessiné les frontières de la région, transformant le conflit israélo-palestinien en une lutte pour la restitution des territoires. Nous avons discuté de la façon dont cette occupation perdure encore aujourd'hui et comment elle continue d'alimenter les tensions.Enfin, nous avons abordé les tentatives de paix, notamment les accords d'Oslo dans les années 1990, qui avaient suscité beaucoup d'espoir mais qui, malheureusement, ont échoué à apporter une solution durable.J'ai interrogé Vincent sur les raisons de cet échec, en particulier le pari fait par Yasser Arafat, qui a reconnu l'existence d'Israël en échange d'un espoir de restitution de 22% du territoire pour un État palestinien. A cette occasion, il recevra le prix Nobel de la Paix conjointement avec Yitzhak Rabin et Shimon Peres.Malheureusement, cet espoir n'a jamais été concrétisé.Cet épisode est une véritable plongée dans l'histoire et les enjeux contemporains du conflit israélo-palestinien. Nous tentons de prendre du recul pour mieux comprendre les racines profondes de cette confrontation, les dynamiques religieuses et nationales, ainsi que le rôle des grandes puissances dans la région. C'est une invitation à aller au-delà des raccourcis et des idées préconçues pour saisir la complexité d'un conflit qui continue de modeler l'actualité internationale.Une partie des questions que l'on traite avec Vincent :À partir de quel moment historique est-il pertinent de remonter pour comprendre le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Comment le projet sioniste a-t-il émergé à la fin du 19ème siècle et quelle a été son influence sur les relations internationales ?Quelles ont été les motivations derrière la déclaration de Balfour en 1917 et comment a-t-elle changé le cours du conflit ?Quelles étaient les dynamiques religieuses et sociales entre Juifs, Musulmans et Chrétiens dans la Palestine ottomane avant le début des tensions nationalistes ?Pourquoi les Palestiniens ont-ils refusé le plan de partage de l'ONU en 1947 ?Quels ont été les impacts des guerres de 1948 et de 1967 sur les frontières actuelles de la région ?En quoi la guerre des Six Jours de 1967 a-t-elle marqué un tournant décisif dans le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Comment l'occupation israélienne de la Cisjordanie et de Gaza s'est-elle mise en place, et pourquoi persiste-t-elle encore aujourd'hui ?Quelles étaient les principales divergences entre les mouvements sionistes révisionnistes et les mouvements sionistes plus modérés ?Pourquoi les accords d'Oslo ont-ils échoué à résoudre le conflit et quels étaient les enjeux stratégiques pour les deux parties ?Quel rôle a joué la diaspora palestinienne dans le soutien international à la cause palestinienne ?Comment les puissances coloniales, comme la France et le Royaume-Uni, ont-elles influencé les premiers accords autour de la Palestine ?Quel est l'impact de la montée des mouvements religieux en Israël et en Palestine sur les négociations politiques ?En quoi le processus de paix est-il entravé par la politique des colonies israéliennes en Cisjordanie ?Pourquoi les frontières définies après la guerre de 1948 n'ont-elles pas suffi à stabiliser la région ?Quel rôle jouent les grandes puissances, comme les États-Unis et la Russie, dans la dynamique du conflit actuel ?Comment la guerre en Ukraine a-t-elle influencé la perception du conflit israélo-palestinien sur la scène internationale ?En quoi les accords récents, comme ceux d'Abraham, impactent-ils le conflit israélo-palestinien ?Quels sont les principaux points de blocage dans les négociations actuelles entre Israël et l'Autorité palestinienne ?Comment l'évolution des mouvements politiques en Israël, comme la montée de l'extrême droite, a-t-elle influencé la gestion du conflit ?Quelle est la position de l'Union Européenne sur les colonies israéliennes et l'occupation des territoires ?Pourquoi les résolutions de l'ONU n'ont-elles pas abouti à une solution durable ?En quoi la guerre des Yom Kippour en 1973 a-t-elle modifié la géopolitique régionale ?Comment la question des réfugiés palestiniens influence-t-elle encore aujourd'hui le processus de paix ?Quel rôle les organisations non-gouvernementales jouent-elles dans la médiation du conflit ?Timestamps00:00 - Le poids des résolutions de l'ONU :03:30 - La politique américaine au Moyen-Orient : 08:00 - La radicalisation religieuse des deux côtés : 12:45 - Discussion sur le terme "génocide" dans le contexte israélo-palestinien : 20:00 - Les mouvements BDS et les appels au boycott d'Israël : 27:15 - L'influence des médias internationaux : 33:45 - L'expansion des colonies israéliennes en Cisjordanie : 40:00 - Les accords d'Abraham : 45:30 - Héritage de la guerre des Six Jours (1967) : 51:00 - Le futur de Jérusalem :55:30 - Perspectives pour une solution pacifique : Suggestion d'autres épisodes à écouter : #312 Les défis géopolitiques d'un monde hors de contrôle avec Thomas Gomart (https://audmns.com/jscnrns) #166 Comprendre le phénomène des génocides pour les éviter avec Jacques Fredj (https://audmns.com/ftstCEN) #175 Comprendre le dessous des guerres invisibles mondiales avec Thomas Gomart (https://audmns.com/DDPnQDW)
I år er det 30 år siden Yasser Arafat, Yitzhak Rabin og Shimon Peres ble tildelt Nobels fredspris for sin innsats for å skape fred i Midtøsten, og for sitt bidrag i dialogen om en fredelig løsning på konflikten mellom Palestina og Israel. Året før hadde de tre forhandlet frem Oslo-avtalen. Både avtalen og fredspristildelingen er fortsatt aktuell og kontroversiell – 30 år senere. Hvilken betydning har Osloavtalen for utviklingen av konflikten mellom Palestina og Israel og krigen i Gaza i dag? Og hva kan verdenssamfunnet lære av denne avtalen? Møt: Kjersti Fløgstad, direktør ved Nobels Fredssenter Olav Njølstad, direktør ved Det Norske Nobelinstitutt og sekretær for Nobelkomiteen Sidsel Wold, forfatter og journalist, Midtøstenkorrespondent i NRK Jørgen Jensehaugen, seniorforsker ved fredsforskningsinstituttet (PRIO)
Cuando se cumplen 75 años de la creación del Estado de Israel, Centro Sefarad-Israel y la Embajada de Israel en España ponen en marcha el ciclo “Líderes del Estado de Israel”. Durante las cuatro sesiones de este programa especial se reflexionará sobre cuatro importantes líderes cuyo legado político influyó más allá de las fronteras del propio país. Shimon Peres, Golda Meir, David Ben-Gurión y Menájem Beguin serán los protagonistas de estas actividades que se desarrollarán en Centro Sefarad-Israel a lo largo del mes de junio. La segunda actividad de este ciclo rendirá tributo al expresidente de Israel y Premio Nobel de la Paz Shimon Peres. Y lo hará con un coloquio con Nadav Tamir, exconsejero político de Peres. Tamir es actualmente consejero para asuntos internacionales del Peres Center for Peace and Innovation. Previamente ha trabajado además en la Embajada de Israel en Washington como cónsul general en Nueva Inglaterra. Con él conversaremos sobre el legado político de uno de los grandes líderes de la historia de Israel, Shimon Peres.
Carol Tavris - Mistakes Were Made But Not By Me The Psychology of Self-Justification with Carol Tavris In this episode, Aidan McCullen interviews Carol Tavris, co-author of 'Mistakes Were Made (But Not by Me),' to explore the intricacies of cognitive dissonance, self-justification, and memory. They investigate why humans find it difficult to admit mistakes, even in the presence of irrefutable evidence. Through numerous case studies and real-world examples, they discuss the implications of these psychological mechanisms in areas as varied as personal life, law enforcement, and political decision-making. The conversation tackles how these insights can apply to everyone from parents and judges to business leaders and law enforcement, emphasizing the significance of humility, critical thinking, and the human tendency to rewrite personal histories to fit current beliefs. 00:00 Introduction to Self-Justification 01:14 Welcoming the Author: Carol Tavris 02:17 The Premise of the Book 03:06 Understanding Cognitive Dissonance 08:44 Memory and Self-Justification 14:43 Confabulations and False Memories 23:02 The Pyramid of Choice 32:42 Law Enforcement and Wrongful Convictions 37:58 The Importance of Correcting Interrogation Methods 38:33 The Impact of Miscarriages of Justice 38:55 Examples of Recognizing Mistakes 39:52 The 1980s and 90s Hysteria Over Child Abuse 40:21 The McMartin Daycare Scandal 41:06 Flawed Child Interrogation Techniques 42:58 A Case of Misunderstanding: Daddy's Pee Pee 44:53 The Emotional Toll of False Convictions 47:39 The Pyramid of Entrapment and Justification 48:48 The Influence of Bias in Decision Making 50:32 The Role of Pharmaceutical Companies in Medicine 52:06 Moral Choices and Life Decisions 54:55 Understanding and Living with Cognitive Dissonance 01:03:17 The Power of Admitting Mistakes 01:06:58 The Allure of Victim Narratives 01:08:40 Alien Abductions and Hypnagogic States 01:14:17 The Importance of Understanding Human Frailties Find Carol here: That Sarah Silverman interview: Carol's books: psychology, cognitive dissonance, self-justification, memory, mistakes, humility, ethics, law enforcement, interrogation, wrongful convictions, trauma, alien abductions, confirmation bias, leadership, decision making, self-concept, Carol Tavris (author), Aidan McCullen (host), Elliot Aronson (co-author), Leon Festinger (researcher on cognitive dissonance), James Thurber (author of The Wonderful O), Richard Feynman (scientist and quote source), Mary Carr (memoirist), Joseph Allen (wrongfully convicted), Ronald Reagan (Bitburg cemetery incident), Shimon Peres (comment on Reagan's mistake), Sarah Silverman (Louis C.K. controversy), Louis C.K. (comedian involved in controversy), Jeffrey Cohen (research on political bias), Lee Ross (naive realism), John Mack (psychiatrist on alien abductions), Susan Clancy (researcher on alien abductions), Rich McNally (memory scientist), Antonin Scalia (Supreme Court Justice), Clarence Thomas (Supreme Court Justice), Auburn Blooming (oncologist and co-author)
Mitchell Barak, quien fue redactor de discursos del presidente Shimon Peres y del primer ministro Ariel Sharon, se pronunció en La W sobre la llegada de Benjamín Netanyahu a Washington y su discurso ante el Congreso.
On this week's episode, Israel Policy Forum Policy Advisor and Tel Aviv-based journalist Neri Zilber and IPF Atid Director Shanie Reichman discuss Saturday's heroic hostage rescue operation, the landmark speech by President Biden laying out a Gaza hostage-and-ceasefire deal, the implications of Benny Gantz's resignation from the emergency wartime government, the prospects of war breaking out with Hizballah in Lebanon, and more. At this critical juncture in the war in Gaza, Israel Policy Forum experts are providing timely, clear-headed, and sober analysis on Israeli politics and Israeli-Palestinian affairs.In this Tuesday's Koplow Column, Chief Policy Officer Michael Koplow unpacks the potential implications of Benny Gantz's decision to quit the emergency wartime government with Netanyahu. Read here.Our Israel fellow and former advisor to Shimon Peres, Nimrod Novik, was interviewed on CBC News to discuss how Israel's daring rescue of four hostages on June 8 could impact the Israeli political arena and the possibility of a ceasefire deal with Hamas. Watch here.Shira Efron, Jess Manville, and Alex Lederman recently published a policy report on how to advance a viable path forward for UNRWA given its essential role and deep, systemic flaws. Explore the report here.If you rely on Israel Policy Forum for credible and thoughtful analysis, please make a gift today so our work can continue to have an impact. Donate now.Support the Show.
30 years ago the US brokered Oslo accords seemed to herald a new era of peaceful coexistence for Israelis and Palestinians. Yasser Arafat -- long demonized as a terrorist in the Tel Aviv, whilst being hailed as a freedom fighter in Palestine -- shared a Nobel Peace Prize with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and politician Shimon Peres. 30 years later, peace seems further away than ever before after Hamas and Islamic Jihad militants' horrific 7 October attack on Israel provoked a response from Israel that caused South Africa to take Israel to court for allegedly committing genocide. In this episode I speak with Middle Eastern policy and strategy expert Dr. Stephen Zunes a Professor at the University of San Francisco. We discuss how the Oslo accords unraveled, the role of the US, the current situation, and prospects for peace. Guest: Dr. Stephen Zunes Official Website Music: Pixabay This episode is sponsored by World History Encyclopedia, one of the top history websites on the internet. I love the fact that they're not a Wiki: Every article they publish is reviewed by their editorial team, not only for being accurate but also for being interesting to read. The website is run as a non-profit organization, so you won't be bombarded by annoying ads and it's completely free. It's a great site, and don't just take my word for it they've been recommended by many academic institutions including Oxford University. Go check them out at WorldHistory.org or follow this link: World History Encyclopedia.
Very excited to have Dr. Einat Wilf on The Lonely Podcast.Dr. Wilf is a public intellectual, and the author of several books, including The War of Return and We Should All Be Zionists. She has a B.A. from Harvard, an MBA from INSEAD in France, and a Ph.D. in Political Science from Cambridge University.She is a former member of the Israeli Knesset (Parliament) with the Labor Party and served as an advisor for former President Shimon Peres and Yossi Beilin, who is considered to be the architect of the 1993 Oslo Accords.After witnessing the bloodbath that washed over Israel during the second Intifada in the early 2000th, Wilf started questioning her beliefs about a viable two-state solution and more broadly, what is it that the Palestinians really want.In this conversation, we explore many topics, including why the “West” is unable to admit that the majority of the Palestinians never supported a two-state solution, how societies in decline use anti-zionism to divert from their problem and scapegoat the Jews, what Jews, Zionists, and Israelis should do to counter Anti-Zionist hate, what Oct. 7th did to the Israeli psyche, Israel's existential threat, whether we should qualify the war as against Hamas as opposed to against the Palestinian narrative, and much more.Einat is a fountain of knowledge with unique expertise on this particular and complicated topic and has a very important voice that needs to be amplified. It was a true privilege to speak with her in person in Tel Aviv.To support us, please share this podcast with your friends and family to help spread the word. TIMESTAMPS:(00:00) - Introduction(02:55) - The Misconceptions About the Conflict(06:43) - How did Dr. Wilf change her mind about the conflict?(11:36) - Dr. Wilf's Aha Moment(15:00) - Why The Western World Insists on a Two-State Solution?(17:30) - Westplaining(19:23) - How We Can Shift The Narrative?(22:28) - How Did We Lose Academia?(25:00) - How The Soviets Created Anti-Zionism(30:00) - "We Can't Have Nice Things Because of Jews"(32:30) - How Societies in Crisis Blame The Jews(36:00) - Can We Save Academia?(38:00) - The Genius Of Making Zionism Toxic(40:40) - What is the Pound Of Flesh Dynamic?(44:00) - The Decline Of Jewish Organizations On Campus(47:30) - How To Counter Anti-Zionism?(50:40) - Understanding Where Anti-Zionism Goes(57:00) - Should We Be Surprised By Oct. 7th?(59:15) - The Palestinian Idea Of a Violent "Return"(61:30) - Do Israelis Understand The Palestinians?(64:30) - Why Did The Arabs Oppose Israel?(68:00) - Israel's Existential Threat(73:30) - Should We Qualify The War As Against Hamas or Against The Palestinians?(75:00) - What Should be The Goal of This War?(78:30) - Comparing Gaza To Japan of 1945 - The Potsdam Declaration(81:30) - Are We Blowing The International Response Out of Proportion?(87:00) - How Would The Americans Respond To An Israeli Firm Stand?(89:00) - A Positive Note Dr. Einat Wilf's Books:The War of Return: How Western Indulgence of the Palestinian Dream Has Obstructed the Path to Peace - https://www.amazon.com/War-Return-Indulgence-Palestinian-Obstructed/dp/1250252768We Should All Be Zionists: Essays on the Jewish State and the Path to Peace - https://www.amazon.com/We-Should-All-Be-Zionists-ebook/dp/B0B9NBNF4D?ref_=ast_author_dp Dr. Einat Wilf on Twitter: https://twitter.com/EinatWilf
La guerra en Gaza sigue provocando muertes, heridos y desplazados por miles, pero unos kilómetros más lejos se ubica la ciudad de Neve Shalom, considerada un oasis de paz donde israelíes y árabes cohabitan desde hace 40 años. Reportaje de nuestro corresponsal en la región, Joan Cabasés En Hebreo lo llaman Neve Shalom y en árabe Wahat al Salam, pero ambos nombres se traducen como Oasis de Paz. Hace casi medio siglo, con la Guerra de los 6 días aún reciente, israelíes y palestinos fundaron este pueblo apostando por la convivencia.“Aquí en la década de los 70 empezaron a hacer encuentros entre judios y palestinos. Fuimos la sexta pareja en venir. Había sólo 20 personas viviendo aquí”, recuerda el palestino Rayek Rizek. El pueblo carecía entonces de servicios básicos, pero el ideario político empujaba a los nuevos residentes. Décadas después, Neve Shalom mantiene la esencia. “Estamos divididos mitad y mitad entre israelíes y palestinos. Quienes quieren venir a vivir aquí tienen que registrarse y el comité mantiene la proporción equivalente de familias”, explica Rizek. El funcionamiento del municipio, que hoy cuenta con 120 familias, fue clave durante el ataque de Hamas contra el sur de Israel. El miedo ganaba terreno y amenazaba con abrir brecha entre los residentes, pero lo combatieron a través del diálogo.“Llegó un punto en el que dijimos, vamos a sentarnos y a hablar. Porque la gente de los dos lados estaba preocupada, deprimida, por sus distintos traumas y perspectivas”, recuerda el palestino. Aún así, el 7 de octubre penetró el muro de árboles que rodea este oasis de paz. “Al comienzo hubo como una competición para ver quién era la víctima en este conflicto. Hubo miedo. Los judios estaban asustados de que la gente de Hamas viniera y atacara el pueblo. Y nosotros teníamos miedo de que vinieran los colonos y hicieran locuras”.La carga simbólica del municipio atrae proyectos que apuestan por la convivencia y que lo utilizan como lugar de acción. Lo cuenta Amalia, israelí del Centro de Shimon Peres por la Paz y la Innovación: “Creo que establece un ejemplo. Judíos y árabes viviendo juntos y no sólo de lado, como en Lod, Ramble, Jaffa. Allí viven en el mismo sitio pero no conjuntamente”.Junto con israelíes y palestinos, Amalia educa a los más pequeños en el mensaje de la paz. “Tenemos un niño de Lod cuyo padre murió en los disturbios de 2021. Al principio no quería participar, y ahora es el participante más entusiasta”.Sin embargo, Amalia no cree que la coexistencia sea pronto una realidad más allá de Neve Shalom porque “hará falta mucho tiempo para que la gente sane las heridas. Para que haya nuevas generaciones que sean educadas sobre el otro lado. No lo sé, quizá mis bisnietos lo vean”.Tras 40 años apostando por la convivencia, Rayek opina algo similar. “Estoy totalmente en contra de la solución de un sólo estado. Dejad a los palestinos tener su propio estado y quizá en el futuro podamos abrir fronteras. Pero hará falta tiempo”, concluye.
Nadav Tamir is the Executive Director of J Street Israel and an Advisor for International and Governmental Affairs at the Peres Center for Peace and Innovation. Nadav served as the Senior Policy Adviser to the President of Israel during the last 3 years of the presidency of Shimon Peres. Nadav returned to Israel in 2010 after serving as the Consul General of Israel to New England at the Consulate General of Israel in Boston for four years. He then served at the Policy Planning unit of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs until July 2011 when he joined the President's Office. Nadav joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1993 and the following year began to serve as the Policy Assistant to the Foreign Minister. Nadav had the privilege to serve as a policy assistant under three Foreign Ministers – Shimon Peres, Ehud Barak, and David Levy. He was then promoted to the position of Political Officer at the Israeli Embassy in Washington, D.C. in 1997. In 2001, Nadav was granted the position of Advisor to the Director General at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Jerusalem. Nadav was the chairperson of the Wexner – Israel Alumni Association. He was chosen as a Wexner Israel Fellow and earned his Master's in Public Administration from the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University in 2004. Nadav is on the steering committee of the Geneva Initiative and on the board of the Mitvim think tank for regional foreign policy. Prior to joining the Ministry, Nadav served as a security officer at the Residence of the President of the State of Israel, while simultaneously earning his B.A. in Philosophy and Political Science from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, from which he graduated Magna Cum Laude. Nadav was born and raised on Kibbutz Manara in northern Israel. He began his career in public service in 1980 in the IDF, where he eventually served as a company commander and retired with the rank of Major. He is married to Dr. Ronit Tamir, a dance educator, and is the father of Maya, Ido, and Naama.
FDD Senior Vice President Jonathan Schanzer delivers timely situational updates and analysis, followed by a conversation with Dr. Einat Wilf, former Israeli parliamentarian, foreign policy advisor to Shimon Peres, and IDF intelligence officer.Learn more at: www.fdd.org/fddmorningbrief/
With the war in Gaza apparently entering its third phase, IPF Atid Director Shanie Reichman hosts Tel Aviv-based journalist and Policy Advisor Neri Zilber to discuss the current state of play in the Israel-Hamas war, Israeli politics, and the region. They discuss the reported assassination of senior Hamas official Saleh al-Arouri in Beirut, the social implications of Israel's military reservists beginning to return home, the latest on the Israeli hostages who remain in captivity, the High Court's decision to strike down the reasonableness law, and more. —As Israel pushes forward with its war in Gaza and grapples with political turmoil at home, Israel Policy Forum experts have been providing timely, clear-headed, and sober analysis on the ongoing conflict. In TIME Magazine, Chief Policy Officer Michael Koplow and Israel Policy Forum CEO David A. Halperin explain why the U.S. must push for a proactive Israeli vision on the day after in Gaza that is compatible with its regional allies' priorities. Read here.In a CNN interview with Christiane Amanpour, Israel Fellow Nimrod Novik, a former advisor to Shimon Peres, discusses Israel's reported killing of senior Hamas official Saleh al-Arouri. Watch here.In this week's Koplow Column, Michael Koplow unpacks the High Court's decision to strike down the reasonableness law and why Netanyahu and the opposition should leverage this moment to resolve a question at the core of the debate over the judiciary. Read here.In the Liberal Patriot, Michael Koplow writes on how the U.S. can bridge the gap with Israel over the question of the PA returning to Gaza. Read here.If you rely on Israel Policy Forum for credible and thoughtful analysis, please make a gift today so our work can continue to have an impact.Support the show
Before Oct. 7, Israel appeared to many to be sliding into a “one-state reality,” where it had functional control over Gaza and the West Bank, but the Palestinians who lived there were denied full rights. In 2021, a group of hundreds of former senior defense and diplomatic officials in Israel published a report warning that this was a catastrophe — for Israel's security, its democratic values, its international standing, and its very soul. And they argued that there was another way, that even without a Palestinian “partner for peace,” there was a huge amount Israel could do on its own to create the conditions for a two-state solution to emerge in the future.Nimrod Novik is a fellow at the Israel Policy Forum and a member of the executive committee of Commanders for Israel's Security, the group behind the report. He was a senior policy adviser to Shimon Peres when he was prime minister, and was involved in all forms of negotiations with Palestinians and the Arab world.I wanted to talk to Novik about the plan proposed in the Commanders for Israel's Security report, and how they might have changed in light of Oct. 7 and the war. We also talk through what the “day after” might look like in Gaza, the immense anger of the Israeli public over the intelligence failure that led up to the attacks, the alternative coalitions building against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and much more.Mentioned:“Initiative 2025” by Commanders for Israel's SecurityBook Recommendations:The Back Channel by William J. BurnsMaster of the Game by Martin IndykThoughts? Guest suggestions? Email us at ezrakleinshow@nytimes.com.You can find transcripts (posted midday) and more episodes of “The Ezra Klein Show” at nytimes.com/ezra-klein-podcast, and you can find Ezra on Twitter @ezraklein. Book recommendations from all our guests are listed at https://www.nytimes.com/article/ezra-klein-show-book-recs.This episode of “The Ezra Klein Show” was produced by Rollin Hu. Fact-checking by Michelle Harris, with Mary Marge Locker and Kate Sinclair. Our senior engineer is Jeff Geld. Our senior editor is Claire Gordon. The show's production team also includes Emefa Agawu and Kristin Lin. Original music by Isaac Jones. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Shannon Busta. The executive producer of New York Times Opinion Audio is Annie-Rose Strasser. Special thanks to Efim Shapiro.
Israel là một trong những đối tác hợp tác thương mại, đầu tư và lao động quan trọng hàng đầu của Việt Nam ở Trung Đông. Khoảng 500 người Việt sinh sống và làm việc ở Israel. Là nước thứ 16 ký Hiệp định Thương mại Tự do với Việt Nam, Israel còn là nguồn cung cấp vũ khí, trang thiết bị quốc phòng giúp Hà Nội đa dạng hóa đối tác. Tuy nhiên, cuộc chiến Israel-Hamas đẩy Việt Nam vào thế “tế nhị” trong khi cả Israel và Palestine đều có mối quan hệ lịch sử với Việt Nam. Ngày 24/10/2023, tại Liên Hiệp Quốc, đại sứ Đặng Hoàng Giang đã kêu gọi các bên ngừng bắn ngay lập tức, kiềm chế tối đa, tôn trọng luật nhân đạo quốc tế, bảo đảm an toàn và thả ngay lập tức cho tất cả các con tin, giảm thiểu thiệt hại đối với cơ sở hạ tầng dân sự thiết yếu. Đại sứ Giang cũng nhấn mạnh lập trường của Việt Nam ủng hộ giải pháp hai Nhà nước với Đông Jerusalem là thủ đô của Nhà nước Palestine và dựa trên các đường biên giới trước năm 1967.Trả lời RFI Tiếng Việt, giáo sư Pierre Journoud, chuyên về lịch sử Việt Nam, Đại học Paul Valery - Montpellier 3 (Pháp), nhận định những phát biểu của đại sứ Giang phần nào “có lợi cho Palestine”. Nhưng nhìn chung Việt Nam “có lập trường khá trung lập, tương tự với nhiều nước trên thế giới”. Và điều này "thể hiện mong muốn bảo vệ luật pháp quốc tế và phù hợp với lợi ích của Việt Nam". Vậy Hà Nội duy trì quan hệ với Israel và Palestine như thế nào ? Giáo sư Pierre Journoud trả lời một số câu hỏi của RFI Tiếng Việt.RFI : Việt Nam chính thức thiết lập quan hệ với Israel trong thập niên 1990. Mối quan hệ song phương tiến triển như thế nào để Israel hiện trở thành một trong những đối tác quan trọng của Hà Nội ? GS Pierre Journoud : Tôi muốn ngược dòng thời gian một chút để hiểu thêm bối cảnh. Trái với chúng ta hình dung, Việt Nam có mối quan hệ với Israel từ lâu. Với Israel, đó là mối quan hệ “bạn hữu” giữa chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh và David Ben-Gourion, được coi là nhà lập quốc Israel.Năm 1946, Hồ Chí Minh được tiếp đón trọng thể ở Paris với tư cách chủ tịch nước Việt Nam Dân Chủ Cộng Hòa đến tham dự Hội nghị Fontainebleau. Tại Paris, Hồ Chí Minh gặp David Ben-Gourion, người sau này trở thành thủ tướng Israel giai đoạn 1948-1954 và 1955-1963. Lúc đó, chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh thậm chí còn đề xuất đón Chính phủ Do Thái lưu vong ở miền bắc Việt Nam nhưng Ben-Gourion từ chối. Năm 1948, Đại Hội Đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc thông qua việc phân chia Palestine, cho phép thành lập Nhà nước Israel (14/05/1948) trên một phần lãnh thổ của Palestine. Nghị quyết này phần nào giống với đề xuất trước đó của Hồ Chí Minh.Đúng là mối quan hệ Việt Nam-Israel thực sự phát triển từ những năm 1990 vì trước đó bị Chiến tranh lạnh cản trở. Việt Nam theo Liên Xô, trong khi khối này bị Israel cáo buộc mang tư tưởng bài Do Thái. Trở ngại lớn đó chỉ được dỡ bỏ sau khi Chiến tranh lạnh kết thúc và liên minh gần như duy nhất của Việt Nam với Liên Xô chấm dứt. Việt Nam và Israel thiết lập quan hệ ngoại giao năm 1993, đánh dấu một trang mới trong quan hệ giữa hai nước. Năm 2005, hai nước tổ chức đối thoại chính trị thường niên ở cấp ngoại trưởng. Đại sứ quán Việt Nam được mở ở Tel-Aviv năm 2009, sau 16 năm Israel mở đại sứ quán ở Hà Nội.Nếu đúng như thông tin tôi được biết, chuyến công du của tổng thống Shimon Peres năm 2011 dường như đánh dấu một bước ngoặt khi ông thuyết phục các nhà lãnh đạo Việt Nam về những tiềm năng, cơ hội phát triển kinh tế lớn mà mối quan hệ song phương có thể mang lại. Đây là điểm khá thú vị bởi vì ngoài Singapore - một trong những đồng minh châu Á thân cận nhất của Israel - Hà Nội là một đối tác quan trọng của Israel cho dù Việt Nam vẫn chống Israel trong khoảng 138 lần bỏ phiếu ở Liên Hiệp Quốc liên quan đến Nhà nước Do Thái kể từ năm 2015.Có thể thấy một sự “thiếu kết nối”, mà tôi thấy khá thú vị trong một số bài phân tích chuyên sâu : Một Nhà nước - ở đây là Việt Nam - vì những lý do liên quan đến tình đoàn kết với Palestine chống thực dân, chống đế quốc có từ thời chiến tranh Việt Nam, vẫn bỏ phiếu để chống lại Israel và các vấn đề liên quan đến Israel-Palestine ở Liên Hiệp Quốc. Nhưng điểm này đi ngược lại với mối quan hệ chính trị, đặc biệt là kinh tế, được phát triển sâu sắc và năng động từ nhiều năm nay giữa Israel và Việt Nam.RFI : Có thể thấy quốc phòng là một trong những chương trình hợp tác nổi bật nhất giữa Việt Nam và Israel. Gần đây, hai nước ký Hiệp định Thương mại Tự do ngày 25/07/2023. Nhìn chung, hai nước phát triển hợp tác trong những lĩnh vực nào ?GS Pierre Journoud : Đúng, đó là những lĩnh vực mà hai nước phát triển mối quan hệ đặc biệt hơn cả, ngoài ra phải kể thêm nông nghiệp và du lịch. Nhìn chung, hợp tác song phương được phát triển trong mọi lĩnh vực, kể cả công nghệ sinh học.Về kinh doanh, rất nhiều công ty Israel đầu tư vào Việt Nam, nhất là trong các ngành nông nghiệp, dược phẩm, công nghệ. Israel cũng đóng vai trò vô cùng quan trọng trong việc đào tạo nghề, khoa học-công nghệ, quản lý nông nghiệp ở cấp địa phương. Ở chiều ngược lại, rất nhiều doanh nghiệp Việt Nam cũng đầu tư vào lĩnh vực nghiên cứu và phát triển ở Israel. Tôi lấy ví dụ tập đoàn TH Group hợp tác với nhiều doanh nghiệp công nghệ Israel chuyên về sản xuất hệ thống vắt sữa tự động và hệ thống quản lý động vật.Thương mại song phương ngày càng gia tăng. Năm 2022, tổng kim ngạch xuất nhập khẩu của Việt Nam với Israel đạt hơn 2 tỉ đô la, tăng 18% so với năm 2021, theo số liệu được báo chí trích dẫn. Thặng dư thương mại nghiêng hẳn về phía Việt Nam, Israel thâm hụt thương mại hơn 1 tỉ đô la. Israel chủ yếu xuất sang Việt Nam đồ điện tử, phân bón. Việt Nam xuất sang Israel hải sản, giầy dép, điện thoại di dộng. Israel là một trong 16 nước trên thế giới ký Hiệp định Thương mại Tự do với Việt Nam. Về phần mình, Việt Nam muốn tăng cường cơ sở sản xuất của nền kinh tế do muốn tìm cách giảm bớt phụ thuộc vào Trung Quốc.Lĩnh vực quốc phòng cũng là một mục tiêu khác trong hợp tác với Israel. Trung Quốc không gây lo ngại đến mức như Nga bởi vì kể từ khi xảy ra xung đột Nga-Ukraina, nhưng có lẽ trước cả lúc đó, Việt Nam đã tìm cách thoát khỏi các mối liên kết gần như độc quyền, đặc biệt trong lĩnh vực quân sự. Nga là nhà cung cấp vũ khí và khí tài chính cho Việt Nam. Để đa dạng hóa nguồn cung, Việt Nam đã hướng đến Israel, đặc biệt là để bù đắp thiếu hụt kể từ khi xảy ra chiến tranh Ukraina, ví dụ mua các loại tên lửa địa đối không Spyder. Israel cũng bán cho Hà Nội các hệ thống giám sát và tình báo.Có thể thấy Israel - nằm trong số 10 nhà xuất khẩu vũ khí hàng đầu thế giới - hướng tới Việt Nam, nước trở thành một trong những khách hàng chính của Nhà nước Do Thái từ nhiều năm qua. Đặc biệt là từ những năm 2010, Việt Nam trở thành một trong những thị trường đầu ra chính cho ngành công nghiệp quốc phòng Israel, với tổng trị giá hợp đồng lên tới 1,5 tỉ đô la trong suốt thập niên 2010. Đây là một chuyển biến mới, Israel trở thành một trong những đối tác bán vũ khí quan trọng cho Việt Nam. Điều này cũng đặt ra vấn đề cạnh tranh cho Pháp, nước cũng tìm chỗ đứng trong lĩnh vực này, cũng như với Hoa Kỳ, quốc gia cũng muốn ký nhiều hợp đồng quy mô hơn với Việt Nam, trong bối cảnh căng thẳng với Trung Quốc và tận dụng quan ngại của Hà Nội trong việc đa dạng hóa đối tác kinh tế và quân sự.RFI : Song song đó, chúng ta cũng thấy Việt Nam duy trì mối quan hệ tốt với Palestine, dù không phát triển hẳn như với Israel trong những năm gần đây !GS Pierre Journoud : Tôi cho là mối quan hệ Việt Nam-Palestine vẫn chặt chẽ về chính trị nhưng không vững mạnh về kinh tế như với Israel. Điều này dễ hiểu vì sự phát triển kinh tế giữa Israel và Palestine chênh lệch nhau.Việt Nam và Palestine thiết lập quan hệ chính trị ngay năm 1968 vào lúc đỉnh điểm chiến tranh Việt Nam với cuộc tấn công Tết Mậu Thân. Tôi thấy là gần đây báo chí cũng nhắc đến sự kiện Tết Mậu Thân khi nói đến vụ tấn công bất ngờ của Hamas, cho dù sự liên tưởng đó là khiên cưỡng. Nhưng điều thú vị là trong kí ức tập thể, khi có một vụ tấn công hay phản công bất ngờ, người ta lập tức liên tưởng đến sự kiện Tết 1968, tiếp theo là cuộc phản công với sức hủy diệt mà mọi người dường như đã quên lãng. Cần phải nhắc lại rằng Tổ Chức Giải Phóng Palestine (PLO), ra đời năm 1967 ngay sau Cuộc chiến Sáu ngày, đã đặt văn phòng ở Việt Nam năm 1976.Về phía Việt Nam, ngay sau khi thống nhất đất nước năm 1975, đã trở thành một trong những Nhà nước đầu tiên công nhận Nhà nước Palestine và thiết lập quan hệ ngoại giao ngày 19/11/1988, ngay sau khi Palestine tuyên bố độc lập. Kể từ đó, Hà Nội luôn ủng hộ Palestine trong tiến trình hội nhập trong vùng và quốc tế. Ví dụ, năm 2012, Việt Nam ủng hộ nghị quyết cho phép Palestine được trao tư cách quan sát viên tại Đại Hội Đồng Liên Hiệp Quốc, tiếp theo là ủng hộ đơn xin gia nhập nhiều tổ chức quốc tế khác của Palestine, như UNESCO, Interpol…Cũng trong thời điểm đó, cựu tổng thống Yasser Arafat công du Việt Nam khoảng 10 lần cùng với nhiều thành viên của tổ chức PLO, lần cuối cùng là vào năm 2001. Người kế nhiệm Mahmoud Abbas cũng công du Việt Nam ngày 24/05/2010. Theo bình luận của báo chí thời đó, hai bên nêu những triển vọng hợp tác trong nhiều lĩnh vực như chính trị, kinh tế, văn hóa, giáo dục. Tôi không nghiên cứu chi tiết vấn đề này nhưng dường như những thỏa thuận đó đã không tạo được những trao đổi lớn giữa hai nước.Một điều khá thú vị là vào tháng 05/2023, Việt Nam và Palestine đã ký ở Hà Nội một Biên bản ghi nhớ (MOU) trong lĩnh vực phòng chống và kiểm tra tội pháp xuyên biên giới, nhân chuyến công du của bộ trưởng Nội Vụ Palestine Ziad Hab Al-Rih. Trong buổi làm việc với bộ trưởng Công An Tô Lâm, cả hai bày tỏ mong muốn tăng cường hợp tác an ninh và trao đổi trong lĩnh vực này. Nhưng nhìn chung, hợp tác giữa hai nước tiến triển chậm, rất khiêm tốn trong lĩnh vực thương mại. Có thể thấy phát biểu của mỗi bên đều kêu gọi thúc đẩy hợp tác là dấu hiệu cho thấy mối quan hệ không được phát triển mạnh, dù có tiềm năng.Mối quan hệ này làm tôi liên tưởng tới quan hệ giữa Việt Nam và Algérie. Đó là mối quan hệ đoàn kết lịch sử được hình thành từ cuộc đấu tranh chung, trước tiên là chống chủ nghĩa đế quốc và chủ nghĩa thực dân, sau đó là chống đế quốc Mỹ. Việt Nam thành “ngôi sao dẫn đường”, theo cách nói của nhà viết tiểu luận Frantz Fanon vì kháng chiến chống lại “cỗ xe ủi” Mỹ. Tất cả các tổ chức đấu tranh chống một lực lượng chiếm đóng thời đó, trong đó có Tổ Chức Giải Phóng Palestine của Yasser Arafat trong nửa sau thập niên 1960 - đầu những năm 1970, đều tỏ lòng ngưỡng mộ Việt Nam.Sau Chiến tranh Sáu ngày, tổ chức PLO đấu tranh chống Israel chiếm các vùng lãnh thổ không nằm trong phân định ban đầu được thông qua ở Liên Hiệp Quốc năm 1948. Điều thú vị là trong Cuộc chiến Sáu ngày này có sự tương đồng giữa chiến tranh Việt Nam và xung đột Israel-Ả Rập. Như tên gọi cho thấy cuộc chiến diễn ra ngắn ngày nhưng là một bước ngoặt. Đây cũng là một bước ngoặt đối với Pháp, vì tướng Charles de Gaulle, người lên án Mỹ năm 1966 can thiệp vào Việt Nam, đã chỉ trích Nhà nước Israel vi phạm luật pháp quốc tế khi chiếm đóng phi pháp các vùng đất của Palestine. Một chuyện khác có thể bị quên, đó là ngay sau khi Chiến tranh Sáu ngày kết thúc, một loạt đàm phán, hoàn toàn bí mật, do Pháp làm trung gian đã mở đường cho các cuộc đàm phán Mỹ-Việt tại Paris năm 1968. Có thể thấy sự trùng hợp ngẫu nhiên của lịch sử trở lại với thực tế hiện nay.Cuối cùng, tôi cho rằng có thể thoát khỏi cuộc khủng hoảng Israel-Palestine qua con đường đàm phán. Tôi nghĩ là Việt Nam có thể đóng một vai trò nào đó nhờ vào kinh nghiệm chiến tranh, cũng như kinh nghiệm đàm phán như tôi nêu ở trên. Với những kinh nghiệm đó, ngành ngoại giao Việt Nam có thể đóng một vai trò như họ vẫn mong muốn trong tiến trình hòa bình lâu dài ở Trung Đông, đặc biệt là trong cuộc xung đột Israel-Palestine hiện nay, được coi là kéo dài nhất và đau đớn nhất kể từ Thế Chiến II.RFI Tiếng Việt xin trân thành cảm ơn giáo sư lịch sử đương đại Pierre Journoud, Đại học Paul Valéry - Montpellier 3.
For those of you watching the mass killings in Gaza (nearly 14,000 dead in seven weeks, over 2/3 of them women and children) you might find it helpful to think back to an earlier time when Israel was once again implicated in a mass killing. This was what happened in September, 1982 during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. The Israelis are quick to point out that they did not themseslves do the killing, but neither were they free of responsibility. This podcast has two purposes: to describe what happened in those terrible three days, and to tell you what the Israeli Kahan Commission subsequently concluded. It is very clear that there will be a post-war commission to study why the Israeli security system failed to detect the extensive planning for this attack. What is less clear is whether there will be an Israeli commission to study the response. We can be certain that international bodies will conduct such investigations. Notice: This is not easy listening. (Below is my original introduction) In September, 1982, during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, the Israeli army took control of West Beirut and the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Chatillah. Bashir Gemayel, the leader of the Phalangist movement (Kataeb in Arabic), had just been assassinated. He had supported the Israelis in their invasion, hoping to free his land of the PLO and of Syrian domination. The individual convicted of the assassination was a Christian. He claimed he had acted because of Gemayel's support of Israel. Many people think Syria was behind the attack. Gemayel's followers were bent on revenge. The visible target was the Palestinian refugee camps. The PLO forces had been evacuated to Tunis by an American-brokered agreement. Part of that agreement was that the U. S. agreed to protect the Palestinian civilians who would be left without security. President Reagan's personal representative, Ambassador Phillip Habib, had negotiated the withdrawal of Palestinian forces and had guaranteed the security of the civilian refugees left behind in the camps. But there was extremely bad blood between the Phalangists and the PLO and this was an opportunity to get revenge for past offenses. The Israelis controlled access to those camps and allowed military units to enter. The killing went on for three days. There was a story in the Jerusalem Post as the massacres were going on. The sun was setting and a military rabbi was leading an outdoor religious service. There were sounds of shooting and screams in the distance. The Jerusalem Post said this will go down in history as the “Rosh Hashana of Shame.” Under domestic and international (i.e., U.S.) pressure, the Israelis set up a three-person commission headed by a very respected member of their high court, Justice Kahan. This is the story of that report. There are two award-winning films that might be of interest. One is an Israeli film called Waltz With Bashir, a graphic-novel type film. An officer is having nightmares of wild dogs. He starts talking to others in his unit. They are also having nightmares. It turns out they were all present during the massacres but they have suppressed what happened on their watch. The other film is The Insult, a Lebanese film. It starts with a simple confrontation between two men in which one calls the other a name. This happens many times every day without consequence so why does this incident escalate? It turns out the two parties are connected personally to these massacres. Even though this is decades later, the wounds are still there. People: Bashir Gemayel, Amin Gemayel, Raphael Eitan, Shimon Peres, Menachem Begin
Resolution 242 passed by the UN Security Council on 22 November 1967 embodied the principle that has guided most of the subsequent peace plans aound the Israel-Palestine conflict - the exchange of land for peace. From the Camp David Accords of 1978 to the Oslo Agreement of 1993, several peace accords were signed by the two sides, yet peace continues to elude the region.
Listen to the FRONTLINE Film Audio Track for the seminal 2002 documentary on how the Israeli-Palestinian peace process begun at Oslo was derailed and ultimately undone by the dynamics of politics and violence on both sides. Shattered Dreams of Peace: The Road From Oslo traced how cautious optimism in the aftermath of Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat and then-Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin agreeing to the 1993 Oslo Accord was undermined in the following years by violence and major setbacks. It explored the growing threat to the peace process posed by radical nationalist factions among both Jews and Palestinians — groups, including Hamas, that opposed all compromise between the two peoples. The documentary also examined the U.S. role in the peace process, including the U.S.-brokered negotiations at in 1998, 2000 and 2001. Shattered Dreams of Peace: The Road From Oslo includes interviews with key figures from both sides of the negotiating table, including Benjamin Netanyahu, Yasser Arafat, Shimon Peres, Saeb Erekat and Ehud Barak.
FRONTLINE Film Audio Tracks are FRONTLINE documentaries, in audio form. Stream or download full-length recordings of film audio tracks on Apple Podcasts or our website. Listen to the Film Audio Track for FRONTLINE's seminal 2002 documentary on how the Israeli-Palestinian peace process begun at Oslo was derailed and ultimately undone by the dynamics of politics and violence on both sides. Shattered Dreams of Peace: The Road From Oslo traced how cautious optimism in the aftermath of Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat and then-Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin agreeing to the 1993 Oslo Accord was undermined in the following years by violence and major setbacks. It explored the growing threat to the peace process posed by radical nationalist factions among both Jews and Palestinians — groups, including Hamas, that opposed all compromise between the two peoples. The documentary also examined the U.S. role in the peace process, including the U.S.-brokered negotiations at in 1998, 2000 and 2001. Shattered Dreams of Peace: The Road From Oslo includes interviews with key figures from both sides of the negotiating table, including Benjamin Netanyahu, Yasser Arafat, Shimon Peres, Saeb Erekat, and Ehud Barak.
När den Djupa Staten kontrollerat Israel som konfliktmotor i den Djupa Statens verktygslåda hela tiden, så kanske man kom på att man borde kontrollera även Hamas.... Således ser vi Amerikanska vapen från Afghanistan i händerna på Hamas. "Hamas vägrade en vapenvila i utbyte mot sårade och tillfångatagna israeliska officerare", sa Hazem Kassem och sa att "det är ingen fråga om vapenvila" och att vi den här gången går till den slutgiltiga segern! Förhandlingarna leddes av egyptiska förhandlare och Anthony Blinken medlade i att lugna spänningarna, varpå Hamas svarade att de hade initiativet och att det skulle vara att köpa tid eftersom de hade fått information om att Israel skickat 80 procent av artilleriammunitionen till Ukraina och de har denna kunskap att nu vill Israel "köpa tid", konstaterar "Wall Street Journal"! "Israel" står inför existentiellt hot om Hizbollah går med i kriget: Islam Times nedan. "Israel" kommer att möta ett existentiellt hot om Hizbollah, iranska krigare i Irak och Syrien och palestinier från Judéen och Samarien går med i striderna, sa den tidigare nationella säkerhetsrådgivaren Giora Eiland i en bedömning på söndagen. I en intervju med Kan Bet sa Eiland – en före detta chef för den israeliska ockupationsmilitärens planeringsdirektorat – att "Staten Gaza har förklarat krig mot staten Israel, och i denna situation räcker det inte bara att bekämpa kombattanter, men det åligger Israel att träffa infrastrukturen inne i Gaza som gör det möjligt för dem att fortsätta föra detta krig.” Eiland föreslog att den sionistiska enheten skulle slå Gazas vattenförsörjning, samt att stänga av den från Egypten så att förnödenheter inte kan komma in därifrån. "När en stat för krig mot en annan, är det nödvändigt att vidta åtgärder för att säkerställa att den attackerande staten inte kan fungera ordentligt och fortsätta att föra krig", sade han i kommentarer som rapporterats av The Jerusalem Post. I förutseende av ett internationellt ramaskri om Israel som orsakar en humanitär kris, sa Eiland: "Endast dessa typer av drakoniska åtgärder kan sätta press på Hamas att släppa de israeliska män, kvinnor och barn som de kidnappade." "När världen varnar för en humanitär kris kan Israel svara att det har sin egen humanitära kris i form av att dess medborgare hålls som gisslan av Hamas, och att dessa åtgärder är motiverade för att säkra deras frigivning", tillade den tidigare rådgivaren. Amerika skickar Naval Strike Group 12 för att stödja Israel i Gaza-kriget. Grupp 12 är en av USA:s mäktigaste maringrupper. - Hangarfartyget Gerald Ford (CVN-78). -Cruiser Normandie (CG-60). - Destroyers Ramage (DDG-61), McFall (DDG-74) och Hudner (DDG-116). Och till sist... The Samson Option är namnet som vissa militära analytiker och författare har gett till Israels avskräckningsstrategi med massiv vedergällning med kärnvapen som en "sista utväg " mot ett land vars militär har invaderat och/eller förstört mycket av Israel. Kommentatorer har också använt termen för att hänvisa till situationer där icke-nukleära, icke-israeliska aktörer har hotat konventionell vapenvedergällning , såsom Yasser Arafat. Namnet är en hänvisning till den bibliska israelitiske domaren Simson som sköt isär pelarna på ett filistétempel, förde ner taket och dödade sig själv och tusentals filistéer som hade fångat honom, och ropade "Låt mig dö med filistéerna! Israel vägrar att bekräfta eller förneka att det har kärnvapen eller att beskriva hur de skulle använda dem, en officiell policy för nukleär tvetydighet , även känd som "nukleär opacitet". Detta har gjort det svårt för någon utanför den israeliska regeringen att definitivt beskriva landets sanna kärnkraftspolitik, samtidigt som det har tillåtit Israel att påverka andra regeringars uppfattningar, strategier och handlingar. Men genom åren har några israeliska ledare offentligt erkänt sitt lands kärnkraftsförmåga: Ephraim Katzir 1974, Moshe Dayan 1981, Shimon Peres 1998 och Ehud Olmert 2006. Nu skall världen upp på tå... De Fria är en folkrörelse som jobbar för demokrati genom en upplyst och medveten befolkning! Stöd oss: SWISH: 070 - 621 19 92 (mottagare Sofia S) PATREON: https://patreon.com/defria_se HEMSIDA: https://defria.se FACEBOOK: https://facebook.com/defria.se
Ariel Sharon served as prime minister of Israel between 2001 and 2006. As a politician and military leader, Sharon always courted controversy. He frequently ignored the orders of his superiors in an attempt to push further into Arab territory and as a politician infamously visited Al-Aqsa Mosque on Temple Mount, sparking riots and terror attacks. Most notoriously of all, he was found responsible for the 1982 Massacre at Sabra and Shatila, where thousands of Palestinians and Lebanese Muslims were slaughtered by Lebanese Christians in territory controlled by Israeli forces.This might lead one to conclude that Sharon the politician is the recipient of unconditional praise by the Israeli hard right. But in the highly polarised environment of 2023, this isn't the case; as prime minister, a post Sharon held between 2001 and 2006, he presided over Israel's disengagement from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, something which angered the so called “Settlers”- Jews who live in lands occupied after the Six Day War of 1967.My guest today is Einat Wilf. Einat is an Israeli politician and author who served as a member of the Knesset- Israel's Parliament- from 2010 until 2013. She also served as a foreign policy advisor to another Israeli prime minister and President, Shimon Peres, and in this capacity encountered Sharon in the final years of his political career.
In his final podcast of 'For Heaven's Sake' for the year 5783, entitled “Farewell 5783,” Donniel Hartman said something that really stuck with me. He said: “I don't do pessimism.” Despite all the drama and tension in Israel, the many articles and voices talking about how the country is deeply divided, how this is the greatest domestic crisis in Israel's 75 years, a cold civil war, Donniel does not do pessimism. He goes to demonstrations every week; learns; teaches; advocates; gives public speeches; does podcasts. But he will not surrender to pessimism. Donniel here channels the spirit of the late Shimon Peres who famously observed: “Optimists and pessimists die the exact same death, but they live very different lives!” Do Jewish texts have a position about pessimism? Are there circumstances when pessimism is not only okay, but even called for? On the one hand, there is no shortage of texts in the Donniel/Shimon Peres tradition of eschewing pessimism. Hagar crying at the well when she and Ishmael were banished and thirsty; Jeremiah buying real estate in Anathoth even though he is in jail and the Babylonians are coming; Nehemiah telling the returnees to Jerusalem after the exile “You must not mourn or weep…Do not be sad, for your rejoicing in the Lord is the source of your strength.” On the other hand, there is a whole other tradition called prophecy, which is not infrequently saturated by deep pessimism of sin, national failure, exile, and destruction. The same Jeremiah who bought the house from prison also is the source of our Tisha B'av morning Haftarah: I will make an end of them, declares the Lord: No grapes left on the vine, No figs on the fig tree, The leaves all withered; Whatever I have given them is gone. Why are we sitting by? Let us gather into the fortified cities And meet our doom there. For the Lord our God has doomed us, He has made us drink a bitter draft, Because we sinned against the Lord. How do we put all this together? Is there ever a time for us to be pessimistic, or not?
Born in Israel in 1942, Ory Slonim grew up amidst the ravages of the country's War of Independence. Ory came from a seventh-generation family that lived in Hebron, grew up in Tel Aviv, married, and became a successful lawyer. In 1986, Israeli President Haim Herzog appointed Ory as special counsel to the Defense Minister for issues of POWs & MIAs, from the civilian world, concentrating on families. Ory enlisted in the mission, gaining senior cooperation with the Mossad. For his work, he accepted a payment of one Israeli Shekel per year. Over the next thirty-six years, Ory searched the world for young IDF soldiers, pilots and reservists who were captured in battles and never heard from again. His mission to find the missing boys saw him traveling to nations that did not recognize Israel, and meeting with terrorist representatives. In the capacity of knocking on doors worldwide, and on families of the POWs & MIAs, Ory became known as the “Door Knocker.” In addition, Ory has tirelessly worked for Variety – the Children's Charity, having served as President and Chairman of the organization in Israel and as International President between 2003 – 2005. In 2011 Ory was honored by President Shimon Peres with the Israeli Presidential Medal of Distinction. On this episode of The One Way Ticket Show, Ory shares his one way ticket to a future in a place where all soldiers, POWs & MIAs will be back home and where children in need will be okay. During our conversation, Ory also shares what it's like dealing with terrorists and non-state actors, the painful conversations he had with families of POW-MIAs, draws from Moliere who said how uncertainty is uglier than the worst certainty, and highlights the importance of giving. For more, pick up a copy of Ory's book: "A Knock At The Door: The Story of My Secret Work with Israeli MIAs and POWs".
Israel står inför det största hotet någonsin värre än alla våra krig, säger en israelisk stridpilot. Hör hur rättsreformer nu väcker rädsla och hopp. Israels högerregering driver nu igenom lagförändringar steg för steg. Vissa pratar om en juridisk kupp, om att demokratin i Israel vittrar sönder inifrån. Andra applåderar reformerna. Vad är det egentligen som pågår? Konflikts Simon Moser tar med oss på en resa genom landet där striden nu står mellan de som vill bevara den liberala demokratin – och de som vill ge större utrymme för religionen.Vi hälsar på hemma hos Ruven Plevinski i en lägenhet i den ultra-ortodoxa stadsdelen Bnei Brak strax utanför Tel Aviv. Han förklarar varför han tycker att det är hög tid att guds vilja får större utrymme i israelisk politik. Det är inte bara vi som har en gud – för er i väst och för många här i Israel är den liberala demokratin upphöjd till religion, säger han.4 kilometer därifrån, i centrala Tel Aviv, hörs demonstrationstågen dån. Bland aktivisterna finns Mika Almog, barnbarn till Shimon Peres. Hon är rädd att alla israeler nu kommer att få rätta sig efter religiösa extremisters sätt att leva. Allt står på spel, från kvinnors rättigheter till freden, tror hon.Militär: Större hot än Israels alla krigMen det är inte bara studenter och aktivister som höjer sina röster nu. Även militärer protesterar mot regeringens reformförslag. Vi är vana vid hot som kommer utifrån – de kan vi hantera, säger den tidigare stridspiloten Micha Laurens. Den här gången kommer hotet inifrån och det är mycket värre än de hot Israel genomlevt tidigare, menar han.Men i bosättningarna på Västbanken, i Judéen och Samarien, väcker det som nu händer hopp. Det system vi haft tidigare har varit ett problem, Högsta domstolen har inte rättat sig efter folkviljan, säger bosättaren Boaz Haetsni.Hör också Sveriges Radios Mellanöstern korrespondent Cecilia Uddén som följt utvecklingen över tid och nyligen publicerat en dokumentärserie om Israel.Programledare: Anja Sahlberganja.sahlberg@sr.seProducent och reporter: Simon Mosersimon.moser@sr.seTekniker: Tim Kellerman
We are approaching the 30 year anniversary of the signing of the disastrous Oslo "peace" agreement on the White House lawn. Blessed to have already been living in Israel at the time, I was actively protesting against the Oslo deal knowing that it not only would not bring peace, but would bring more terror and bloodshed. It was pretty logical to me that that would be the outcome of the State of Israel giving guns to a known terrorist organization together with sovereignty over our Jewish land in Judea, Samaria and Gaza. The other day, I spoke about the actual motivation of Shimon Peres, and his team, in pushing for the disastrous Oslo "peace" plan, during a presentation I was invited to give by to the Canadian Antisemitism Education Foundation.
Retour sur quelques coups de coeur des derniers mois: - En bande organisée, essai de Sébastien Le Fol (Albin Michel) - Le documentaire Shimon Peres : L'homme qui osait rêver (Netflix) - Il est cinq heures, le cours est terminé, biographie d'Henri Bergson par Michel Laval (Les Belles Lettres) - Magellan, de Stefan Zweig (Babelio)
A must see interview! Steven Ben-Nun shares incredible information on Bigfoot, inner earth, mermaids, alien species, under ocean entities, secret technology, Niburu, WWIII with the coming invasion and more! He regularly examines world headlines and their relevancy to Biblical Prophecy. In the latter days that we are living in as many call the “End Times” people globally are concerned about where we are in light of Biblical Prophecy. Many people want to know, who is the Antichrist, when will the Gog and Magog war begin, is Russia a key player? What about Israel, Is Prime Minister Netanyahu for The Building of the Third Temple, why did Shimon Peres sign a covenant with the Vatican, what will be the “Seven Year Covenant” that Daniel speaks about and when will Armageddon begin? There are many questions on peoples hearts and news events are transpiring at lightning speed.This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/4656375/advertisement
Jonny Gould's Jewish State stays in Israel heading for the Knesset in Jerusalem and a couple of nights out in Tel Aviv, fresh from an eye opening visit to the Israel Gaza border (scroll back one episode for that atmospheric episode). I was part of an Elnet UK delegation, an organisation sharing democratic values and strategic interests between the Jewish State and the UK and Europe. Now let's talk to politicians and an Iranian expert for a snapshot on regional and domestic issues. The white heat of judicial reform has seemingly pushed the general public's concerns about the Palestinians into the shadows. I met Hanoch Milwidski MK on trying to bring Israelis back together. Then it's off to Tel Aviv to meet Iranian expert, Dr. Meir Javadanfar, who supports the JCPOA. What many in Israel and around the world regard as appeasing the Iranian regime, allowing them space and time to create a nuclear weapon! Why does he support it? And he took part in the Iranian Revolution, yes really! But first let's hear the story of Ruth Wasserman Lande, a former Knesset MK, itching to get back and with seemingly endless ambition. Ruth served as advisor to Shimon Peres, as Deputy Ambassador at the Israeli embassy in Cairo. Her parents arrived from Soviet Lithuania with nothing. Raised in a Russian speaking home, the Soviets even took her mum's wedding ring off her. Real stories from real people. Lived-in and brought your ears. Jonny Gould's Jewish State is brought to you with Dangoor Education.
Devin: What is your superpower?Cecile: I don't think it's a superpower because most people have it. Maybe we need to migrate people into exercising it, but I do think that grit might be it.Cecile Blilious has become one of the most significant players in impact investing in Israel, now leading impact and sustainability at the country's largest fund, Pitango Venture Capital. Founded by Chemi Peres, son of Israel's former president Shimon Peres, Pitango's current fund has $3 billion.“We work out of three parallel funds,” Cecile explains. “One is an early-stage fund that invests very early; two, the growth fund, which invests further than that and all the way to the IPO or exit, and a third fund that focuses on health tech, health, tech, also meaning food, anything to do with human health.”Cecile has a long history of leading impact investing in Israel. She ran the first fund focused on impact investing with a focus on tech, Impact First Investments.She officed at Pitango. “I was really embedded in their office, kind of a Trojan horse,” she says. “I joined Pitango three years ago with the idea to bring the paradigm of ESG impacts, just doing the right thing for businesses into mainstream VC.”“I built a strategy that I call the ESG to SDG continuum because it is a continuum looking at the whole picture,” Cecile says.She shared her views on ESG:All companies have to have good ESG standards because it's the right thing to do because it's the best way to manage your business. Because if you have diversity in your team, you'll have better ideas, better solution solving solutions to problems. You'll have just more opportunities. You'll have the best talent. If you think about your carbon emissions as part of your DNA in your corporate, then you will also make sure that you harm the planet less, but you also attract the best employees, and your clients will also be happy about what you do. So, ESG is like the bare minimum that everybody should do.Cecile now focuses on helping portfolio companies discover their impact and intentionally develop it.“If you can add to that the impact lens, then let's do that,” she says. “We won't force it on anyone who doesn't have it, which in this case, again, because of our DNA, would be around 30 percent of the companies, just the backbone of the Internet, making wireless faster, things that don't have any impact. But 70 percent of the companies actually do have an impact, and that's where we add the impact lens.”Cecile sees two camps she describes as impact natives who have developed their careers around impact and impact migrants, investors, entrepreneurs, and others discovering the world through this new lens. She helps entrepreneurs in the migrant camp uncover their impact, intentionally develop it and measure it, making it a central part of the business.In the process of helping companies find impact, she is often able to help them find new revenue streams from expanded markets.Over the years, she's developed a formal process. “I designed this process called impact migration, and I just take them through it. I coach the companies through it.”She challenges entrepreneurs to think about what motivated them to launch a business and remember the problems they hoped to solve. “That's when you see this aha moment. It's happened to me many times when I speak to an entrepreneur; I said, ‘okay, let me pitch you your company through my lens.'”Cecile described the process for a large portfolio company called Via. The company offers a ride-hailing app for use by transit companies as a complement to or even a replacement for buses. Designed around car-pooling in smaller vehicles than conventional city buses, the Via founders focused on the environmental impact of reducing miles driven by empty or nearly-empty public transit.Cecile helped them discover the social benefits of more efficient public transportation. Suddenly, a group of people for whom public transit didn't provide a workable solution—think 90-minute-plus commutes with multiple bus transfers—could now commute reliably in 30 minutes.Via created a map to show the difference in where public transportation could help people get within 30 minutes before and after via, showing the employers, hospitals, schools, universities, parks and malls that became accessible, affordable and efficient.“We didn't change anything about the model or the product. We just added a layer that wasn't there before,” Cecile says.Throughout her career, Cecile has employed grit as a superpower to help her accomplish important things.How to Develop Grit As a SuperpowerCecile defines grit this way:The ability to stick to something that you believe is true and just keep going and keep doing it, even though most times it's hard because people either don't buy into it, they don't believe you, or they think that you're crazy or that you're moving too fast. So, the ability to achieve things I think has been very much attributed to the fact that I have that superpower if you will.Cecile spent nearly a decade working at Impact First Investments. She describes what she learned there in terms of the grit required:When I started with Impact First Investments, I was absolutely sure that everyone would just realize that blending capital with tech to create solutions for our world's biggest problems just made sense. And it just till now, it's like absolutely mind-boggling to me that I was among the few people who really were convinced on that. Most people just told me no, that it can't happen. It's not possible. So I was right. You know, in retrospect about that being a thing that really works, I was right about making sure that we expand and retain as much talent and as possible into doing these things.She also acknowledges that she was wrong about some aspects of how to take impact investing mainstream.Cecile offers two critical pieces of advice for people looking to strengthen their grit. First is to recognize that you're on your own.I raised four children pretty much on my own. Life doesn't give us any candies—not a lot of them, to most of us. You can just decide that it's just too much. You just wish that somebody, someone, would take over. But if you do that, then you lose. No one's coming—no knight in shining armor. No one's coming. Yeah, it's up to you. The sooner you understand that and the sooner you accept that, the better you are. Because then you face difficulty. You say, “Okay, this is happening. It's just me here. I might get some help, but at the end of the day, it's me.”So buckle up, and let's just do it. Sometimes you'll still fail, but a lot of times, you'll just get over this bump.The second is to recognize that overcoming challenges makes you stronger. Cecile says, “A lot of times, beyond the bump is what you're looking for. There will be more bumps coming, but you'll be stronger when you address them.”You can make grit a superpower that enables you to do more good in the world by following Cecile's example and advice. Get full access to Superpowers for Good at devinthorpe.substack.com/subscribe
Was 2013 actually TEN years ago? Crazy but true. It was the year of the Boston Marathon bombing, the 90th birthday of Shimon Peres, the passing of Arik Einstein...and Miley Cyrus teaching us how to 'twerk' on MTV. In music, however, Israelis were listening to Nathan Goshen, Keren Peles, Elai Botner, Idan Amedi, and many more. Join us as we take a musical trip back in time, and re-live the moments that made us smile, cry, and connect to Israel from ten years ago. (Original Air Date: January 22, 2023) Full playlist at https://www.myisraelimusic.com/episode1146 Love the show? Help us grow by becoming a member of MyIsraeliMusic.com: https://myisraelimusic.com/membership Join the Israeli Music Community on Facebook! https://www.facebook.com/groups/IsraelHourRadioFans/
Israel's start-up ecosystem is already a powerhouse—how can the country continue to scale it up? This episode is the second on Israel's vibrant start-up scene, and a continuation of McKinsey innovation leader Erik Roth's conversation with Avi Hasson and Chemi Peres. Hasson leads a not-for-profit, Startup Nation Central, that promotes Israel's start-up sector, while Peres leads a venture capital firm, Pitango, and a not-for-profit, The Peres Center for Peace and Innovation, that promotes peace and innovation which was started by Chemi's father, Shimon Peres, the former prime minister of Israel. Follow The Committed Innovator podcast and read the transcript of today's episode. Join our LinkedIn community of more than 86,000 members and follow us on Twitter @McKStrategy. Explore Inside the Strategy Room podcast transcripts episode transcripts on McKinsey.comSee www.mckinsey.com/privacy-policy for privacy information
Despite its small domestic market, Israel has managed to build a vibrant start-up scene that competes with those of much larger countries. In this episode, two leaders of Israel's innovation culture, Avi Hasson and Chemi Peres, talk with McKinsey's innovation leader Erik Roth in this first in a series of episodes on innovation in Israel. Hasson leads a not-for-profit, Startup Nation Central, that promotes Israel's start-up sector, while Peres leads a venture capital firm, Pitango, and a not-for-profit, The Peres Center for Peace and Innovation, that promotes peace and innovation which was started by Chemi's father, Shimon Peres, the former prime minister of Israel. Follow The Committed Innovator podcast and read the transcript of today's episode. Join our LinkedIn community of more than 86,000 members and follow us on Twitter @McKStrategy. Explore Inside the Strategy Room podcast transcripts episode transcripts on McKinsey.comSee www.mckinsey.com/privacy-policy for privacy information
This week's Times Will Tell is a recording of a recent sold-out Times of Israel live event in Jerusalem, featuring an English language screening of the award-winning "Cinema Sabaya" film followed by a conversation with filmmaker Orit Fouks Rotem. "Cinema Sabaya," starring Dana Ivgy, tells the story of Arab and Jewish female municipal workers who take part in a video workshop, documenting their own lives and viewing each others' — challenging their beliefs in order to get to know one another. Fouks Rotem spoke with Times of Israel arts and culture editor Jessica Steinberg about the making of the film, her casting of mostly unknown actors who had a lot of freedom with the script and her goals in making this movie about women of different stripes. As the Best Picture winner in the Ophir Awards, Israel's version of the Oscars, "Cinema Sabaya" automatically became Israel's selection for consideration as a foreign film nominee at the 2023 Academy Awards in the United States, a voting race that Fouks Rotem describes as well. The following transcript has been very lightly edited. Times of Israel: This week's Times Will Tell is a recording of a recently sold-out Times@10 event, a screening in English of “Cinema Sabaya,” the award-winning Israeli film that is Israel's choice for an Oscar foreign film nomination, followed by a conversation with director Orit Fouks Rotem, at Jerusalem's Yes Planet. Have a listen and enjoy. I'm very pleased to introduce Orit Fouks Rotem, the director of Cinema Sabaya, which won the Ophir Award, Israel's Oscar for Best Film, Best Director, Best Supporting Actress for Joanna Said, Best Costumes and Best Casting. Cinema Sabaya is the underdog film that unexpectedly swept the awards, automatically making it Israel's selection for consideration as foreign film nominee at the 2023 Academy Awards in the US. It's also Orit's first full feature film, one that she worked on for eight years. She's a graduate of Jerusalem's Sam Spiegel Film School. And we considered showing this screening there in the new arts campus where they have a screening room that fits 120. That's the largest one, but it wouldn't have fit all of you. So it's a good thing that we did it here at Yes Planet. It's very good to have you here and we're going to have a little conversation that we'll also open to some questions from the audience. I know your mother was involved in the initial idea. So if you could tell us a little bit of the story of how it came about and how your mother was involved in it from the very start. Orit Fouks Rotem: So thank you for coming and taking the time to watch the film. Yeah, so my mother is the advisor for women's issues to the mayor of Hadera and she was a participant in a group like this, like you just saw, she studied stills photography with Arab women in the area of Hadera. And I just finished film school and looked for an idea for a film and she told me about the course and I thought it's very interesting platform to discuss a lot of subjects through women and through women's eyes. And then I started making those kind of groups as research for a few years. Tell us how you found your first group. That's a great story. So I wanted to make this kind of group and I didn't really know what I'm going to do, so I just went to Acre because someone told me, you should go to Acre. There are a lot of Jewish and a lot of Arab women. I just walked in the street and asked women if they want to study how to use the video cameras. And they looked at me like I'm crazy. And then I went to this small shop and this woman there told me, go to this place. There are women meeting there once a week. It was like a shelter and I offered them to teach them a course of video filmmaking and they said yes. And then I just went there once a week for a while and actually made up this course that you saw in the film. And on the way I thought, maybe it can be also a documentary. But then I understood that many of the things that came up there, I wouldn't be able to use them in a documentary. So I decided to go with my first plan and make a fiction film. But take this conflict for this character that I wrote based on me, of course. And that's it. That's my mother's. So your mother helped get you started. Art imitates life. Life imitates art. You wrote the film, you were thinking about it as a documentary, but ended up making it into a feature film. Tell us a little bit about why you wanted those elements of truth and reality as opposed to full-on fiction. For me, as a viewer, when I believe what I see, it touches me. And if I don't believe it, I can understand it intellectually, but I don't feel it. So for me, it's the most important thing to do is to make this believable. And that was the way I think, to make it believable. Because a lot of people ask me after the film if it's a documentary or if it's a fiction film, mostly outside of Israel, where they don't know that I've been any of the actresses. And for me it's the best compliment because it means that they weren't sure if what they see is real life. Talk about the actors a little bit. Dana Ivgy, the main character, plays Rona, the filmmaking teacher, is a very well known actress who actually was up for two of the awards in September. Both this for this film and for another film. But she is the most well known actor in the film. The rest were some of them had never acted before. Correct. And some of them just hadn't really acted a lot. Can you tell us a little bit about the casting process, how you found these women, who they are in real life? So all of them are actresses except for Liora Levi who really lives on a boat and I found her through my script advisor, who told me I just have to meet this woman to take her to my film. And then I met her and wrote her in after that. So she is the only one who's not really an actor. Did you have to convince her? It was her dream for a long time to be in the film. In the beginning, I wasn't sure if she can act and I also made auditions for her character. It's really funny to think that someone else could be her. So yeah, she's one of a kind and all the others have something to do with acting. Some of them did, like, commercials and Joanna Said, this is her first film and she studied it for a semester in the Hazuti, and she did some theater, but not in a professional way. All the rest are actresses, not so known, but Amal Murkus, who's the singer, is really known. You and I spoke about what you call the trick of the story, which is that most of the film takes place in this one room and the other scenes that we see are brought from the videos that the characters that the women made from their own homes. So tell us a little bit about that, how you came to decide that that was going to be the setting and also how did you make those films? So the film they're bringing into class is of mostly the women themselves shot the videos. I went with them to locations that we found and we brought actors like the one who cuts his fingernail is my landlord because in the same day there was an extra that was supposed to come and he didn't show up. They thought, who can be her husband? They needed to have the location. We're paying those people. So I just called him and luckily he didn't cut his nails before and showed up. He's Jewish. My landlord got money for this. He didn't take it from the rent. And Yulia Tagil, the actor who plays Yelena, she really lived with her mother at that time and she's divorced and it's really her daughters in the film. So we used reality sometimes, but she's different. We did a mix of the real life and their true emotions. Were they okay with that? Was that something you had to discuss? As far as I discussed with each one of them, some of them didn't want to bring, so it was their choice. Some of them don't share. Some of them don't share at all. Yeah, like Nahed. I found that in every group I made, always there was one that didn't share. And she also suspects Rona's intentions so that also gives her a reason not to share. Right. She's suspicious the whole time about what's really happening there. Yes. You told me that Dana Ivgy sometimes filmed. She filmed all the way. She held the camera, right. And she kept it going. And in the end we decided to use her footage only in three parts of the film. But at the beginning I didn't know. I thought maybe a lot of the film would be from her perspective. What about the women as a group? The cast as a group, obviously the experience changed them in terms of making a film. For some of them, it was their first time. But did it affect them as a group? As a community of people together? So yes, of course. It was really interesting to see they didn't know each other before. We didn't rehearse. We met twice in order to read the script together, so they will understand everything. But we didn't do the scenes, we didn't rehearse because I wanted to keep everything to the shooting days. We had twelve shooting days only. Tell everyone where the room was, where you filmed it. We filmed in Ben Shemen. It's a boarding school. And we filmed in a place where Shimon Peres got married. It was just an empty hall. When we came down and we fixed everything, the curtains, the color of the walls, which was, like, abandoned. In the weeks since the elections, we're feeling the effects of what's happening around us. When did you actually film this? In what year? 2019? Right before COVID closed everything. Three months before COVID and what were you looking to bring to the table in terms of your Arab Jewish subject matter? How deeply did you want to get into it? Did you get into subjects that you didn't anticipate beforehand? My main motivation was to bring deep and full feminine characters to the screen. It was more important for me than the conflict, in a way, because I saw many films about the conflict that tells you what to think. And I didn't want it to be this kind of film. I wanted it to be more open. So the main thing will be the women themselves. And of course, when I go to Arab and Jewish women together, I have to put the concept on the table because it's very not to do that. It's there. So I did it, like in the beginning of the film, just to get rid of it and not to get rid of it, but to finish with it and to make room for these women. Because I think it's even more political when you identify with the character that you will never be identified, maybe before and when you see the film and not to have an agenda that tells you what to think about it. Did you have any reactions as you went through the editing process from your cast or from your editing team of putting more in, putting less in? How did you react to that? I didn't really open it to the cast, but, yeah, it was a dilemma how much to put it, because what you see in the film, the political part, was in the shooting much longer. We decided to put it there, but don't let it take over everything. And Amal Murkius is a really political figure and it was important for me to be loyal to what she wanted and to give her a place to say what she thinks and also to the actor that plays Esti. They felt like they represent all the Jewish and all the Arabs in Israel. So I tried to tell them it's not true, but in a way it's a bit true because I see when people see it outside of Israel, mostly they look at this like, as a representation of what is happening. So you just came back from a road show in the States showing the film, working on exposing it in terms of the Oscar nomination. What was it like to show it to audiences out there? What were their reactions to this film that is presenting what is happening here, but not intending to necessarily. A lot of questions were about the election and what's going to be in Israel now. They reacted like in Israel, everyone has a character that he likes the most. And the questions were a lot about the work in progress and how we got this authenticity that there is in the film. So it wasn't really different in that part. Okay, so you are in this race to try and win the Oscar nomination. Yes, we are at the voting starts in the 12th. Next week. Next week. No pressure. No pressure. If you know any Academy members, please tell them to see the film. It's amazing how many people know Academy members. It's a really small world. Tell us a little bit about the process. Now, there is 93 films from all over the world. And in the 12th until the 15th, they're voting for the 15, the short list, and after and who goes to the shortlist, competes to be in the five, and then you're a nominee. Each Academy member gets, like, I think, eight films. And you can vote for 15 films to rate 15 films. And, yeah, it's supposed to be equal, but I don't know how it really works. It's a lot about money. I see. And big companies like Netflix that run the film can have more impact. And the Jordanian film now gets a lot of attention to our government, thanks to them. Right. So, of course, you want this nomination, but at the same time, how does it actually feel to be in this place? In other words, it is your first feature film. It did do incredibly well. It's a film that really catches people emotionally and through the vibrancy of what we see on the screen. Where are you right now in terms of the Cinema aabaya effect on yourself? Where do you want to go with all of this besides obviously wanting a nomination? That would be pretty nice. Yes. In a way, all the time you want more and more. In a way, I want it to end and to have a good memory and keep going to the next film. Okay. Well, we want to see what your next film is. Thank you very much, Orit Fouks Rotem. Thank you. IMAGE: The cast of 'Cinema Sabaya' (Courtesy PR)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
This week marks the second anniversary of the normalization of relations between Israel and Morocco as part of the Abraham Accords. Building on this peace, three young adults hailing from Israel, Morocco, and the U.S. join us to discuss their visit earlier this year to Israel and Morocco. The first-of-its-kind tour was part of the Michael Sachs Emerging Leaders Fellowship, sponsored by AJC and the Mimouna Association, a Muslim nonprofit in Morocco devoted to preserving Jewish-Moroccan heritage. Hillary Jacobs, ACCESS Global and ACCESS NY President, Reda Ayadi, Program Director of Muslim-Jewish dialogue for the Mimouna Association, and Itiel Biran, Head of Operations in the Mayor's office for the municipality of Rahat, Israel, talk about what they learned about Morocco, Israel, and each other, what impact the Abraham Accords have had, and what progress they hope to see continue. __ Episode Lineup: (0:00) Aaron Bregman (2:05) Hillary Jacobs, Itiel Biran, and Reda Ayadi __ Show Notes: If you're alarmed by rising antisemitism, you can take action right now by supporting AJC: visit AJC.org/donate, or text AJC DONATE to 52886. Music credit: Humanity by Scott Holmes Music is licensed under a Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Listen to our latest podcast episode: What Lessons Can We Learn From the Past to Fight Antisemitism Today? Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, tag us on social media with #PeopleofthePod, and hop onto Apple Podcasts to rate us and write a review, to help more listeners find us. __ Episode Transcript Manya Brachear Pashman: Two years ago, Morocco normalized relations with Israel becoming the sixth Arab country to do so. Earlier this year, a group of 22 young Americans, Israelis and Moroccans toured Morocco together, a first of its kind experience for everyone involved. The tour was part of the Michael Sachs Emerging Leaders Fellowship. The fellowship is sponsored by AJC, and the Mimouna Association, a Muslim nonprofit in Morocco devoted to preserving Jewish Moroccan heritage. The first cohort included members of Morocco's parliament, as well as civic, business, and technology leaders in Israel and the United States. With us to talk about this unprecedented venture are three members of that cohort: Hilary Jacobs, president of AJC's young professionals group ACCESS Global, Reda Ayadi, Program Director of Muslim Jewish Dialogue for the Mimouna Association, and Itiel Biran, Head of Operations in the Mayor's office, for the municipality of Rahat, Israel. Welcome to all of you. Hilary Jacobs: Thank you. Itiel Biran: Thank you, hi. Reda Ayadi: Thank you. Manya Brachear Pashman: So Hilary, I will start with you. How did your involvement in the Sachs Fellowship come about? Was it a curiosity about Morocco, curiosity about Israel, or just an opportunity to continue pursuing better Jewish-Muslim relations? Hilary Jacobs: I think all of the above for those. And in addition to that, one, I love traveling, and I love getting to know and experience other cultures, from the people who are from there, and who live there, so less on vacation, and where I can really understand the culture, the geopolitics of the region. And this seemed like a great opportunity. It also felt like a way that, we talk a lot about in the US and in the different activities with AJC about the Abraham accords and about these different relationships, it felt like a real chance for me to do something actionable, and really learn about what that meant. Manya Brachear Pashman: Itiel, had you been to Morocco? Itiel Biran: No, no, this was my first time. Manya Brachear Pashman: Okay, had you even wanted to go? And just could not? Or did this plant the idea in your head? Itiel Biran: To be honest, I don't think it was in my radar,, in my point of view, or thinking. Mostly, I think because even my background in the army and you look outside, you don't really look at it, until the last couple of years don't really look and say like, I'm going to visit whatever, Egypt or Morocco or something like that. We need to be frank and say that a lot of Israelis visited Morocco in the last decade. A lot of them. But for me personally, it wasn't like an opportunity until it became more real in the area, in the region. Manya Brachear Pashman: And Reda, had you been to Israel? because that was part of this as well, right, a trip to Israel? Reda Ayadi: That's correct. The second part, right after Morocco, we flew from Casablanca to Tel Aviv, for the second part of the trip. Before that I had been to Israel, it was almost 10 years to the day, so 2012 was the first time I went, before the Abraham Accords and the situation was a little different than it is today. Manya Brachear Pashman: How so? I mean, was it different for you as a traveler? Personally or geopolitically in the broader scope? Reda Ayadi: It was different, more geopolitically was different. And also as a traveler, I'll explain both sides. 2012 there were no Abraham Accords, there was no open dialogue between the countries in the region. So it was a purely civil society kind of grassroots organization talking to each other. So we didn't have the necessary framework within which we can operate. On a personal level, as a traveler it's also quite different, back then I remember in 2012 I had to fly to Istanbul and meet someone from Israel to give me my Israel visa, but now you can just go to the Israeli office in Rabat and submit your application and get your visa to travel. So, quite a different situation. Manya Brachear Pashman: So, let's summarize for our listeners kind of the Jewish history of Morocco, there has always been a kind of a quiet connection. Excuse me, there's always been kind of a quiet connection between Israel and Morocco, particularly the Moroccan diaspora in the Jewish state and then kind of the new kind of 21st century approach there in Morocco to celebrating interfaith relations, celebrating its Jewish history. Reda Ayadi: Morocco had the largest Jewish community in the Muslim world, and the largest outside of the Ashkenazi world, with almost 300,000 Jews, up until the 60s, quite a large flow migration started one way, and I guess, yes, there was definitely a strong connection that were maintained between Moroccan monarchy and heads of state in Israel. Some of it was indeed behind closed doors. But others were more in the open, like the trip to Shimon Peres to Morocco or Yitzchak Rabin, and others. So, I think, the 21st century as you said, there are two things: Morocco's approach, and its relationship with its Jewish community, like the 2011 constitution that finally recognized it as an essential component of Moroccan identity, its Jewish part, its Jewishness. But at the same time, Abraham Accords now that gave a new kind of strong impetus to go beyond what you said, you know, those kinds of closed door connections, usually between security officials, that now it's, you know, accorded across the whole spectrum of agricultural, technology, lots of people to people relations. So it's, yeah, it's a very significant change that we're seeing now. Hilary Jacobs: Unlike most other countries, Jews were never kicked out of Morocco. In fact, originally, during the Spanish Inquisition, they were asked to come to Morocco. And were wanted to be there. And the people that we met and spoke with felt the loss of the Jewish community there when they migrated to Israel. And so I think that's something that's really special. And I'm the granddaughter of two Holocaust survivors, and then Russian on the other side, so a lot of persecution and to think about Jews being in a country in a region, and especially we don't think about in the Arab world, as one that is welcoming to Jewish people, and beyond welcoming, to really see them as their fellow citizens, Manya Brachear Pashman: Itiel, did you have something to add? Itiel Biran: Yeah, I want to add two things. One, and I think, from Israel's society point of view, there's some interesting collision of the vector of what happened in Israel, to the Moroccan Jews in Israel, in the last seventy years, that I think relates very much to what happened these days between Morocco and Israel. And I think we should speak and when we look at the history of Israel, the Moroccan Jews a lot of the Mizrahim, a lot of the people from Africa, and not the Ashkenazi people were pretty much pushed aside from the decision-making places. And there's some big changes in Israel in the decades that follow, that I think influenced a lot of how not only Moroccan but also the whole society in Israel, look at the heritage, the big and amazing heritage that Moroccan Jews bring to Israel. And I think these days, what we've seen is a combination between what Israels look up and look on the history of themselves. You know, the Moroccan Jews in Israel are a half a million people. There's a lot of people, the heritage is enormous, amazing, a lot of culture. And for decades Israeli society looks at them and the very good foods or something like that. And I think this change impacts a lot. And it's very helpful. This is the first thing I want to say, of course, to relate to what Reda said, the Abraham Accords is the peak of process. I think in Morocco, not in other countries. In other countries, I think it's the start of a process. In Morocco and in the relationship between Morocco and Israel is, it's some kind of a peak, because there was an ongoing relationship for a lot of the time. But there was never, from up-down, always from down to up, only from top to bottom. This is a point of view that will really help you understand why this peak of relationship between Morocco and Israel is so strong, and why the changing of how many Israelis come to Morocco, it changed in two, three years from 50,000 to 200,000 a year. I think because it's a peak, not a start. Manya Brachear Pashman: That's a really interesting point. In other words, you're saying that the renewed interest in the Jewish history of Morocco plus the renewed look at how Moroccan Jews are treated in Israel, both of those paved the way toward this normalization. Itiel Biran: Yes, with all of the other things, the business opportunities, etc. Manya Brachear Pashman: Right. That is, that's really a very good point, Itiel, I appreciate you making that. I'm curious, both of you, Itiel, Hillary, what did you learn about the Jewish community in Morocco, and the efforts on behalf of both Jewish and Muslim communities there to better understand each other. Itiel Biran: First of all, for sure what I mentioned before, for me is the continuous process of my friend for me, there is not a good translation for this, but I'm very a fan of the Arabs in Morocco, and the identity, and I'm looking at myself as Israeli, as a combination of a lot of identities. And a lot of them are more like an African identity. And I think there's a continuous process in a lot of Israelis to embrace this identity, even more. And I think when I went to Morocco, it was a big, strong feeling of this heritage and how it's related to me. And to be honest, the absence of similar heritage from my own places I'm from. I'm Ashkenazi, from Poland and from Germany, etc. And there's nothing there. There's nothing there left, there's nothing there to see what my ancestors were talking about, and what this big proud communities were. When you go to Morocco, you see all the stories in real life. It's blown my mind. It's amazing. Manya Brachear Pashman: And Hillary, what did you learn about the Jewish community in Morocco, when you went? Hilary Jacobs: You know, it's very humbling. I also grew up in a very Ashkenazi centric world, or around Sephardic Jews, mostly from Iran, and there was maybe like one or two, you know, Moroccan Jews, and I never really got to learn about any of their traditions at all, and so on this trip, getting to see those and also seeing how our Moroccan counterparts were as excited about participating in those cultural traditions. I mean, the Mimuna Association is called the Mimouna Association for a reason, after one of those specifically Moroccan holidays after Pesach. So, that was kind of amazing. I think the fact that an organization that started out simply as an on campus group that has blossomed into an NGO, would go around and preserve Jewish sites and culture. Manya Brachear Pashman: What is the Mimouna Association? Reda Ayadi: The Mimouna Association is now a Moroccan NGO. It started in 2007 at my university, as Student Club, right. Just a group of students decided that they want to learn more about Moroccan Jewish heritage. So 10 of them got together and created the club and started pretty small. Just once a month or once every other month, they will do an event, like Moroccan Jewish days, or something of the sort where they would turn the whole campus Jewish for a day, you know, like Moroccan Jewish food within the the cafeteria, the library would show books from Moroccan Jewish writers or scholars, and things of the sort. And I guess it evolved quite a bit from 2007 until 2012, when a lot of us graduated, and we registered what was then a student club into a Moroccan NGO that exists outside of the university, present in a few cities. And also we started different tiers, student branches in other universities besides the one where it started. The big chunk of the work that's done is education, really working in universities and high schools with students to learn more about their own history that most people are not very much aware of. That's one. Two, we work on Holocaust education as well. The Holocaust is not necessarily a chapter that Moroccans are very familiar with. But with partners in the US and others we developed a Holocaust curriculum specifically for an Arab audience. So we focus on that. And also we work on Muslim-Jewish relations with both the Jewish community in Morocco and outside, in the US, Israel and other countries. So that's just a few of the things that we focus on. Now it's been more than 15 years doing the work. And we continue, there is plenty that needs to be done. Manya Brachear Pashman: Since Israel and Morocco did establish diplomatic relations, I think more than 30 agreements have been brokered having to do with a variety of things: water management, renewable energy, security. I'm curious if there were any particular collaborations that you explored during this fellowship that intrigued you or or kind of struck you as particularly beneficial for the region? And Reda, I'll start with you. Reda Ayadi: I think a critical issue is really the water management in both. Morocco right now is suffering from a very heavy drought that's been ongoing for a long time. And both the well-being of everyone in the country depends on water resources. So like cooperating in that space, I think it is excellent. And I think could be a good platform for both Morocco and Israel to pursue similar agendas in other countries, because water scarcity is not just an issue for Morocco, it's an issue for the whole region. So I think it could be a way to work with countries that are also in such a need. Manya Brachear Pashman: Hilary, I'll pose the same question to you. Hilary Jacobs: From what I experienced, there's so many different opportunities. Tourism is something that we talked a lot about as it being something very immediate that we could do as individuals, encouraging people to go there, we met with the tourism office. And so how we can encourage Israelis and Americans to go there. Also, one of the things that I learned that was really helpful in terms of thinking about the region as a whole, and as Morocco as a gateway to Africa, and that being so essential and important for the future of Israel, and there's a lot of contention often in African countries, and its relationship to Israel. Like, considering the vote of the African Union to potentially kick out the delegates from Israel. And so to really be championing these new sorts of relationships in Morocco, I think is an excellent starting point to open up a whole new region of possibilities. And so, there's just kind of endless opportunities that can come through, starting with Morocco and moving out all over Africa. Manya Brachear Pashman: And Itiel, are there particular collaborations that you find very beneficial? Itiel Biran: For me myself, to be honest, what's very unique, look at governmental, municipality and governance. And I think I told this to my friends from Morocco. I was very surprised and very interested about the way of managing and the way of handling pretty much the same issues in a different country with different rules and different government, and I think there's a lot of potential there. Manya Brachear Pashman: So these past couple of weeks, we've been watching the first World Cup hosted in the Arab world in Qatar, yet it was quite an ordeal to arrange for Israelis and Palestinians to fly directly from Israel. And since some of the Israeli journalists have arrived there, they've been harassed simply because of where they're from. And I'm curious if your participation in this program, your engagement in these these kinds of relationships, if it changed how you view tensions like this? Itiel Biran: Every experience that we experience as an Israeli comes across Arab people all around the world or in Israel, or in Morocco, or you come across Israelis, or what you're facing back home. And when you speak on your relationship or what your projects are. I think most of this experience speaks pretty much the same language. And the same language is: peace is coming from people, from face to face, from long relationships, from knowledge, from understanding, from business and actions, and not from papers and not from anything else. And you can say from the point of view of Israel: yeah, we have a peace agreement with some countries – is there any peace with them? Yeah, peace agreement, there is. But has there been peace with them? And for my personal view, I came to Morocco with my arms up, ready to argue, ready to defend my point of view as an Israeli. Ready to, whatever. And I was blown away by the fact that I didn't have to do it. That some some root or some foundation of coexistence, even though there's a lot of misunderstanding. There's a lot of mania. There's a lot of things that people on both sides think and hear and don't understand. When you have some foundation of warmth, there's something to build on. And when you don't have it--whatever agreement you're going to do, and whatever speaking you're going to do is going to stay in the area of speaking, of talking. Enough. And I think this statement that I just said, it's going through our delegation, and our friendship, and continuing after this program to, to do things together and speak together and discuss. Because I think all of us, when we met in this delegation, it wasn't something for one time and meeting. All of us felt, I think, and agreed without talking about it, that when you do this day to day speaking and working and action, you make with your own hands, the warm peace, that you can actually build on. Manya Brachear Pashman: Have you encountered pushback from others for participating in this program? And if so, how do you respond to that kind of pushback? Reda Ayadi: Trust is very hard, if we have learned for generations to mistrust, to distrust each other. It's hard to just like one day wake up and be, ‘Oh, you know, it's all good, it's easy to go back and forth without any issue.' If we would just give up after any pushback after any, being stopped at the checkpoint or at an airport for two hours, nobody would be doing anything, you know. Since my first trip and my second trip and my third trip to Israel, every time I would spend at least two hours in a room waiting for someone to come question me. But I understand that it takes this many times and this many years for the other to become less other, to become something someone that's familiar. And I hope that both Israelis and Palestinians go into the World Cup and everyone else traveling back and forth between these countries, to not give up after the first difficult experience trying to travel and build bridges between these peoples. And to continue doing. Manya Brachear Pashman: Excellent. Well, thanks to all of you for making the trip, for participating in this fellowship, and for coming and sharing your experience with our listeners. Itiel Biran: Thank you for the opportunity.
The unity government wasn't born yesterday, it has a long history in Israel. Tune in to this ongoing exploration of the evolution of Israel's electoral system to learn about the government shared by ex-underground fighter Yitzchak Shamir and Shimon Peres through the 80s, how it held together Mizrachi pride, religious tension and territorial confusion. A government that withdrew from Lebanon, tamed galloping inflation and faced the First Intifada before being brought down by the infamous "dirty trick." Photo Credit: Israel GPO HARNIK NATI, 03/15/1988 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.0/legalcode
The unity government wasn't born yesterday, it has a long history in Israel. Tune in to this ongoing exploration of the evolution of Israel's electoral system to learn about the government shared by ex-underground fighter Yitzchak Shamir and Shimon Peres through the 80s, how it held together Mizrachi pride, religious tension and territorial confusion. A government that withdrew from Lebanon, tamed galloping inflation and faced the First Intifada before being brought down by the infamous "dirty trick." Image lic - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.0/legalcode attribution: Israel GPO HARNIK NATI, 03/15/1988
"It is safe to say that almost no city needs to tolerate slums," wrote New York City official Robert Moses in 1945. "Our ancestors came across the ocean in sailing ships you wouldn't go across a lake in. When they arrived, there was nothing here," Ross Perot proclaimed in 1996. "We proved we can create a budding garden out of obstinate ground," beamed Israeli president Shimon Peres in 2011. These quotes recurring themes within the lore of settler-colonial states: Before settlers arrived in the United States, Israel, and other colonized places throughout the world, the land was barren, wild, and blighted, the people backward, untameable, and violent; nothing of societal importance existed. It was only when the monied industrialists and developers moved in, introducing their capital and their vision, that civilization began. This, of course, is false. Indigenous people inhabited North America long before Europeans did. Poor, often Black and Latino, people populate many neighborhoods targeted for gentrification. So how do these people–inhabitants of coveted places who prove inconvenient to capital–become erased from collective memory? And what role do media like newspapers, brochures, travel dispatches, and adventure books play in their erasure? In a previous Citations Needed episode (Ep. 155: How the American Settler-Colonial Project Shaped Popular Notions of ‘Conservation'), we discussed the erasure of indigeneity, we explored the colonialist and racist foundations of conservationism in the US and elsewhere in the West. On this episode, follow-up to that episode, we explore how images and narratives of barrenness and blight are manufactured to justify the settler-colonial project, from 15th Century colonial subjects of Europe to urban neighborhoods of today. Our guest is scholar Stephanie Lumsden.
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