Podcasts about if india

Pope Francis will be laid to rest on Saturday after lying in state for three days in St. Peter's Basilica, where the Catholic faithful are expected to flock to pay their respects. The funeral has been set for Saturday at 10 a.m. in St. Peter's Square. President Donald Trump said he and first lady Melania Trump plan to attend, while Argentine President Javier Milei is also expected to be present.The United States is looking to sell more energy and defense equipment to India, Vice President JD Vance said on Tuesday during a visit to the country, adding that ties between the two nations will shape the century. "If India and the United States work together successfully, we're going to see a 21st century that is prosperous and peaceful," he said in a speech in the northwestern Indian city of Jaipur. "But I also believe that if we fail to work together successfully, the 21st century could be a very dark time for all of humanity."

After the invasion of Ukraine and the subsequent sanctions, India took the opportunity to start buying cheap Russian crude. From 12% earlier, Russia went on to account for 40% of India's oil imports. Now, fresh US sanctions mean our days of buying cheap Russian crude could be over. If India's oil import bill increases, so will inflation. Please listen to the latest episode of All Indians Matter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

India, home of more than 1.4 billion people, wants to increase its overall prosperity. Presently, its citizens consume, per person, one tenth of what is consumed by Americans. If India were to take an intense fossil-fuel burning, CO2 producing path to prosperity, the effect on the planet would be catastrophic. So leapfrogging to a higher, more sustainable level of technology is a sane and sustainable way forward for India. --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/presence/support

The world's major growth engine the past few years is showing more and worsening signs of finally cracking, including its currency hitting a record low just today. I'm not talking about the US, obviously, nor is it sickly China. India. If India has stumbled, too, as the rupee suggests, then there might be no escaping globally synchronized. Eurodollar University's Money & Macro AnalysisBloomberg India's Industrial Output Declines For First Time in Two Yearshttps://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-10-11/india-s-industrial-output-declines-for-first-time-in-two-years?srnd=phx-economics-v2S&P Globalhttps://www.spglobal.com/en/research-insights/special-reports/india-forward/indias-growing-role-in-the-global-economyHSBC India Total sales growth softens as export gains diminishhttps://www.pmi.spglobal.com/Public/Home/PressRelease/8b2aeb7799e44b899c2651b5732e0878https://www.eurodollar.universityTwitter: https://twitter.com/JeffSnider_EDU

Geriatric and Dementia Care in India Lori La Bey talks with Dr. Anita Kumar a Geriatrician from India with experience in geriatric oncology and public health.  She has written multiple articles in national and international journals as well as national newspapers.  Anita has spoken to a board audience. Learn: How is a Geriatrician different from a General Practitioner About dementia care in India What is the difference between Alzheimer's and dementia? If India has Adult Day Programs What their doctor appointments are like About India's in-home appointments and the benefits of them. How family structure and expectations affect dementia care.   Watch the Video Interview Below https://youtu.be/lTebscZQ1IY Listen and Subscribe to Alzheimer's Speaks on Apple Podcast https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/geriatric-and-dementia-care-in-india/id986940432?i=1000658827713 Listen and Subscribe to Alzheimer's Speaks on Spotify https://open.spotify.com/episode/30f4Sb7CSbXTNV5tqowjPY Other Podcasts https://pod.link/986940432    Contact Dr. Anita Kumar - Consultant Geriatrician at Holy Family Hospital - Mumbai Email  doctor.geriatrics@gmail.com  Facebook  https://www.facebook.com/anita.kumar.549 Youtube  @Defeating Ageing Linkedin  @Anita Kumar Instagram  @diva2000in Join Anitaa's WhatsAPP Group +919022200700.  Send her a request and she will add you to her group where she disseminates information on geriatric care.   Contact Lori La Bey with questions or branding needs at https://www.alzheimersspeaks.com/ Alzheimer's Speaks Radio - Shifting dementia care from crisis to comfort around the world one episode at a time by raising all voices and delivering sound news, not just sound bites since 2011. Alzheimer's Speaks is part of the Senior Resource Podcast Network.Support this Show: https://alzheimersspeaks.com/donate-now/See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Find me and the show on social media @DrWilmerLeon on X (Twitter), Instagram, and YouTube. Facebook page is www.facebook.com/Drwilmerleonctd   FULL TRANSCRIPT Wilmer Leon (00:00): Did you know that the world's largest democracy India is holding its lo Saba or lower house elections right now? And I don't think we can talk about India without talking about nuclear weapons. India is a nuclear power. How does that play out on the world stage? Announcer (00:32): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge. Wilmer Leon (00:41): Welcome to the Connecting the Dots podcast with Dr. Wilmer Leon. And I'm Wilmer Leon. We have a tendency to view current events as though they occur in a vacuum, failing to understand the broader historic context in which these events take place. During each episode of this podcast, my guests and I have probing, provocative, and in-depth discussions that connect the dots between these events and the broader historic context in which they occur. This enables you to better understand and analyze the events that impact the global village in which we live. On today's episode. The issues before us are what will the election results mean for India? What will the results mean for the global geopolitical landscape? And we'll throw in a few other things as well for insight into this. Let's turn to my guest. She's a professor in the Department of Political Studies and director of the Global Economy Research Group at the University of Manitoba, Winnipeg Canada. She's the author of numerous books. She's recently returned from a couple of trips to her home country of India. She is Dr. Rekha Desai. Dr. Desai, as always, welcome back to the show. Dr Rekha Desai (02:03): Great being with you again. Wilma Wilmer Leon (02:06): Narendra. Modi is a Indian politician. He has served as the 14th Prime Minister of India since May of 2014. He had a simple campaign slogan of Good Days are Coming. Those who support him seem to love him. His opponents argue he's done little to improve their quality of life and the quality of life across the country. What's going on with the current elections in India? Dr Rekha Desai (02:38): Well, this election has, it's actually, I should say that the election itself is not going on today. The election has been going on for the last seven odd weeks, 45 days. So it started more than 45 days ago and it ended, the last voting day was June the first. It was a seven phase election in which the Election Commission organized elections in different parts of the country over seven phases. The counting is what's going on today. It's not complete yet. So we basically have an idea mean roughly a little over half the votes have been counted, and we can say that pretty well. The trends seem to be set. Nothing has changed very much over the last two or three hours. And what we see here is that Mr. Modi has been humiliated. Let me explain why Mr. Modi went into this election campaign with the Hubristic slogan of this in Hindi, you say ispa. (03:49) So this time we will go beyond 400, 400 seats in a 543 member Loba or Parliament, the BJP at the moment, I mean that was for the larger alliance, the NDA, the National Democratic Alliance, of which the BJP is the biggest part by far. And the BJP itself was supposed to get about 370 seats. At the moment the BJP is at 240 seats, so that is 130 seats less than what they had projected to win. So that is a pretty big humiliation. What's worse for Mr. Modi is that it's going to be in the past two elections, what has been remarkable, and one of the facts which has permitted many people to say that he's some kind of very unique, amazing sort of leader who is much beloved by the country and so on. In 2014 and 2019, his party won a parliamentary majority that is more than 272 seats in the Parliament. (05:02) On its own, it didn't need its allies. And this is the first time a single party has won a majority since the election of 1984 when if you remember, Mrs. Gandhi was assassinated and the Congress party rode to power with the highest percentage of vote and highest seat count ever in its history on a sort of sympathy wave. And so since that time, no party has ever won a majority, and Mr. Modi won a majority twice. Now in this election, it does not look as though he's going to have a majority. If the present trends continue, he will be somewhere around two 40 seats and he needs 2 72 for a majority. This will be an even bigger humiliation for him. Wilmer Leon (05:49): What does this mean, if anything, in the context of governance? I understand in the parliamentary system that you can win and lose seats and that can be a humiliation as you've just indicated, but that doesn't necessarily translate into your ability to form coalitions, your ability to govern. And if you still have the ability to govern, how difficult does it become? So for example, we can look at Netanyahu in Israel and now you got Morich and others threatening to leave and that's going to break up his coalition. What does this mean for Prime Minister Modi in terms of governance? Dr Rekha Desai (06:34): Well, it means that he will have to concede a lot to his coalition partners if he needs them. But before we get there, let me just say two other things, which is that depending on how, what is the final result, two additional things may or one of two or two or more things may happen, which will put into question more these ability to form a government. The first thing is that if the BJP is truly humiliated as it seems to be, it is going to be, it is very possible that there will be big opposition within the party, within the BJP knives will come out for him because he has basically ruled again in this very hubristic fashion disdain pretty well, all the second level leadership of the party, disdain, all the other organizations with which his party is affiliated and so on. So we will have to wait and see what will happen. The second thing that could happen, I'm not sure that it will, but it could happen, is that his coalition partners who he now needs may abandon him particularly sensing that this Mr. Modi is going nowhere. Good. Wilmer Leon (07:54): So it's that dramatic. Dr Rekha Desai (07:57): It could be is what I'm saying. We are not sure at the moment I'm looking at it and it's still showing me BJP at two 40 leading in two 40 seats, 63 seats short of its previous tally. That's pretty bad when you are claiming, and you asked me another question, and I just want to throw this one thing in there, contrary to what has been reported in most of the mainstream media in the West and certainly in India, because in India, the Modi government has the mainstream media in its back pocket. So contrary to what these sources have reported, the Indian economy is doing exceedingly badly. It is not doing well. And if you ask me the most fundamental reason for the bad performance of the BJP and Mr. Modi is that imposing the kind of economic pain that he has imposed on the country for the last decade, I would say, and we can discuss what happened in 2019, why did he get reelected? But he has imposed nothing but economic pain on the ordinary Indian for the last decade. This cannot be electorally, costless. And this time around the cost has caught up with him. Wilmer Leon (09:14): So when you talk about economic pain, the word that comes to my mind, well, two words that come to my mind are neoconservative and austerity. Are those, because I also, if I looked at some of the data, I want to say that youth unemployment is incredibly, incredibly high in India. And when your youth unemployment is that high, boy, you're the economist, not me, but you're setting a groundwork for discontent going forward amongst your youth. Those youth grow into adults and they carry that mindset forward. Speak to that please. Dr Rekha Desai (10:03): Okay, so I would say that there are a number of points I want to make. Number one, India's growth figures are highly exaggerated. That's the first thing is that they have changed the way in which they compile growth statistics, which depending on which economist you are talking to is exaggerating. India's growth rate anywhere between two to 4%. And if you factor that in, then India's growth rate, which is often touted as being the fastest of any major developing country faster than China's, et cetera, does not have any of those qualifications. India should be growing much faster, has in the past grown much faster and Mr. Modi's performance is actually very poor. The second point I have to make is that even the growth we have has been powered by unsustainable stimuli and it has created exceedingly high levels of inequality. So that is a problem. (11:02) So growth is low, inequality is high, inflation is high, unemployment is high including youth unemployment. So the unemployment crisis in India is very high, even though India's labor force participation rate, that is to say the number of people who are actively either employed or seeking employment out of the working age population is actually quite low. So even with this sort of social, shall we say, benefit that India has, granted, the BJP unemployment levels are very high. Youth unemployment is so high that for individual jobs, maybe the government advertises or some company advertises a dozen jobs and there will be literally hundreds of thousands of applications for a dozen jobs. I'm not kidding you. And there have been riots around issues of employment and so on. So we can again discuss that. So unemployment is that. Now, if this whole litany is not bad enough, Mr. (12:10) Modi has willfully in order to show what a strong man he's who can take decisive decisions and actions has imposed pain on the Indian economy on at least three separate occasions, which is completely, it's uncalled for unnecessary. But again, to do this, the first was if you remember the demonetization exercise when overnight the government declared that currency notes over the value of 500 rupees were considered invalid and gave everybody a short period of time to go and exchange them for lower denomination notes. Now, for an economy which runs on cash primarily, this was a disaster. Remember that India's economy, the formal employment in India's economy is only about 7%. So 93% of Indians work in an informal economy where cash is king. These people were suddenly thrown into a crisis. People who had squid away savings in high denomination notes had to go and exchange them. And many very often they had to stand in long lines and it created a huge mess. Secondly, Wilmer Leon (13:25): Well, wait a minute, what was the objective of doing that? Dr Rekha Desai (13:28): Well, he claimed that he was going to try to create a cashless economy and remove the black money from the economy, et cetera, but none of this was proved true. I believe that he was simply talking to certain, shall we say, big financial wizards who want to introduce cashless payment systems in India and want to benefit from the bonanza. And he basically doesn't talk to a lot of people. So one or two people who have his ear can actually get him to take these decisions. I mean the demonetization exercise. And a third thing was that he was trying very desperately to win an election in the giant state of UTA Prade elections were due. And he thought that somehow by doing this, he would prevent the opposition from essentially spending any money. So then he declared a covid lockdown at a time when there was no covid detectable in India. (14:26) And then a year later when you saw all those bodies floating down the Ganges and all those funeral pies, he was nowhere to be seen. He was missing in action. There was no government policy. People just had to somehow make do with what they had. State governments did do a lot, but not, he did not. And then finally he imposed a goods and services tax, which again, given that India operates on so many small and tiny enterprises, it was simply another burden on people who are already too stretched to keep records in order to pay taxes. And moreover, it's a regressive tax. There is so much inequality that the need of the R is to tax the fabulously wealthy. So in India, we now have literally a two tier society where if you are one of the five or 10%, life's never been better. And if you are one of the 90 to 95%, it's really, really bad. Wilmer Leon (15:23): So please forgive my ignorance of Indian culture, but I understand that there's a cultural strata within India. So you add the economic strata to the cultural strata, and then I would think you have a big mess on your hands. Dr Rekha Desai (15:46): Well, it exacerbates the inequality. What you're referring to is the caste system, which is quite widely misunderstood. But let me just, I mean the caste system people think is a kind of a layered, like a many tiered wedding cake with a small number of, so-called twice born cast at the top and then everybody else. But in reality, caste works in the sense of having, there are various caste groups and each caste group is either higher or lower in the hierarchy and that, so a small number of caste groups are in the, so-called twice born casts that are essentially the high castes, and then there is a big fat middle of the middle casts. And then there are the, so-called untouchable cast, and then there is a group of tribals who are outside the caste structure. So the thing, I don't want to give a long disposition on that, but the thing to know about the class structure in India is that the upper cast are also generally the upper classes, the well to do. So, the cultural or social privilege and economic privilege largely coincide, not completely, but largely. So this creates an additional layer of resentment and so on. So that's the situation. Wilmer Leon (17:13): I want to get back to my austerity question because I know that Modi is very, very close to Joe Biden, and that's why when you mentioned early on about the economic issues, Neo Khan and austerity were the two words that came to my mind. So are there similarities between the objectives of Modi's economics and the economics of the West? Dr Rekha Desai (17:41): Yes. Essentially the Modi government, like the previous BJP government engages in a certain politics of neoliberalism or economic policy of neoliberalism where you privatize as much as you can, you reduce social expenditure, you reduce state capacity, you contract out, that sort of thing. And that has really penetrated very deep. Now the Indian economy, so for example, he has recently privatized Air India sold it off essentially, and many other state assets have been privatized. A lot of the way I look at it, I think that this would go for President Biden as well as Narin Modi, essentially they have a one point economic policy. The one point economic policy is to do what benefits the really big corporations. And India has a lot of big corporations, so that that's the economic policy Bohi has pursued. So essentially there is a handful of big titans who destroyed the Indian economy. (18:54) You must have heard of Gata Madani who is a particular favorite of the Prime Minister. There are the Bannis and a few others. And essentially what Mohi has done in terms of economic policy is initiate projects. For example, building roads or bridges or highways or ports or airports or what have you, which involve giving very lucrative contracts to a small number of big corporations. And that's, those are the ones who have benefited. Whereas he claimed that he had a make in India a policy or program which was going to expand the manufacturing sector. Well, if anything, the manufacturing sector has shrunk under Modi. So the kind of good jobs that manufacturing tends to create has actually shrunk under Modi rather than expanded. So this is the kind of economic policy you have. And of course that makes India all the more unequal, Wilmer Leon (19:52): As I have read, particularly in Western media, it's been portrayed over years that it was expected that India would rival China. That modi's objectives were to the one China policy, I'm sorry, the Belt and Road initiative and that China China's economy, one of the leading growth economies in the world, and that Modi was trying to rival China and in the West it was being portrayed as though he was actually successful in doing so. Speak to that, please. Dr Rekha Desai (20:33): Yeah, I mean the West would dearly love India to emerge as an economic giant and Wilmer Leon (20:40): Competitor to China. Dr Rekha Desai (20:41): Exactly, and a counterweights to China. And so India would be sort of in the Western camp and help count to China. Unfortunately, the West has had to swallow considerable amount of disillusionment because I noticed that even in some of the more mainstream western media, which would, as I say, which have been praising India until recently, there has been a certain amount of stepping back, realizing that Modi has been not as economically successful, and also realizing that Modi has been very authoritarian so that India's democracy is often has been rated by under, Modi has been rated by some international agencies as an electoral autocracy, the press freedom in India, India has been criticized on those grounds. And I think that if anything, the west has been forced to come to these conclusions and it has reluctantly come to these conclusions. And if anything, criticism of Modi is still much milder than it should be, but it is there because the facts are too difficult to look away from. (21:53) Having said that, as I said, the West's desire for India to be this counterweight to China has not gone away. And I should also add that particularly this party, the BJP to which Mr. Modi belongs, has historically pursued a policy of getting closer and closer to the United States. And I should also add in the process, getting closer to Israel, reversing a very longstanding Indian policy of anti-imperialist support for the Palestinian cause and so on. So these trends have certainly been exacerbated under Modi, and we'll have to see now what happens in the coming weeks and months and so on. Wilmer Leon (22:35): India shares, I want to say about a 2200 mile border with China. India is part of bricks, the Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, and now a number of other countries have joined that economic block. So it seems as though Modi is trying to walk a very fine line in terms of being a member of Brix, which means good relationships with China working, I'll say working, working relationships with China, working relationships with Russia, while at the same time trying to be the friend of the United States. Is that a fair assessment of his effort? And that I would think that's a very, very difficult and fine line to walk. Dr Rekha Desai (23:26): I think it is. And at the same time, Mr. Modi has not had much choice because for several reasons. Number one, Modi would really love to distance himself distance India from Russia, which of course has had longstanding economic ties as well as defense cooperation ties. Wilmer Leon (23:51): But wait a minute, let me jump in. And just to that point, didn't India just sign a huge oil and gas deal with Russia and they are buying Russian gas in rubles? Dr Rekha Desai (24:08): Yes. So let me exactly. I was about to come to that. Wilmer Leon (24:14): I'm channeling my inner, not Dr Rekha Desai (24:16): Really like that. But what has happened in the interim, of course, is that with the Ukraine crisis, India and the rise in the price of oil, and remember India imports a lot of oil and the rise in prices of oil in India has ripple effects throughout the economy because the cost of everything goes up because transport is a central part of the cost of anything. So inflation is already bad enough in India. If India did not have this oil deal with the Russians, then it would be even worse and it would tell on Modi even greater way. Secondly, some of his best paths like Mr. Adani and Mr. Banani and so on are actually engaged in the lucrative and shady practice of buying Russian oil at a discounted price and then processing it to power, not for that matter, and then selling it forward to essentially Europeans who can say, well, we are not buying Russian oil, but we are buying these oil or oil products from the Indians. (25:18) And so this India has become a sort of conduit for this oil trade and so on and gas trade with the Europeans. So that's another important thing and why India needs Russia. Secondly, India also has these border disputes with China, which go a long way. And Mr. Modi, of course, loves to sort of rattle his saber every so often in order to Ghana support across the border with China. But in India has also become dependent on cheap Chinese imports, inexpensive Chinese imports, I should say. I don't want to suggest that they're low quality, but because Indian manufacturing has declined and India's has become ever more reliant on importing cheap Chinese products. So in all of these ways, India's room for manure is actually shrinking largely thanks to the sad state of its economy, which Mr. Modi is doing nothing to improve. So in that sense, what Mr. Modi would like and what he must do are increasingly further apart. Wilmer Leon (26:33): Here comes a very basic simplistic question. India, I believe is the largest population in the most populous country in the world. That says to me that there's a very large accessible labor force. The United States is moving or trying to move off of Chinese labor and fine labor elsewhere. Allah, Haiti, why isn't Modi, or why isn't the US trying to tap into that unemployed labor force, expand production in the country? Because when we think of India, a lot of people in West think of, for example, call centers. They think about engineers, but not necessarily with IIT, for example, the Indian Institute of Technology, which is supposed to arrival. MIT, supposed to be one of the best engineering school in the world, but people don't necessarily think of engineering coming out of India. So why isn't the world or why isn't the west tapping into this labor force? Is that a sensible question to ask? Dr Rekha Desai (27:58): No, it's a good question to ask. So let me take another step back. You are right. India is the most populous country. India has a very large young population, and people often have been talking about the demographic dividend that India has the opportunity to employ these people and to grow much at a very fast rate and benefit from this. However, in order to harness or in order to benefit from India's demographic dividend, you have to invest in your young people. You have to educate them, you have to give them the skills Wilmer Leon (28:34): You need like China has done, Dr Rekha Desai (28:36): And then you have to create the larger kind of ecology, which will stimulate growth. None of these things are being done in India. Primary education is basically, I mean, as opposed to China, where the state puts in a lot of effort into primary education in public schools, what you have is essentially a proliferation of private schools, which if your parents can afford it, you're lucky, and otherwise you go to a sadly and badly run state school, which often does not even have a sufficient number of teachers or teachers who show up, et cetera, et cetera. So there is this problem. Then on top of that, increasingly what used to be a rather good university system has also been allowed to essentially be privatized the proliferation of private universities and colleges which charge enormous fees for questionable forms of education, which is also why you see an enormous flood of Indians, Indian young people leaving the country to obtain education abroad. (29:44) I mean, I was educated abroad, but as a graduate student, what's happening now is lots of Indian young people are leaving as undergraduates and going abroad to various, usually other English speaking countries, but also places as you, I don't know if you remember, but when the Ukraine war occurred, there was a crisis of Indian students having to return, and I had no idea that there were Indian students in Ukraine, but are, and there are Indian students all over the place. So the government is not doing anything. And finally, there is another problem, which is that in general, the Make India program was supposed to be, which Mr. Modi advertised with great fanfare. It was supposed to attract foreign direct investment into India, but then the idea was that India would then become a platform for producing export products for the whole world market, et cetera. (30:37) But in reality, in general, foreign direct investment only comes in when or only comes into countries like India because these countries, these investors are interested in selling to the Indian market. They don't particularly want to sell to the foreign market. And secondly, also, the contracting out where the kind of contracting out that happens with China, and increasingly now with Vietnam and so on, that also has not been particularly good because we basically don't have a layer of manufacturing firms that are able to deliver quality timeliness and all those sorts of things. So essentially we haven't had any kind of big flood of contracting out either. Wilmer Leon (31:27): I'm going to go back to the same question because as I was listening to you, this thought just popped in my head. When I look at again, the Belt and Road initiative from China, when I look at China meeting with African countries, India has, again, it's the largest most populous country in the world. That means markets, people are there to sell to and a labor force. So I'm wondering why, and I remember, I think when Modi came in in 2014, he met with President Xi. There was a, I think 20 billion of investment deals signed. I'm thinking about Russia wanting to come in. So there's an incredible growth opportunity there in terms of markets. So China can come in and build railroads. China can come in and build bridges, build electric infrastructure, build water infrastructure. Is that not happening? And if not, why not? Dr Rekha Desai (32:34): Well, because, well, okay, let me take Wilmer Leon (32:39): Again, is that a sensible question to ask? Dr Rekha Desai (32:42): Yeah, yeah. No, no, it is. So first of all, let me say that the Indian market, you talked about the Indian market markets are not just composed of people of people. Markets are composed of people who have money. And if you are running down your economy in the way that I've just described, ordinary people in India do not have the kind of money that makes India an attractive market. The market in India, as far as foreign capital is concerned, is basically a small sliver of the upper 10% or so of the Indian population. And that is not a very big market. I mean, India may have 1.4 billion people, but if only 140 million of them are capable of consuming at anything like the level of the rest of the world, and it's not, it may have a small one or two or 3% who are, Wilmer Leon (33:36): I should have used the word potential. Yes, I should have used the word potential. And what comes to my mind, and if I'm historically inaccurate, please correct me. Many economists and others will say, and this is maybe a stretch of an example, but one of the things that brought about the end of slavery or enslavement in the United States was an understanding we've got this newly formerly enslaved population. We need these people to be consumers, not a drag on the economy. So we're going to create an economic system that allows the manufacturing access to this labor force. So that's what was driving my question. Dr Rekha Desai (34:23): Well, exactly. And the thing is that unless you have adequate levels of employment, and not only adequate levels of employment, but adequately well compensated employment, that is to say with high wages, you're not going to create a market. You've got to create a sufficiently, you've got to create good jobs, essentially. And that is not something the government has done that, in fact, it has done everything to retard that process because as I said earlier, the government's policy is to favor a small number of big corporations. Now, the vast majority of the Indian economy is accounted for by what we call SMEs or small and medium enterprises. These are the guys who actually create the jobs. They may not be very high paying, but at the very least, they're paying jobs. And even that with the imposition of GST, for example, with demonetization, all for that matter, with covid policies in every possible way, the SME sector has been set back and it is not creating, it's not allowed to create the kind of employment that you do. And if you give a contract to Mr. Adani to build a port, that's not going to create a of employment because what Mr. Adani does is he has all the freedom in the world to import all the things that he needs. So he imports high technology products from the west and so on, and he creates a state-of-the-art port, but that is not going to create a lot of jobs for Indians. Wilmer Leon (35:54): Does he import labor as well, or does he access Indian labor, or does he import labor as well? Dr Rekha Desai (36:02): No, no. He accesses Indian labor, but it's a very small amount. It's a drop in the bucket compared to what Indians to actually absorb and to realize this demographic dividend, you need to create a lot more jobs, and they're not going to be created by Mr. Adani and his friends. And in fact, in the absence of such a strategy to really create a larger market, to create more employment, to create more opportunity in India, in the absence of a strategy to do those things, India is not going to enjoy a demographic dividend. India is at the moment sitting on a demographic time bomb because, and we have seen some of the results of that. Let me also give you an example. Not only does the government not create employment, it does the reverse. It creates, it removes good jobs and replaces them with bad jobs. (36:54) Consider the Indian army. Now, you think Indian army is one of the largest armies in the world. It's a large standing army, and that was one of the relatively secure forms of employment that people in many parts of India, young men in particular, but there are also women in the Indian Army would aspire to. What this government has done is replace the ordinary soldier's job, which could then you join the army as a soldier, and you move up the chain if you are good and so on, you get promotions to higher levels. This has kind of been the number of such jobs has been reduced, and they have been replaced by the so-called Agni vu scheme, which sounds very fancy. You are a fire hero or something. Anyway, this Agni Vu scheme essentially will hire soldiers for four years on a four year contract. So at the end of those four years, you could be let go. There is no guarantee of employment. Now, even if you are a right-wing, security obsessed nut, you will say this is the wrong way to have a good army. Wilmer Leon (38:00): But Dr Rekha Desai (38:01): That's Wilmer Leon (38:01): What you need career soldiers. Dr Rekha Desai (38:05): Exactly. Wilmer Leon (38:06): Exactly. And you don't form careers on four year contracts. Dr Rekha Desai (38:09): And in this election, I have noticed that in all the areas which have, traditionally in every country, there are some parts of the country that are recruitment from which the army recruits disproportionately, and there are such parts of India as well. And in all those parts of India, the BJP vote has gone down because people are so sore about this scheme. In fact, the other thing, because in India what happens is that when the counting takes place, they count the postal ballots first. And very often the postal ballots have a disproportionate number of army veterans or army people in them, because army people tend to get posted around and they use the postal ballot to vote in their place of registration. And so these postal ballots also showed a significant decline in the vote of the BJP. So that was quite interesting as well. So you see, Mr. (39:03) Modi thought that he could visit this kind of economic punishment on Indian people, but somehow then still win them over by showing them what a strong leader he is. And through spewing hate, because you see in the, as I told you, this is a seven phase election at the end of the first phase, which occurred on the 19th of April. That was the first day of voting within a couple of days, I'm sure the BJP, which is backed by the way, absolutely generously by the corporate elite of India. So they have plenty of money. They must have conducted exit polls for themselves. You're not allowed to publish them, but you can conduct exit polls how you're doing. And it became very clear to the BJP and to Mr. Modi that their party was doing badly. And so within two days of that, the entire campaign rhetoric changed. (40:00) It went from how we are going to create a developed India with a 5 trillion economy and the whatever, the third largest economy in the world, and all this completely castles in the economic castles in the air. But we've seen that to essentially demonizing Muslims, which is what the BJ does. Whenever they realize that they're in trouble, they shift to this anti-Muslim rhetoric. So this, and the kind of rhetoric that has issued from the mouth of Mr. Modi has been absolutely horrific. I mean, it has plumbed depth of, how can you say, of coarseness that has never been witnessed, ever. And people have criticized him, but it is very clear that they were already panicking, and now the results are out and they're panicking because as I say, this kind of economic pain that you are visiting on Indians cannot be electorally costless. And you see, in 2014, Mr. (41:04) Modi won. It was a novelty. He was fully backed by the corporate capitalist class. The propaganda machine was in full motion, and the opposition was divided. It was not united. In 2019, they would've lost, actually, many people were saying that they were going to lose. Many seasoned psychologists were saying that. But at the very last minute, Mr. Modi pulled a defense and security rabbit out of his hat. There was an incident in which he claimed to be striking, making strikes across the border on Pakistan, on a place called Bako. And that these strikes were going to show that India was ruled by a tough leader and who was not going to give into Pakistans dastardly infiltration, et cetera, et cetera, and terrorist activities and blah, blah and so on, all of which is heavily you should take with barrels of salt. But nevertheless, this apparently transformed the election campaign, and there was the pre court assessments and the post bar court assessments, and he won. And even then he won, but he added a mere 20 something seats to his tally. So it was not such a great thing. Even with the Bala coat effect this time around, he wanted to add fully 70 seats to his tally. It's not going to be that. It's not that easy, as you can see. So there were exceptional circumstances, and this many people are saying is a more normal election. And in this normal election, Mr. Modi, it looks is headed for a humiliating setback, if not defeat. We'll have to see. Wilmer Leon (42:43): And I don't think we can talk about India without talking about nuclear weapons. India is a nuclear power. How does that play out on the world stage, in spite of all the things that you've just articulated and very clearly, thank you very much. That's always in the background. India is a nuclear power. How does that play on the world stage as related? Go ahead. Dr Rekha Desai (43:15): Yeah, I mean, in India, so the India's nuclear weapons are really not very substantial or not very many. I think it matters most in the confrontation between India and Pakistan. Pakistan, but also to some extent this border of dispute that India has with China, which we can discuss. But historically, if you think about it, India went in for a nuclear weapons development program in the sixties after being defeated in the 1962 war with China, in which China did not take any territory. China inflicted defeat on India and then withdrew to the original position just to say, look, we don't wish to solve this problem militarily. We wish to solve it through negotiation. And the Chinese have more or less stuck to that. But China has always been a very big factor in India's nuclear program. And so as you know, in 1972, India had conducted its first nuclear test. (44:19) India has never joined the nuclear non-proliferation treatment. And then in 1998, when Mr. The Prime Minister who headed the previous JP government, BJP LED government, I should say, that was a coalition government, but the BJP was the leading element of that coalition. Mr. Wapa, within days of coming to office, conducted a second nuclear test and then wrote a letter, this was back in 1998, wrote a letter to President Clinton, more or less explicitly saying that India having conducted its next nuclear test, was available to the Americans as a counterweight to China. So that is the larger configuration. I don't think India imagines that it is going to win a war with China, but I hope they don't anyway, because it was certainly not going to. But the weapons are supposed to be some sort of a final defense. So the nuclear weapons matter to India vis-a-vis Pakistan, and to some extent vis-a-vis China. Wilmer Leon (45:25): And quickly you've made reference to the India China relationship. Elaborate on that before we get into the discussion about American domestic politics. Dr Rekha Desai (45:36): Well, very briefly, I would say that India is increasingly outclassed by China. China is economic dynamism, puts India to shame. I would say that the previous government, the UPA government that ruled India from 2004 to 2014 began to embark on a strategy of creating greater employment and putting more money into the pockets of ordinary Indians and taking care of basic needs and so on, which if continued, would have put India on a much better track. Certainly not as good as China, but certainly on a much better track. But of course, Mr. Modi interrupted that, and we've had 10 years of exceedingly harmful economic policies under Mr. Modi. So economically, India is outclassed by China, and I would say that India, whereas up until now 2014, when Mr. Modi was elected, India was making small progress in resolving some of the border disputes with China, which can easily be resolved. (46:46) Some progress was being made. Mr. Modi has largely reversed that progress. Now, very briefly, let me just say that really I think that if India were to give up its insistence on lines on the map, which were drawn by the colonial powers, and try to seek an amicable, try negotiate with China amicably in a way that takes the interest of the people in these border regions, places them foremost, rather than claim to this or that piece of territory, I think that India and China can easily resolve their border disputes. Think of it this way, China has many borders with many countries, and it has resolved all its border disputes with all its neighbors except the one with India. India by contrast also has many neighbors. It has many border disputes, and it has resolved none of them. So that's the one very simple way of looking at it. So India's position has been unreasonable that Unreason was beginning to be unraveled to considerable extent, I think under the previous Congress led government. But under Mr. Modi, all that progress has been reversed Wilmer Leon (48:04): In your explaining India's inability to resolve those conflicts is part of that, because in the minds of many leaders, conflict brings about coalition that Israel is an example of that. One of the tenets of Zionism is, and Netanyahu says this all the time, you all need me to protect you because the wolves are at the door, and if I'm not here, they'll devour us all. Joe Biden, many believe right now is in deep trouble and is trying to create himself to be a wartime president. Is that in any of the thinking or logic of why these border disputes are not being resolved? Dr Rekha Desai (48:52): Well, okay. So first of all, let me just say that I think conflict brings consolidation, consolidation of your social base, not necessarily coalition, because you have to remember one very important respect in which the Israeli electoral system is completely different from the Indian election. Wilmer Leon (49:08): Oh, absolutely. Absolutely. I was speaking on a very broad level. Dr Rekha Desai (49:13): Well, because Israel has an exceedingly permissive form of proportional representation, so that parties with even a tiny number of votes can have representation in parliament. And this allows the more extreme parties, extreme right parties to also get representation in the Israeli parliament. India does not have a PR system at all. It has a first pass the post electoral system. And that of course, can translate a small, for example, in this election, a relatively small change in the percentage of the vote can translate into a very big change in the number of seats won by a given party. So India has this first pass, the post electoral system, and that has been very important in giving Mr. Modi his majorities. And yes, rattling the Sabre and raising the issues of defense and terrorism can certainly help. Mr. Modi has helped Mr. Modi in the past, in 2019 in particular, to essentially win a majority, again, even a slightly increased majority. So that certainly helps. And historically, yes, defense issues have been to consolidate a social base, but on the whole, I would say that the Congress has been much less willing to sort of weaponize defense issues. And the BJP has been much more willing to do. So Wilmer Leon (50:43): Switching to, well, is there anything else you want to be sure that we cover on this election issue before we move on? Dr Rekha Desai (50:50): No, I think it's good. Okay. Wilmer Leon (50:54): Okay. Alright. Well then with that, quickly, your thoughts on the current state of the Biden administration. His numbers are horrible. According to real clear politics, he has a 55.8, or we could say 56% disapproval rating. He has a 65.8 or 66% of those believe the country's on the wrong track. In the wake of Trump's guilty verdict in the New York Business Documents trial, Trump is still up by nine percentage points. And also when you look at the Battleground states eight, by many calculations, Joe Biden isn't winning one of them. It's becoming harder and harder to see how Joe Biden gets to the 270 electoral votes that he needs. Your thoughts? Dr Rekha Desai (51:58): Well, I think that what you're looking at in the United States is really the sort of cumulative result of following neoliberal policies basically, so that essentially neither Mr. Trump nor Mr. Biden are anything other than neoliberal. Mr. Biden will pepper his neoliberalism with a certain amount of socially progressive politics, but that's the only difference between them. And so what you are seeing is on the one hand, a very large protest vote against these sorts of policies going to Mr. Trump because Mr. Trump is essentially saying to people, I know you guys are suffering and I know how to solve your problems. You're suffering because of China. So instead of saying that you're suffering because of neoliberalism, which he's not going to give up on, he's offering a false solution to the problems of the people. But nevertheless, this seems to work better than what Mr. Biden is saying, which is offering more of the same. (53:02) And Mr. Biden's. So-called omics is actually not working either. So that, because again, it is not that different by the way, from the policy pursued by Mr. Modi. Mr. Biden also pursues a policy whose overriding priority is to look after the interests of the big corporations of the United States, not to solve the employment crisis or solve the housing crisis or to solve the health and indebtedness crisis or anything like that. And in the United States, the only people who seem to be talking a different type of economic policy are the non duopoly candidates, chiefly Jill Stein, and of course to Dr. West. These are the people who are talking about progressive economic policies. The existing duopoly has nothing to offer the American people. And let me say that by contrast, one of the heartening things about this election and the last few years in India has been that Congress, which was, I would've faulted it in the past 10 years ago, for still being too neoliberal Congress, having suffered a drum in 2014. (54:15) And in 2019 has improved its game on two fronts very, very well. Number one, it has engaged in some major exercises of reconnecting with the people, particularly essentially this walking journey that that Rahul Gandhi did across the country from south to north, stopping in everywhere and literally walking thousands of miles. That was a very good way of reconnecting and re-energizing the Congress organization. And very importantly, they seem to have understood that if you are to win in India in the present circumstances, you need to proclaim and pursue a far more progressive set of economic policies that look at issues of employment. And I haven't even mentioned, you asked me whether there was something else I should mention. I haven't yet mentioned agrarian distress being squeezed on both sides on the one side, by rising prices of inputs, which are increasingly produced by big corporations, and on the other side by diminishing prices of outputs, which again, which are typically bought by big corporations. So you can see these poor farmers being squeezed. The spate of farmers suicides in India are very high. So Congress has learned from all this that you need progressive policies for farmers, for the urban sector, for creating employment, for dealing with debt issues, providing education, all of these things. And they have actually come out with a pretty decent manifesto. And I would say that if they were to get a chance to implement it, I'm sure that they will only go further in a progressive or left-wing direction rather than pull their punches. Wilmer Leon (56:07): Interesting. You mentioned that the suicide rate of farmers is up in India because the suicide rate is up dramatically, particularly among white males in the United States. You mentioned the omics, Joe Biden doesn't mention omics that much on the campaign trail, and we hear the American economy is doing so well. But to your point about Joe Biden as looking out for the elite, that's the financialized side of the American economy that is doing well. The banks are doing well, corporations are doing well, but the regular part of this economy, debt is up dramatically. Prices are up, inflation is up, and unemployment, if you really look at the numbers in terms of the number of people working compared to people here have a, I think, try to make a false equivalency that every job means one person working. What we're dealing with here is one person working multiple low wage jobs just to remain poor. Hence we see the unhoused, the rate of the unhoused in the United States is up. So when you look at the real numbers and speak to this, please, as an economist, when you look at the real numbers, things aren't going nearly as well as Joe Biden and the Biden administration would want people to believe. Dr Rekha Desai (57:55): Absolutely. I mean, the whole employment issue has long been a boondoggle in the United States. The United States loves to advertise itself as this job generating machine of an economy, but what is the quality of the jobs generated by them? If you have to have two or more jobs in order to keep body and soul together in order to feed your children, then what kind of a job is that? Wilmer Leon (58:18): And many of those jobs don't come with health benefits don't come with vacation. They're low wage. In Dr Rekha Desai (58:25): Fact, I don't know if you remember, but this is not a new problem. This goes back to the election of George Bush Jr. When he was running for reelection. Apparently some poor lady said to him that, oh, she was working three jobs and so on. And she said, look, she's such a great hero. She's working three jobs, completely missing the point that why should anyone have to juggle three jobs in order to make a living? And that too, as you rightly say, not really a living in order just to be poor. And this is the situation. And by the way, in India, as I say, a lot of people are also claiming that they are going to look at so many, there's so much entrepreneurship in India. There's so much self-employment, a lot of what is called self-employment in India isn't self-employment. It's desperation. If you have no job, of course you will do anything. You'll buy bottle brushes and go sell them on or buy peanuts and go sell them on the train for the few rupees you will make. And the difference between your buying costs and your selling costs. And that may still not give you anything more than a meal or maybe half a meal or two square meals a day if that. But what about clothing? What about food? What about what? I mean housing, what about education? All these things are not there for people. Wilmer Leon (59:43): It's the difference between living and existing. Dr Rekha Desai (59:46): Exactly. Exactly. So this is the situation in India, and I think that these election results are showing that. And as I say, I think by the way, there was another parallel between the American situation and the Indian situation. A lot of people felt essentially unenthused by this election. So they may not have those people who Modi was trying to enthus to support him, may have simply sat at home and said, we are not going out. And as you know, the election campaign was very long drawn out because it would give Mr. Moy a chance to campaign in each phase. You see, because he regards himself as the only board deliverer of his party, which means there is no second level leadership in the party, which Wilmer Leon (01:00:39): Is in fact, isn't he on record as saying, I don't have a successor. The people are my successor. Isn't he on record as saying something ridiculous like that? He's Dr Rekha Desai (01:00:50): Been saying some pretty peculiar things recently. In fact, one of the most outlandish things he said recently, he said some, he gave a spate of interviews just before the election, and in fact during the election, and the purpose of this was that some phoning media person who is not a tall critical, who throws them all sorts of soft balls in order to make him look good. So one particularly phoning interviewer asked him, Mr. Modi, where do you get your amazing energy from? You've been campaigning, blah, blah, et cetera. So he said, he says, well, as long as my mother was alive, I didn't quite credit this, but I have always felt that I'm not biological, essentially, that I have not been born of my mother, that the Almighty has created me and sent me here to fulfill a certain purpose. Now, I mean, just imagine the guys, I mean, it's, it's madness. If you told me this and you were a politician, I would say Wilma. Okay, it's all right. You told me this. But don't tell anyone else. Just keep quiet about it, even if you think so. Wilmer Leon (01:01:58): In fact, you'd say, I have a friend I'd like for you to talk to who is trained to talk to people like you. Dr Rekha Desai (01:02:10): So anyway, so he's been saying some completely nonsensical things recently because as I say, he has been in a panic mode and he'll say anything basically and trying to, so anyway, he's been trying to garner votes. And the other really interesting thing is that you will remember that in January, the Mr. Modi elaborately conducted this elaborately stage managed consecration of the temple to Lord Ram, which is being built on this moss that was destroyed back in 1992. It's a big vo. We can't discuss all of this. But let me just say that this consecration exercise, which was, as I say, carefully choreographed to highlight Mr. Modi and his role, and he was, in fact, it was not the priests who were consecrating it as though it was he who was consecrating it. And it was a practically fascistic exercise I'll have. And he thought that this was going to be his baah court, that in the now 2019, there were those strikes and that this would deliver him the votes. There was next to zero temple effect in the electorate. You asked people, most of them didn't bring it up. They said, where are the jobs? Look at the inflation. How are we supposed to eat well enough? Et cetera, et cetera. So this did not work. Wilmer Leon (01:03:34): And as we get out, you mentioned anticipated low voter turnout in India. I have been saying for a very long time that a huge problem that is on the horizon for President Biden is not going to be people changing parties, is going to be and voting for Donald Trump or voting for Joe Stein or Dr. West. It's going to be people staying home raking leaves. That's going to be his huge problem. Your Dr Rekha Desai (01:04:07): Thoughts. I think that certainly this year in India, the voter turnout is only marginally lower than the previous time. But given that it is in roughly two thirds of the people have voted in the last election and this one. But I suspect that it's a question of who votes, right? So maybe his supporters stay at home and the supporters of the India block, which is the Congress led coalition, came out and voted. It's very possible that that's kind of what's happening. Wilmer Leon (01:04:38): Well, let me say as always to you, Dr. Ika Desai, thank you so much. Thank you so much for joining me today. Dr Rekha Desai (01:04:48): It's always a great pleasure, Wilma. Wilmer Leon (01:04:50): Folks, thank you all so much for listening to the Connecting the Dots podcast with me, Dr. Wilmer Leon. Stay tuned for new episodes every week. And by the way, if there are issues, if there are topics that you need me to connect the dots on for you, then please provide your suggestions in the comments below. Also, please follow and subscribe. Leave a review, share the show, go to the Patreon account and please make a contribution. This is where analysis, culture, politics, and history converge. Talk without analysis is just chatter. And as you can see with brilliant guests like Dr. Desai, we do not chatter on connecting the dots. See you again next time. Until then, I'm Dr. Wilmer Leon. Have a great one. Peace. We're out Announcer (01:05:50): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge.

I'll soon be moving to focus on the UK general election, but first this is a final look at a much bigger democratic contest: India's.In episode 1 and 2 of my mini-series on India's election I looked at Modi's hindu nationalism and his approach to democracy. In this third and final episode I'm taking a look at India's economy.It's hard to overstate the significance of India's economic development. The country is home to 1.4 billion people and if as some hope it develops at the pace of its neighbour China, these are 1.4 billion people who can look forward to getting better jobs, whose children can expect decent educations, and who - in the main - can expect to gain all the privileges that come with entering the global middle class.If India fails to achieve that growth - or only achieves the wrong kind of growth - it would mean hundreds of millions of people having those ambitions stunted.Guest: Arjun Ramani, The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Join me as I recount my journey through India, a land of vibrant cultures, ancient history, and unparalleled beauty. This episode of 'The Intrepid Traveler' delves into the mesmerizing sights and unforgettable experiences across different regions of the country.Navigating Old Delhi on a bicycle tuk-tuk was a feast for the senses. From bustling markets to aromatic spices, the rich tapestry of life here is unmatched. The streets brimming with wedding goods showcased India's deep-rooted traditions.New Delhi contrasted sharply with its historic counterpart. While the traffic can be daunting, the city's modern infrastructure stood out. My stay at the Oberoi hotel offered a serene escape, blending luxury with the vibrancy of urban life.Seeing the Taj Mahal in person was awe-inspiring. Its grandeur and intricate details are beyond words. Visiting in the evening provided a more intimate experience, away from the usual crowds. The Oberoi hotel's views of the monument added to the magic.Jaipur's red sandstone structures, including the Palace of the Winds and Amber Fort, are architectural gems. The Oberoi Raj Vilas provided a luxurious base for exploring this enchanting city. Despite the heat, Jaipur's cultural richness made every moment worthwhile.Udaipur's serene water bodies offered a peaceful retreat. The City Palace and the floating Taj hotel, famous from the movie 'Octopussy,' were highlights. Dining on the rooftop amid the water's stillness was unforgettable.Ranthambore National Park, renowned for its tigers, was a significant highlight. Staying in luxurious tented safari tents and witnessing a tiger in the wild was thrilling. The experience, although more chaotic than an African safari, was equally enriching.India's blend of ancient traditions and modern advancements exceeded my expectations. I felt entirely safe, and transportation between regions was seamless. If India intrigues you, don't let stereotypes hold you back - the country's magic is worth experiencing firsthand. Stay tuned for my next solo episode where I explore the unique charm of Sri Lanka!Thanks for joining us on today's episode of The Intrepid Traveler podcast! If you enjoyed today's episode, please rate and review our show to help us reach even more aspiring travelers. Don't forget to check out our website, visit us on Facebook, Instagram or follow us on LinkedIn to stay up-to-date on our latest epic travel adventures! Use the following links when planning your own travel!TRAVEL INSURED INTERNATIONALMEDJETVIRTUOSOPROJECT EXPEDITION

We are living in Virat Kohli's world. The RCB star first hit out the GT bowlers for a match-winning unbeaten 70 and then tore into critics of his strike rate and his often-questioned ability to play against spinners in the middle overs. Kohli's remarks have been met with contrasting reactions. While a few lauded Kohli for giving it back, others have questioned the need to go after critics after having had issues while facing spin in the past. Well, what truly matters is that Virat Kohli is batting at his best just ahead of the T20 World Cup in 2024. If India has to end the ICC title drought, the form of Kohli and Rohit Sharma will be key. After 9 matches in the IPL 2024, Sanju Samson ranks 4th in the Orange Cap list. Samson has the highest strike rate among the top 5 batters in the league and has also led his team to 8 wins out of 9 matches. What more will Samson need to do to get into the T20 World Cup 2024 squad? The Rajasthan captain has been consistently ignored by the selection panel for the ICC tournaments, and this year, he is in contention with a resurgent Pant and a wily KL Rahul, who has adapted to the modern template of T20 batting. Will Samson make it to the side? If yes, who sits out, and how does the Playing XI look for India in the tournament set to be hosted jointly by the USA and West Indies? Saurabh Kumar, Alan John, and Kingshuk Kusari discuss Virat Kohli's and Sanju Samson's roles in the latest episode of the Sledging Room Podcast. Produced and Mixed by Sachin Dwivedi

English has given us enormous leverage in growing our services industry. But if India has to grow beyond the creamy layer and the metro, we need to teach the same software fundamentals in vernacular languages. If you look at Germany, Japan, and Russia they teach in their mother-tongues. My guest today, Tamizhvendan is doing exactly that. True to his name and combining his profession, he is teaching software fundamentals in Tamil. We are discussing the challenges and impact of his teaching. If India has to grow multi-fold as we project, we need more such educators. Hope today's discussion is a small contribution in that journey.What you'll listen(00:00) - Introduction (01:21) - Origin story of Tamizh's venture (06:42) - What Tamizh teaches? (12:37) - What kind of students attend these sessions? (17:56) - Why Tamizh started with a podcast? (20:30) - Challenges in teaching in Tamil (24:46) - Focus for this year (28:12) - Rapid-fire questions Connect with meTwitter: https://twitter.com/jjudeLinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/jjude/Website: https://jjude.com/Newsletter: https://jjude.com/subscribeYoutube: https://youtube.com/gravitaswinsEmail: podcast@jjude.comExecutive Coaching Program: https://gravitaswins.comConnect with TamizhVendanLinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/tamizhvendan/Your feedback countsThank you for listening. If you enjoy the podcast, would you please leave a short review on Apple podcast or on YouTube? It takes less than 60 seconds, and it really makes a difference in finding this podcast. And it boosts my spirits.

It is fairly obvious that the dominant, i.e. Western mechanism for generating new knowledge is rather different from the traditional Indian mechanism, and this shows up in all sorts of ways. One is that Indian epistemology seems to be empirical and practical, based on observation; whereas the Western tradition seems to prefer grand theories that must then be proved by observation.Another difference is the Western idea that Intellectual Property is a private right that the State confers on an inventor or a creator. The Western gaze is fixed on the potential monetary gains from a monopoly over the use of the IP Right (for a fixed period of time, after which it is in the public domain): the argument is that it eventually helps everybody, while incentivizing the clever. The Indian concept is vastly different. It was assumed that a creator created, or an inventor invented, as a result of their innate nature, their god-given gifts. In a way they could not avoid being creative or inventive, which would be a negation of the blessing they had received from the Supreme Brahman. Therefore no further incentive was needed: benevolent patrons like kings or temples would take care of their basic needs, allowing them to give free rein to creativity and innovation.This seems to us today to be a radical idea, because we have been conditioned by the contemporary epistemological idea that incentives are a necessary condition for knowledge creation. Although this seems common-sensical, there is no real evidence that this is true. Petra Moser, then at MIT, discovered via comparing 19th century European countries that the presence of an IPR culture with incentives made little difference in the quantum of innovation, although it seemed to change the domains that were the most innovative.. In fact, there is at least one counter-example: that of Open Source in computing. It boggles the imagination that veritable armies of software developers would work for free, nights and weekends, in addition to their full-time jobs, and develop computing systems like Linux that are better than the corporate versions out there: the whole “Cathedral and Bazaar” story as articulated by Eric Raymond. Briefly, he argues that the chaotic ‘bazaar' of open source is inherently superior to the regimented but soul-less ‘cathedral' of the big tech firms.It is entirely possible that the old Indian epistemological model is efficient, but the prevailing model of WIPO, national Patent Offices, and all that paraphernalia massively benefits the Western model. As an example, the open-source model was predicted to make a big difference in biology, but that effort seems to have petered out after a promising start. Therefore we are stuck for the foreseeable future with the IP model, which means Indians need to excel at it.In passing, let us note that the brilliant Jagdish Chandra Bose was a pioneer in the wireless transmission of information, including the fundamental inventions that make cellular telephony possible. However, as a matter of principle, he refused to patent his inventions; Guglielmo Marconi did, and became rich and famous. India has traditionally been quite poor in the number of patents, trademarks, copyrights, geographical indications, semiconductor design layouts etc. that it produces annually. Meanwhile the number of Chinese patents has skyrocketed. Over the last few years, the number of Indian patents has grown as the result of focused efforts by the authorities, as well as the realization by inventors that IP rights can help startup firms dominate niche markets. India also produces a lot of creative works, including books, films, music and so on. The enforcement of copyright laws has been relatively poor, and writers and artistes often do not get fair compensation for their work. This is deplorable. Unfortunately, things will get a lot worse with generative AI. Most of us have heard of, and probably also tried out, the chatbots that have been the object of much attention and hype in the past year, such as chatGPT from OpenAI/Microsoft and Bard from Google. Whether these are truly useful is a good question, because they seduce us into thinking they are conscious, despite the fact that they are merely ‘stochastic parrots'. But I digress.The point is that the digital revolution has thrown the edifice of copyright law into disarray. At the forefront of this upheaval stands generative AI, a technology with the uncanny ability to mimic and extend human creative output. Consider two stark examples: the contentious case of J.K. Rowling and her copyright battle with a Harry Potter-inspired fanfic, and the recent Japanese law that grants broad exemptions for training large language models (LLMs). J.K. Rowling's spat with Anna M. Bricken, the author of a Harry Potter fanfic titled "Harry Potter and the Goblet of Wine," ignited a global debate about fair use and transformative creativity. Bricken's work reimagined the Potterverse with an adult lens, but Rowling, citing trademark infringement, sought to have it taken down. While the case eventually settled, it exposed a fundamental dilemma: can AI-generated works, even if derivative, be considered distinct enough from their source material to warrant copyright protection? The answer, shrouded in legal ambiguity, leaves creators navigating a tightrope walk between inspiration and infringement.On the other side of the globe, Japan enacted a law in 2022 that further muddies the waters. This controversial regulation grants LLMs and other AI systems an almost carte blanche to ingest and remix copyrighted material for training purposes without seeking permission or paying royalties. While proponents laud it as a catalyst for AI innovation, critics warn of widespread copyright infringement and a potential future where authorship becomes a nebulous concept. The Japanese law, echoing anxieties around J.K. Rowling's case, raises unsettling questions: who owns the creative spark when AI fuels the fire?For India, a nation at the precipice of the AI revolution, these developments raise crucial questions. With a burgeoning AI industry and a large creative sector, India must tread carefully. Adapting existing copyright laws to encompass the nuances of AI-generated works is paramount. Robust fair use guidelines that incentivize transformative creativity while safeguarding original authorship are urgently needed. Furthermore, fostering ethical AI development practices that respect intellectual property rights is crucial.The debate surrounding AI and copyright is not merely a legal tussle; it's a battle for the very definition of creativity. In this fight, India has the opportunity to carve a path that balances innovation with artistic integrity. By acknowledging the complexities of AI while upholding the cornerstone principles of copyright, India can become a global leader in navigating the uncharted territory of digital authorship. The future of creativity, fueled by both human imagination and AI's boundless potential, hangs in the balance, and India has the chance to shape its trajectory.Disclaimer: The last few paragraphs above were written by Google Bard, and lightly edited. A chatbot can produce coherent text, but it may be, and often is, completely wrong (‘hallucinations'). Now who owns the copyright to this text? Traditionally, it would be owned by me and Firstpost, but what is the right answer now? Would we be responsible for any errors introduced by the AI?On the other hand, the ‘mining' of text, audio/video and images to train generative AI is an increasingly contentious issue. As an example, the New York Times sued OpenAI and Microsoft, arguing that they weren't being paid anywhere near the fair market value of their text that the tech companies mined. This sounds familiar to Indians, because Westerners have been ‘digesting' Indian ideas for a long time. Some of the most egregious examples were patents on basmati, turmeric and neem, which are absurd considering that these have been in use in India for millennia. The fact that these were documented in texts (‘prior art') enabled successful challenges against them.An even more alarming fact is the capture and ‘digestion' (a highly evocative term from Rajiv Malhotra, who has warned of the dangers of AI for years) of Indian personal and medical data. Unlike China, which carefully firewalls away its data from Western Big Tech, and indeed, does not even allow them to function in their country, Indian personal data is being freely mined by US Big Tech. India's Data Privacy laws, being debated now, need to be considered defensive weapons.Paradoxically, there is also the concern that Indic knowledge will, for all intents and purposes, disappear from the domain of discourse. Since the chatbots are trained on the uncurated Internet, they are infected by the Anglosphere prejudices and bigotry therein, not to mention deliberate misinformation and ‘toolkits' that are propagated. Since most Indic concepts are either not very visible, or denigrated, on the Internet (eg Wikipedia), chatbots are not even aware of them. For instance, a doctor friend and I published an essay in Open magazine comparing allopathy to generative AI, because both are stochastic (ie. based on statistics). We mentioned Ayurveda positively several times, because it has a theory of disease that makes it more likely to work with causation rather than correlation.However, when the article summarized by chatGPT, there was no mention whatsoever of the word ‘Ayurveda'. It is as though such a concept does not exist, which may in fact be true in the sense that it is deprecated in the training data that the chatbot was trained on.One solution is to create Indian foundational models that can then become competent in specific domains of interest: for example an Arthashastra chatbot. These can also be trained, if sufficient data sets are created, on Indian languages as well, which could incidentally support real-time machine translation as well. Thus there can be an offensive as well as a defensive strategy to enable Indic knowledge systems to thrive.India is at a point of crisis, but also of opportunity. If India were to harness some of the leading-edge technologies of today, it might once again become a global leader in knowledge generation, as it was a millennium ago with its great universities. 1680 words, Jan 10, 2024 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

If India has to grow, we need lot of startups and entrepreneurs. Not all of them will be privileged to bootstrap their ideas. That is where angel investors come in. Today I have my friend and an angel investor, Manish Verma. He has been a banker, operator, and investor. So he knows all angels of running a business. We are going to discuss how to get funded from angel investors. What you'll listen (00:00) - Introduction (01:09) - How Manish got into angel investing (04:08) - Overall investment philosophy of Angel Blue (07:43) - How can startups get funded from Angel Blue (10:32) - PERSISTENT framework to evaluate startups (15:26) - How to value startups (19:05) - Let's talk about one recent investment (21:53) - Strategy for exit (23:52) - How to invest via Angel Blue in startups (26:49) - Challenges for Indian startups (33:12) - What is the kindest thing anyone has done for you? (33:45) - Best leadership quality (34:42) - Definition of living a good life Connect with me Twitter: https://twitter.com/jjude LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/jjude/ Website: https://jjude.com/ Newsletter: https://jjude.com/subscribe Youtube: https://youtube.com/gravitaswins Email: podcast@jjude.com Executive Coaching Program: https://gravitaswins.com Connect with Manish VermaLinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/manish-verma-18a3912/ Your feedback countsThank you for listening. If you enjoy the podcast, would you please leave a short review on Apple podcast or on YouTube? It takes less than 60 seconds, and it really makes a difference in finding this podcast. And it boosts my spirits.

Todays episode is light work for a heavy lifter! Discussing the truth of who we are and making it plain is the name of the game! If India. Arie can make a song telling the world she is not her hair, then Raven can also say it loud over the mic that you are not your traumas, your shortcomings or your past pains, OK! Enjoy the show! ANNOUNCEMENTS & QUICK LINKS: * Support Our Sponsors: Xane Organix by using the shows exclusive discount code: XOLIVE at checkout:( https://raven-s-way-beauty.myshopify.com/ ) * Follow our show sponsor on IG: https://instagram.com/xaneorganix?utm_medium=copy_link * we have a 3 Tier Membership now avail on Patreon that grants early access, BTS lenses, and Patreon only series and guest shows! * Click here to join our community: https://www.patreon.com/soravenradio * Follow Raven Radio's IG : https://instagram.com/ravenradio_?utm_medium=copy_link * We are now accepting monetary donations to the show via Spotify, all love is appreciated! * Ads will be highlighted on our official Instagram account for all contractors and businesses interested --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/ravenradio/message

If India ends up qualifying for the upcoming ODI World Cup final, then it would have played 9 matches in 9 different cities, and travelled over 8400 kms for it. This week on Game Time, hosts Mihir Vasavda and Amit Kamath are joined by Indian Express' Venkata Krishna B and Rahul Pandey to talk about the possible mechanics that went into picking India's venues for the tournament.Produced by Shashank BhargavaEdited and mixed by Abhishek Kumar

If India wants access to global capital, then the rules in India cannot be orders of magnitude more stringent than their global counterparts.  

Global Policy Watch #1: FinTech ManoeuvresInsights on global issues relevant to India— RSJOne of our favourite topics to talk about around here is regulations. We aren't dogmatic about things. But the one principle that comes close to being a dogma for us is our belief in spontaneous order. The world is a complex interplay of many economic and social networks. Don't try to force an order on it. Let the spontaneous, uncoordinated actions of the millions run their course. Some order will emerge from it. There might be occasional ‘disorder' but inbuilt into such systems is an autocorrecting mechanism which will kick in. This is better than some powerful entity (like the State) trying to force order because it thinks it knows best. No one really can be a Laplace's demon. The top-down forcing of an order will make things worse. That said, we aren't libertarians by any stretch. The State must intervene when there's a market failure. And more than any other sector, I believe financial services need regulation because of two obvious market failures endemic to them. One, there's a serious information asymmetry between the supplier of these products and services, and their customers. The products get more complex over time as suppliers look for additional arbitrage to make higher income, and customers can only understand so much of what's often non-intuitive. I mean, compounding as a concept is a leap for most people; figuring out more complex instruments ain't going to be easy. Two, the market power and dominance gets built up really fast in this sector. With it comes the risk of a contagion or the spectre of ‘too big to fail'. All of these leads to misallocating of capital that's worse than most state interventions. So, I tend to look at financial regulations somewhat more benignly than, say, regulating cattle transportation. Having got that preamble out of the way, here's a news item that many of you might have seen last week:“The founder of the world's second-largest cryptocurrency exchange, FTX, has apologised for his company's near-collapse this week, saying he “fucked up” in his calculations and in his communications during the crisis.Due to “poor internal labelling of bank-related accounts”, he said he “was substantially off” in his calculations of the sums that the exchange had lent out to users to let them make leveraged bets – borrowing money to trade with, magnifying potential gains and losses…The sudden collapse in value was prompted by leaked documents which implied that Alameda Research, a hedge fund tightly intertwined with FTX through its common owner, Bankman-Fried, was, in effect, insolvent….The leaks about Alameda turned into a crisis for FTX when Binance, the largest cryptocurrency exchange, announced it would sell its own major stake in FTX. The fire sale that followed crashed the token's value far below the $22 floor that FTX had committed to support and prompted the equivalent of a bank run at FTX itself as customers raced to withdraw their deposits faster than the exchange could process them.”It wouldn't be out of place to say there's a lot to unpack there. But is there really? I have held a general theory about fintechs for a while. There are three sources of value in fintechs as I have seen them. One, they build slick, frictionless journeys that make buying financial products easier and more intuitive. Traditional players either don't think this way or their legacy systems just don't allow them to create such convenience. This focus on customer journey is good and somewhat sustainable in sectors where customers value speed and efficiency over risk management. Now ‘friction' isn't great in most cases but it has a few benefits. It slows things for you to pause and reconsider. In financial services, some friction is necessary to protect the customer. Not all of them have the ability to manage speed and the attendant risks that come with such lack of fiction. Anyway, frictionless works in sectors that have savvy customers. The best examples of such disruption have been new-age retail brokers like Robinhood, or closer home, Zerodha. There isn't a lot more there in terms of product innovation or better management of risk that are traditional sources of value. It is all about convenience. Of course, such simplification and gamification - like, animated confetti floating all around when you make an options trade - runs the risk of drawing customers who don't have the financial nous or the appetite for such risky products. And those accidents happen. But you could still argue there's some tangible value fintechs have created in forcing everyone to rethink customer journeys in the industry. Is that sustainable, and does it warrant a huge valuation? Not quite. But at least you've got a real reason for customers coming to you. The second source of value - risk arbitrage - is of a more dubious kind. Traditional finance is built like it wants to reject customers. You must know your customers well, assess their risk profile, check for the suitability of the product and then offer them your product. At least, that's what is expected. And for the risk appetite you decide on, the regulator will ask you to maintain capital so that you don't ever have to turn your pockets inside out, tilt your head to the side and tell your customers you have no money. If you slack off on this, you might get away for a short while, but the chickens come home to roost fairly quickly. You have stringent disclosure norms, so there's nowhere to hide when things go wrong. This means traditional finance does the equivalent of an airport strip search for every customer while taking them on. Sure it inconveniences 99.99999% of the customers but there's no point taking that infinitesimally small risk by going around and trying to avoid it. Now, this isn't exactly how most fintech models operate. There's greater value in getting truckloads of customers in really fast, offering them discounts because no one is asking you to make profits and creating a Bezos-like ‘flywheel'. This model militates against prudent risk management practices. The many lending apps that promise loans in seconds, the entire Buy Now Pay Later (BNPL) craze that swept through in the last few years and the many variants of such models are good examples of this mindless model. The only good news is that such models are up against fundamental economic sense. The risk starts to bite soon, and there's nowhere to hide. The dismal performance of such fintechs once they've gone public should surprise no one. The only way out is by going back to the harsh reality of doing business in finance - manage your risk. And that brings us to the third, perhaps the rarest, source of value among fintechs - product innovation. This is rare because of two reasons. Firstly, traditional finance is innovative enough. This might seem surprising, but I guess a charge that's laid on banks is that in the last thirty years they've innovated too much. It led to what's often called the financialisation of the economy. In fact, one of the lessons from the global financial crisis (GFC) for the regulators was to clamp down on innovation to reduce the possibility of toxic products. So, there's not been any dearth of innovative thinking in traditional finance. Secondly, real product innovation is hard work. It requires deep knowledge of the domain and an understanding of the customer to arrive at one. Now, there aren't more than a handful of fintech models that truly qualify as innovative, or to apply that much-abused term, disruptive. And if we have true product disruption, then there will be an information asymmetry-driven market failure deeper than usual. I mean if people don't understand the run-of-the-mill financial products well now, what are the odds they will appreciate a real disruption? What this means is that ‘disruptive' regulations will have to be applied to address the disruptive model in play. Importantly, the timing has to be right. Apply them too early, and you won't have the disruption that's useful in the long run. Go too easy on them, and you might create a beast that will be difficult to tame when things go wrong. Crypto(currency) is a real product disruption by this definition. We have covered it in a few previous editions (here, here, and here). The promise of a decentralised monetary system that isn't ‘repressed' by central banks worldwide has its own appeal. Not to me, but there are all kinds of people in this world. And FTX was (as I write this I hear it has filed for bankruptcy) a fine example of the possibilities of this disruption. It was the second-largest crypto exchange in the world. You could open an account with it and transfer some money to it to buy any bitcoin. And they would hold it for you. When you want to liquidate the bitcoin for money, they will do so. They will charge you a small transaction fee for their troubles. That's it. Not much of a business model till you start complicating things. Bitcoin isn't exactly a stable asset. Its price fluctuates quite wildly. Now to some, this is a problem, but to people in financial services, this is an opportunity. So FTX started offering other services. You could borrow money from them to buy more bitcoins, or they could offer you bitcoins for money if that's what you wanted (maybe you wanted to short bitcoins). Soon, it was no longer just an exchange or securities brokerage business. It was doing (margin) lending and taking risks on its books. It also started issuing tokens (think of it as its own kind of currency) that it offered to people to lend against. One of the things about finance is that there's no real product that's shipped from factories. People can make up products on the fly if they spot an opportunity to arbitrage time or risk appetites. So things get out of hand in terms of complexity soon. With FTX that's what happened. You are lending and borrowing across time and risk horizons and you don't know whether you can have your assets and liabilities match over the medium term in all likely scenarios. This can get messy in a traditional bank with all the bells and whistles of risk management and treasury teams monitoring this daily. In a fintech start-up that has some opaque tech platform with limited supervision and scenarios planned, it can be quite catastrophic. In FTX's case, they had the added complexity of having their own tokens, which they were accepting as collaterals against loans. So FTX had loaned a load of its customer assets to another of its company (Alameda) in return for its own tokens. The value of the tokens was based on FTX's value. But FTX was also sitting on a load of them as collaterals.  If the value of the tokens fell, FTX would be impacted because it held a lot of them. If FTX got impacted, the tokens would fall further because that's what the intrinsic value of the token was. If you are a token owner worried about the token crashing, you would take out your money asap. And if everyone thought like you, as they will, you will have a run on the bank (or the exchange). It was tailor-made for a death spiral. All it needed was a spark which was provided by its friendly rival Binance who tweeted one fine day about what it thought of FTX's tokens. FTX, which was valued at $ 32 billion about a month back has filed for bankruptcy. Its investors (like PE giant Sequoia) have marked their investment value down to zero. Some customers will almost lose all their money here. There are counterparties involved, so we will know the full extent of its collapse after a while. The details that have emerged since about how FTX was governed are hilarious. There's no other way to put it. There were only three members on its board. Two executives, including the founder and a lawyer based in a tax haven. No equity investor had a presence there. There was hardly an Asset-Liability Management (ALM) committee or a model. The founder's partner ran the finance function. The whole thing ran on the back of an engineering team that built the platform with hardly any supervision on what was coded. The founder tweeted that there may have been a ‘labelling' error in one of its fields and that could've led people to believe it had a liquidity problem. I used to make such excuses for MS Excel errors at the turn of the millennium when I was wet behind the ears analyst working for peanuts. For all the talk of software eating the world and decentralised platforms disrupting governments, it would be good to begin by acknowledging that the generations that have gone before us building what they built were no fools. In financial services, regulations are often a feature, not a bug. Thinking people don't get it because they don't understand disruption has no basis. It is hubris, and that leads to a fall. That's the only lesson of history. India Policy Watch: Don't Choke Cheap Chips from ChinaInsights on domestic policy issues— Pranay KotasthaneA lot has been said about India's dependence on chip imports. Especially on chips coming from our long-term strategic adversary, China. And yet, I haven't come across an analysis to understand the composition, size, and trends in this particular item of trade. So, I decided to investigate it further using the Department of Commerce's Trade Statistics portal. Chips (or Integrated Circuits) are India's eighth-biggest import item by value. Energy imports — petroleum, petroleum gas, and coal rank above it. So do gold and diamond. The other items we import more than chips are products made using them — computers (including laptops, desktops, printers. etc.) and telephones (including mobiles, modems, etc.). Now, let's look at the chip imports from China. Considering PRC and Hong Kong as one political unit, India imports 64% of its ICs by value from China. Over the last five years, imports from PRC have increased seven-fold. Check this chart below to see the various kinds of ICs that come to India from China.While this chart may look alarming, it can be misleading in many ways. One, the absolute increase in chip imports from China follows the overall trend of increasing chip imports to India. Total chip imports to India have also increased sevenfold over the last five years. India is importing many more chips from all countries, including China. And this is a good thing. It's positive because it indicates that a lot more electronic device assembly is happening in India. A country will import chips — not finished electronic goods — in large quantities, only if it has a downstream domestic equipment manufacturing ecosystem. As even more Samsung, Apple, or Redmi devices get assembled in India, we should expect chip imports to India to rise for at least another decade in the best-case scenario, by which time we could have a semblance of chip manufacturing done here. Two, chips imported from China are not necessarily Chinese chips. For one, it is likely that they are just assembled in China. Chip assembly is a labour-intensive process that is outsourced to other companies. China is a much bigger player in outsourced assembly and packaging of chips, than in fabrication. So, it's quite likely that a die (an unpackaged chip) travels from Taiwan or Japan to China, gets packaged and finds its way into India. Secondly, even when chips are fabricated and packaged within China, a portion of it is done by foreign companies with facilities in China (such as Samsung, UMC, SK Hynix, etc.).And three, its a fool's errand to think we will ever be in a situation when no chips are imported. If India's own chip assembly and packaging takes off, import of unpackaged chips will rise substantially. ICs are in fact the biggest import category by value even for Taiwan, the semiconductor superpower. It's a folly to look at the entire semiconductor supply chain through a “national security first” lens. Cross-border movements of chips are desirable and inevitable. To mitigate risks, what can be done is to diversify the source of India's chip imports. And this is where the US export controls on China might have some effect. Though these export controls target only specific high-end chips, Chinese fabs will increasingly be pressed into meeting its domestic demands. Moreover, the confusion over further decoupling means that equipment makers will look at a China-free supply chain. So, a significant portion of our chips are indeed imported from China. And yes, importing cheap chips from China is alright. Applications for the re-awesomed Post-Graduate Programme in Public Policy are now open. Check details here.Global Policy Watch #2: Seasonal Bird MigrationsInsights on global issues relevant to India— Pranay KotasthaneExactly three years ago, I created an account on Mastodon, a decentralised social media platform that aimed to challenge Twitter. But the network effect pull of Twitter was just too strong though. I didn't post a word on Mastodon, and as usual, forgot my login password. But with the new Twitter boss taking sudden—and some inexplicable—decisions, another round of en-masse flight to Mastodon has begun. The 2019 en masse migration was India-centred, after Twitter blocked the account of a well-known Supreme Court lawyer. This time however, the migrants are from across the world. It's the kind of natural experiment that social scientists turn into papers and books. I'm trying to be more active this time around, and observing how this new digital community takes shape. Having spent a few days, here's what I have noticed.One, the importance of the “other” doesn't disappear. Most of the posts in my corner of Mastodon are self-referential. They are criticisms of Twitter and Elon Musk, and explanations for why Mastodon is better. Many early movers detest Big Tech, Capitalism, and such like; some are in love with “-isms” from the left-liberal political network. Beyond a point, the utility of Twitter as the “other” will decline, and I wonder what would it be replaced by. Finding the “other” is a core aspect of human behaviour. While the federated nature of the platform allows people to block people or communities (servers) easily to prevent confrontations between two ideologically distinct communities, I doubt it is powerful enough to overcome human desire for dissing an out-group to build in-group solidarity. Two, if this is Web3, it feels a lot like Web1. This is a Web3 avataar minus the blockchain, bitcoin, and virtual reality. Not everyone across the world is in one town square. You need to know the coordinates of another person to be able to talk to them. In essence, it's a lot like Web1. Many old-time internet citizens are celebrating this freedom from the powerful intermediary-controlled Web2. However, most users who were born into the Web2 might find this retro version inexplicable. For that generation, open social media platforms were never about “healthy discussions”, as the Web1 folks like to remind. Open social media was always something more instrumental—for a job, to access instant news, or to build an online persona. For discussions with friends, people used encrypted peer-to-peer platforms. So, it will be interesting to see how this generation of people finds a platform where non-virality is a feature and not a bug. Three, there's a large-numbers paradox at play. The initial few days on it have been quite good in this respect — the users seem to be warm, friendly, and welcoming. As long as it remains a small, elite group of people with similar worldviews, it might survive. But if it does get popular, and more people from various ideologies and with differing motivations join in, it is could again become just as vicious yet attractive medium like Twitter. While the architecture is aimed at preventing the slide into another big, loud, and heated forum, human predilections are the biggest bottleneck. In any case, I'm going to observe this new experiment for some more weeks at the very least. I'm on Mastodon at pranaykotas@mastodon.social. Connect with me there if you are in another corner of the fediverse. Let's see how far this experiment takes us. HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters* [Book] The Aeroplane and the Making of Modern India by historian Aashique Ahmed Iqbal explores the link between technology and sovereignty. * [Podcast] Michael Munger and Ross Roberts discuss a topic that's on all governments' mind - Industrial Policy - on EconTalk. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit publicpolicy.substack.com

In November 2019, Alphabet-owned Google wrote to the US Federal Reserves, asking the central bank to design its upcoming instant payments system FedNow on the lines of India's Unified Payments Interface or UPI. It said, an open payments system fosters collaboration between technology and financial service providers, adding that India's approach attained “amazing” results for banks, consumers and other players within the payments ecosystem.  In 2021, UPI processed around 39 billion transactions totalling $940 billion, equivalent to 31% of India's GDP. As if on cue, in August 2020, the National Payments Corporation of India, which operates UPI, launched NPCI International Payments, a subsidiary tasked with exporting NPCI's indigenously developed offerings like UPI and the RuPay card network to foreign markets.  Over the past two years, NPCI International Payments, or NIPL's effort to widen the reach of UPI in international markets has borne fruit.  On Monday, NIPL entered into a partnership with European payment services facilitator Worldline to allow Indian travellers to pay through UPI on the latter's Point-of-Sale machines across Europe.  The first target markets for the facility are Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Switzerland. It will be expanded as Worldline's QR code-based mechanism is rolled out in more European countries.  Similar collaborations were recently announced with British payments solutions provider PayXpert, UAE's Neopay and France's Lyra Network.  NIPL's biggest success came when Nepal became the first country outside India to adopt India's interoperable real-time digital payments model earlier this year, bolstering its person-to-person and merchant payment transactions. Last year, Bhutan opted to deploy UPI-specification QR codes while Malaysia's Merchantrade Asia allowed sending remittances to India through UPI. Central banks of India and Singapore had also announced plans to link Singapore's PayNow and UPI, which would enable users to make instant fund transfers directly from a bank account to another between Singapore and India. Last month, global payments infrastructure group TerraPay announced a partnership with NIPL to allow Indian customers and merchants with an active UPI ID to conduct cross-border payments with QR locations enabled by TerraPay globally. NIPL's partnerships are likely to bring down cross-border remittance fees, enable seamless cross-border merchant payments and empower Indian travellers to avail home-grown payment channels abroad.  India received $87 billion as remittances in 2021.  While NPCI's global deals have largely been with private players to benefit Indian tourists, can India get other countries to adopt UPI as a domestic payment solution? Ranadurjay Talukdar, Partner and Payments Advisory Leader, EY India says, NPCI can explain economic benefits of digital payments other govts.'UPI benefits SMEs and finance sector stakeholders. UPI can help make existing digital payments systems interoperable.  The NPCI has clear selling points to convince other governments of UPI's economic benefits. If India plays its cards right, it has the necessary ingredients to help co-create payment systems with participating nations.

Just a week ago, 14 years after the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers triggered a global financial crisis, the liquidation of its brokerage unit ended. More than $115 billion was paid out to Lehman's 1.1 lakh customers, secured and unsecured creditors, and a trustee who oversaw the brokerage's liquidation and his law firm. Lehman Brothers had been US's fourth-largest investment bank before filing the largest bankruptcy in American history by far on September 15, 2008, leaving over $600 billion in debt.   Today, on the other side of the Atlantic, growing concerns over the financial health of Switzerland's second-biggest lender Credit Suisse have sparked fears on whether the world should brace for another Lehman-like financial fallout. Its bigger Swiss peer UBS Group had received a state bailout in the 2008 crisis. Credit Suisse has been assuring staff, counterparties, clients and investors that its liquidity and capital position are strong. But its shares have fallen 55% over the past year, giving it a market cap of about $11 billion. This is lower than several Indian banks like HDFC Bank, Axis Bank, SBI, ICICI Bank, IndusInd Bank. One of the biggest banks in Europe, Credit Suisse had $1.6 trillion in assets under management at the end of 2021. It has wealth management, investment banking and asset management operations, besides a domestic Swiss bank. Swiss central bank has designated it one of the country's global systemically important banks, whose failure would cause “significant harm to the Swiss economy and financial system”. The bank's credit default swaps (CDS), an instrument that measures the cost to insure its bonds, hit their highest levels since 2009. CEO Ulrich Koerner, who took charge in August, is attempting to restore the bank's profitability. Over the past three quarters alone, Credit Suisse's losses have hit nearly $4 billion, while ratings downgrades increased its financing costs. The collapse of US family office Archegos Capital Management cost the bank $5.5 billion last year. It suffered further losses from lending to the now-defunct supply-chain finance company Greensill Capital. Multiple changes in top leadership since 2020 and high-profile risk management failures have also attracted investor scrutiny. The bank is due to present a transformation plan when it releases third-quarter results on October 27. Credit Suisse had total assets of $735 billion at the end of June. The strategic review launched by the new CEO will focus on strengthening the bank's flagship wealth management business and scaling back investment banking into a “capital- light, advisory-led” business. Asset and business sales are also on the cards. It is also evaluating strategic options for its securitised products group, a trading business. Analysts estimate it could face a capital shortfall of as much as $6 billion. Amit Jain, Co-Founder, Ashika Global Family Office Services says, at this stage, only govt can support Credit Suisse. . European economy may face a shock, he believes. Indian markets may see a temporary correction.  Given the negative news flow, Citigroup analysts see significant execution risk in any new strategic plan. In the short term, they said widening credit spreads can exacerbate market fears and damage counterparty confidence as well as drive funding costs higher. And in the long term, the fall in its share price will further dilute its capital raising capability. And it will throw a spanner in plan for any investment banking restructuring that Credit Suisse can undertake. Santosh Joseph, Founder and Managing Partner, Germinate Investor Services LLP says, finance costs have gone up, Eurozone is struggling. Credit Suisse's story isn't a surprise, stakeholders can act. If India gets impacted, it'll be the first to bounce back, he says.  Jose Antonio Alvarez, the CEO of Santander, one of Euro zone's biggest banks, said that liquidity in the banking secto

If India wants to achieve its net zero goal by 2070, energy storage technologies will have to play a crucial role. From battery to pump storage, several different technologies are now commercially available in 5 countries and several others are at the R&D stage. They would all need to be deployed at a scale several magnitudes higher than today as India embarks on the path of the energy transition. And this would require policy push, financial backing and reconciling with socio-economic issues. To understand the landscape of energy storage technologies and their future in India, we interviewed Dr. Rahul Walawalkar, President and Managing Director of Customized Energy Solutions India Pvt. Ltd. Rahul is also the founder and Executive Director for India Energy Storage Alliance (IESA). Rahul is considered India's foremost expert on energy storage, energy management, smart grid deployment and much more. Full transcript of the episode is available here Follow TIEH podcast on Twitter, Linkedin and YouTube Rahul Walawalkar is on Twitter and Linkedin Our host, Shreya Jai on Twitter, Linkedin & Dr. Sandeep Pai on Twitter, Linkedin Podcast Producer, Tejas Dayananda Sagar on Twitter and Linkedin

India Needs a Holistic and Effective Techplomacy Strategy— Arjun GargeyasEarlier this year, the Takshashila Institution published the Techno-strategic Doctrine for India. The doctrine outlined the fundamental principles India must follow to springboard as a technology superpower. As the doctrine mentions, one of the critical approaches for India to reach the status of a technology superpower is by becoming a vital node in the global technology ecosystem and building strong links with states that share its interests and values and with which it enjoys economic complementarities.Takshashila's newly released discussion document titled India's Approach to Technology Diplomacy by Arjun Gargeyas provides a clear and well-defined pathway for India to become a global technology player. A summary of the arguments is the highlight of this edition ofTechnopolitik.India Needs a Holistic and Effective ‘Techplomacy' Strategy Technological advancements in the 21st Century have heightened the role of technology in the diplomacy arena. Technically adept nation-states are developing their own strategies to integrate technology with their foreign policy and diplomatic initiatives. But how can technology be used as a credible diplomatic plank by the Indian State to further its national and geopolitical interests? The government of India, driven by the nation's technological growth, has gradually embraced the concept of integrating technology into achieving national and geopolitical goals. Official government documents, departmental strategies and policy changes have increasingly focused on how science and technology can shape diplomatic efforts in the near future. The Science, Technology and Innovation Policy (STIP) 2013 was one of the instances that an intersection of technology and diplomacy found a mention in an official government document. The document states that the 'policy framework will enable strategic partnerships and alliances with other nations through both bilateral and multilateral cooperation in science, technology and innovation. Science diplomacy, technology synergy and technology acquisition models will be judiciously deployed based on strategic relationships.This was further cemented in the most recently released draft STIP-2020 document. It discusses the role of science and technology (S&T) in reorganising India's foreign policy priorities and shaping the global technology ecosystem.There has also been considerable movement on the political front regarding the role of technology in diplomacy itself. In 2015, Prime Minister Narendra Modi asserted that science and technology would be put at the forefront of India's diplomatic engagement in the future. In 2020, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) created technically specialised divisions, such as the Cyber Diplomacy Division, E-Governance and Information Technology Division, and the New Emerging and Strategic Technologies Division. Apart from India's policy directives, the government has ensured that technology has been incorporated into different diplomatic agreements, especially with established technological powers. These agreements are in the interest of utilising outside support to build India's technical competency and technology-based alliances. While these decisions have showcased movement on the techplomacy front, the Indian state needs a more comprehensive and well-rounded approach to using technology in the diplomatic space. This can be achieved through a three-fold strategy focusing on the pathway for any current and future administration to employ technology as a strategic diplomatic tool. The three principles are explained below.Principle 1: Focus on Areas of Strengths in India's Technology Stack The Indian state should focus on critical areas of strength in its technology ecosystem, which can serve as potential tools of diplomatic leverage. The primary task of employing technology as a soft power tool is to pinpoint certain tech-driven areas in which the country has built expertise. Once identified, these areas can be concentrated and developed further. Investment by the state (both financial and human resources) in these critical areas that India has developed a comparative advantage in can cement the country's leadership credentials in that particular domain. These areas of strength, when identified and developed, can translate into Indian influence in the global tech landscape. A framework India can use for this is to analyse the export capabilities and domestic IP innovation levels in certain areas of technologies. If India can export specific technology products on a large scale, it can positively impact the diplomatic aspect of the country as well. The biotech space, including vaccines and drugs, is an area that India can focus on. The other criterion is the ability of the Indian domestic tech industry to own IP and have a high level of innovation in a specific area of technology. The fintech ecosystem, including the digital payments arena, is where India has created a name for itself and has managed to penetrate external markets with international acceptance (UPI and RuPay are now accepted in over five different countries). A framework for assessing India's technological strengthsPrinciple 2: Foster Multilateralism as a Necessity for Tech Development The concept of self-sufficiency in emerging technologies must be re-examined with the Indian state championing and fostering multilateral efforts in its tech diplomacy outreach. It should be noted that there are no national industries but the existence of global supply chains. So the role of diplomacy will be central, not secondary.In the technology sphere, diplomacy is not about seeking entry into an exclusive alliance or club but about maximising a state's integration with the existing global value chains. Multilateralism in different critical and emerging technology fields should be more of an entrepreneurial decision to improve access and combine scientific or technical knowledge. In that regard, promoting the growth of open source technologies (and built on open standards) with very little or no entry barriers in the form of licences and royalty fees must be prioritised on the multilateral front. This can engage more stakeholders, improve accessibility, and increase multilateral efforts toward technology dissemination. But even with the case of open technologies, India must walk the talk. During the development of Covid-19 vaccines, there was a call by the developing countries to remove the intellectual property and licensing restrictions on Covid-19 vaccine research for public health reasons. However, even after the conversation on open vaccines at the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the Indian government did not open up the tech behind India's indigenous vaccine, Covaxin. Hence, if India wants to lead and engage in multilateral efforts, opening up its domestic technology IP to the world should be a priority. Principle 2: Foster Multilateralism as a Necessity for Tech DevelopmentThis expansion of the technology-oriented Sinosphere has made other states take cognisance and increase diplomatic outreach to counter China's ever-increasing growth. However, India, as a responsible technological power, can learn from China's tech-driven influence in two ways.Export Tech Infrastructure through Foreign Policy Projects: The Chinese government has exported digital infrastructure (hardware, software, networks and systems) with the help of their domestic private sector giants to many BRI partner countries. India can rely on its own foreign policy projects and initiatives to build digital infrastructure beyond its borders. This will ensure two things: One, it will build and support a robust domestic technology industry capable of competing on a global scale. Two, these digital infrastructure projects using Indian technologies (equipment, software etc.) will serve as strategic assets for the state and help increase the footprint of the Indian technological ecosystem. Focus on Key Battlegrounds of Digital Competition: The Chinese state actively pushes for their consumer tech to be adopted in regions such as Africa, Central Asia and South East Asia. The state has actively used its foreign policy projects, such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), to get more partners on board and convince them to use technologies developed by China and its technology companies. The Indian state's main focus should be diplomatic outreach through its domestic private sector firms to help set up infrastructure in regions still developing technologically. For example, Indian telecommunication firms such as Airtel and Jio can be used to set up 5G networks in regions like Africa and Latin America, which rely on foreign import of technology.Taking Tech-Diplomacy ForwardTech-diplomacy can only succeed when there is a push within the government, specifically the Ministry of External Affairs. A primary objective would be a foreign service officer within the government who can serve as the state's official ‘tech diplomat'. The position of Tech Ambassador within Denmark's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the UK Consul General who serves as a Technology Envoy are specifically given the responsibilities of technology outreach. France's position of Digital Ambassador handles all international technology cooperation and diplomatic engagements as a state representative. The government of Australia appointed its first-ever Ambassador for Cyber Affairs and Critical Technology in 2021. These are some templates the Indian state can follow and curate a position specifically within the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) to handle technology negotiations for advancing India's national goals and interests. The role of existing Science and Tech (S&T) Counsellors under the Science Wings programme at embassies in Berlin, Tokyo, Moscow and Washington DC can be expanded to include technology outreach focusing on strategic cooperation, military applications and governance frameworks related to emerging and strategic technologies. The number of these counsellors should be increased and provided adequate technical knowledge or expertise to understand certain technologies' geopolitical and geoeconomic aspects. This can help increase engagement and ensure India drives forward conversations on technology-related foreign policies.  Finally, now that the MEA has specific divisions that have been created (such as NEST and the Cyber Diplomacy Division) under the ministry, a nodal agency can be established by the Indian state which can coordinate between the different MEA divisions, S&T counsellors and other foreign service officers specifically handling technology outreach at the multilateral level. The nodal agency can also rope in the help of the private sector's international footprint to put forth the country's case at global technology forums. The agency can eventually take on the role of coordinating India's tech diplomacy initiatives.India, in the long run, will benefit from being integrated into the global technology ecosystem and engaging with other like-minded nation-states through diplomacy. This would achieve its key objectives of economic integration and governance participation in the technology realm. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit hightechir.substack.com

If India wants to counter China's forays into Africa, it must harness the private sector to strike procurement deals on a tricky continent. ----more---- https://theprint.in/opinion/brahmastra/modi-govt-needs-to-learn-from-us-france-indias-defence-industry-needs-a-push-for-private/1039686/ 

If India is to maintain a growth rate of 8%-10%, agriculture must grow at 4% at least. We need to significantly grow farmers’ incomes too. For this, digitisation is critical – not just in planting and harvesting, but also in allied areas like soil assessment, supply chain management and payments. Sanjay Borkar, agriculture digitisation expert and co-founder of FarmERP, which has developed a technology platform for efficient farm management, speaks to All Indians Matter.

Agriculture is both a cause and a victim of the consequences of climate change. In the previous episode of Fieldnotes we spoke to Renuka Diwan, a young scientist who had founded a startup called Bioprime to help farmers fight adverse climatic conditions through bioscience formulations. But at the same time, India's agriculture is a climate change contributor too. It accounts for 20% of the national Green House Gas (GHG) emissions. If India's agricultural sector was an independent country, it would be the 7th highest greenhouse gas emitter, ranking above Brazil, South Korea, Canada, and Mexico. India has more than 100 million smallholder farmers with limited capacity and incentives to reduce their carbon footprint. It has the largest cattle population. Nearly a third of the world's cattle live here. And India is the second-largest producer of rice, a crop that accounts for 2.5% of global GHG emissions. Can Indian agriculture, which is part of the climate change problem, be a part of the solution? What can entrepreneurs in this sector, and the investors who fund them, do to address this? Mark Kahn, the managing partner and co-founder at Omnivore in a candid conversation with TR Vivek talks about the many innovations by entrepreneurs on this front and the assorted challenges of being in the agribusiness in India. Do listen! --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/business-line/message

The semiconductor ecosystem in India has been abuzz with energy ever since the government announced a ₹ 76,000 crore scheme to incentivise semiconductor and display system manufacturers to set up shop in India. Corporate announcements have also started trickling in. Vedanta has allied with Foxconn for its foray. The ISMC of Israel has signed an MoU wit Karnataka. In all this, there still lingers the question, should India seriously spend its funds and effort over setting up such an ecosystem? After all, semiconductor manufacturing requires consistent power supply and a significant amount of clean water. If India should, indeed, get in manufacturers, what lessons could it take away from similar efforts made in the past, which had largely fizzled out? Guest: Niju Vijayan, Partner at Avanteum Advisors. He has had long years of exposure to the ESDM (Electronic System Design & Manufacturing) industry, of which semiconductors are a part. Host: K. Bharath Kumar

Not(PolicyWTF): Trade Deals Are GoodThis section looks at policies that are surprisingly sane.- RSJWe signed a trade deal with Australia yesterday. For over a decade now, we have been trying to get this going. The deal falls just short of a free trade agreement (FTA) but that’s a minor quibble that should get sorted in future. Australia’s desire to reduce its dependence on China as the primary trading partner and India’s willingness to have a stronger link with the Quad on economic matters seem to have brought the deal to fruition. There is a small matter of upcoming national elections in Australia too where the economy will play a key role in setting the agenda. The deal is significant in what it signals about the Indian government’s view on global trade. For the past few years, we have gone on and on about atmanirbhar Bharat whose primary manifestation was an increase in import duties across a range of goods taking us back to the pre-liberalisation era. We have lamented about this wrong turn. As Pranay argues we must focus on atmashakti instead of atmanirbharta. So, reading the key terms of the deal warms my heart. As Reuters reports:“The deal with India removes tariffs on more than 85% of Australian goods exports to India, worth A$12.6 billion, rising to almost 91% over 10 years. Tariffs will be scrapped on sheep meat, wool, copper, coal, alumina, fresh Australian rock lobster, and some critical minerals and non-ferrous metals to India.It will see 96% of Indian goods imports enter Australia duty-free.”That’s good. What’s better was the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) that India signed last month with the UAE. There were the usual agreements on tariffs and duties which is in line with the agreement with Australia. From Mint:“The CEPA between India and the UAE covers almost all the tariff lines dealt in by India (11,908 tariff lines) and the UAE (7581 tariff lines) respectively. India will benefit from preferential market access provided by the UAE on over 97% of its tariff lines which account for 99% of Indian exports to the UAE in value terms, especially for all labour-intensive sectors such as Gems and Jewellery, Textiles, leather, footwear, sports goods, plastics, furniture, agricultural and wood products, engineering products, medical devices, and Automobiles. India will also be offering preferential access to the UAE on over 90% of its tariff lines, including lines of export interest to the UAE.As regards trade in services, India has offered market access to the UAE in around 100 sub-sectors, while Indian service providers will have access to around 111 sub-sectors from the 11 broad service sectors.”But the eye-popping section in this agreement was on government procurement where the UAE based companies will be treated on par with domestic companies. This is a first and quite remarkable when you consider India hasn’t even signed the Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) as a member of WTO. UAE companies will now have the ability to bid for government contracts of value greater than Rs. 200 Crs while being seen as an equivalent to a domestic company. The unwillingness to agree on government procurement has stalled other FTAs between India and the EU, UK, and Japan. So, the UAE agreement appears like a watershed moment.There has been the usual noise in some quarters about how this will impact the domestic producers, but that swadeshi lobby has been having it good for the last few years. So, maybe they will have to lump it this time. Having sat out of the RCEP much to my disappointment and raising the protectionist rhetoric in the past few years, these two agreements signal a shift in the government’s thinking. This is for the good. Indian manufacturers must see the world as their market. They must learn to compete with the best in domestic markets, improve the quality of their products and use the existing factor cost advantage to win in global markets. Also, opening up government procurement to suppliers from other countries will help improve the quality of government projects. The shoddiness we have come to associate with such projects owes its origins to colonial-era L1 (lowest cost) guidelines that are being dismantled, and to the jugaad mindset that’s prevalent among the suppliers to the government. Things can only get better if there is a global competition for such projects with best-in-class project management and governance practices. And like we have often argued here, voluntary trade doesn’t happen between countries. People transact with one another. And all voluntary trade is a win-win as has been demonstrated over and over again. The Indian consumer will eventually benefit.There is also a geostrategic element to these trade deals. Closer integration with Australia on the eastern Quad and stronger relations with Israel and UAE on the so-called ‘western’ QUAD are good measures to build a counter to China on trade. They also provide these countries with access to India and the Indian subcontinent markets. Lastly, stronger trade integration is the best counterweight to bigotry in domestic politics. There is no credible domestic political force that’s left that can stem the tide on this. We need global markets and trade deals for growth. And closer economic cooperation with other nations will mean a responsibility to behave well on the domestic front. It may sound optimistic at this stage. But in the long run, global trade and the broader trend of decentralisation are the key countervailing forces to a fast-narrowing domestic polity.But…—Pranay KotasthaneThe trade agreements with the UAE and Australia deserve praise. However, my worry stems from inadequate state capacity. A multilateral trade agreement is useful also because it can override points of bilateral contention. Moreover, multilateral agreements also make it easier for a government to convince its domestic stakeholders (recall Putnam’s paper Diplomacy and Domestic Politics). India seems to have opted for a bilateral approach instead where it will fine-tune the deal specifics with countries. Such an approach will be protracted. It will face opposition from domestic lobbies, who will want to keep their products out of deals with states having competing suppliers. Finally, this approach would require immense and sustained political, intellectual, and administrative capacity. Without building this capacity, the Commerce and External Affairs ministries are likely to satisfice rather than maximise. So, I remain sceptical of the outcomes. India Policy Watch: The Paradoxes of India’s Westernophobia Insights on burning policy issues in India- Pranay KotasthaneOnce again, the Russia-Ukraine war has brought India's geopolitical stance into focus. The last two weeks witnessed visits by delegations from the US, UK, European Union, Japan, Russia, and China. High profile visits by the Russian and Chinese foreign ministers, in particular, have led to heated debates about India's position. Some commentators in the West see these visits as further proof of India's Westernophobia. In contrast, some Indian commentators interpret that the Russia-India-China (RIC) grouping is not dead after all.I think Westernophobia is self-defeating and RIC is good riddance. What K Subrahmanyam said with characteristic incisiveness in a Pragati interview fourteen years ago still remains a sound principle for guiding India’s foreign policy:“India has to leverage this situation and change the US-EU-China triangle into a rectangle. Until then it is in our interest to help America to sustain its pre-eminence. After all, in a three-person game, If America is at Number One, China is at Number Two and we are lower down, it is in our best interest to ensure that it is America that remains Number One.”With intense US-China contestation in play, the convergence of interests and values between the West and India is at an all-time high. A deeper collaboration with the West is critical for improving India’s economic, technological, and security futures. China and the East Asian countries benefited massively from a deeper relationship with the West over the last forty years. India now has the opportunity to play the same game. Nevertheless, it does seem that a streak of Westernophobia, particularly its subset anti-Americanism, still exists in India. Why so? Let’s explore. In my view, we should begin the analysis of India-US relationship using a tri-axis framework: state-to-state relations, state-to-people relations, and people-to-people relations.As far as state-to-state relations are concerned, I’m less worried. India’s foreign policy establishment of India adroitly shifted its weight behind the Quad 2.0 as the China threat increased. With Pakistan having moved itself out of the equation, the job of the US and Indian officials has become far easier than it was in the past. The sensible statements made by the US spokespersons in response to India’s stance on Russia in the UN are indicative of the mutual understanding and trust between the two sides. On the people-to-people relationship, there was never any doubt in the first place. On this front, ties between the West and India are absolutely no match for the ties between India and Russia or India and China. Indian elites’ reference network for everything from music to education is American. There is a robust movement of ideas, people, goods and services that has outpaced the state-to-state relationship for nearly three decades. This twitter thread by Brookings Senior Fellow Tanvi Madan gives a good idea of the deep connections.It’s the state-to-people axis which is problematic. Many Indians still seem to harbour a deep frustration with the American state. Charges of unreliability (hint: the 1971 War) or hypocrisy (hint: Afghanistan) always make an appearance in casual discussions on India-US relations. The lesson people derive from such arguments is that if India were to throw its weight behind the US, it would get sucked into fighting America’s wars all over the world, only to be ditched by the US in one fell swoop soon after.Here on, let’s focus on this third axis—the state-people relationship. Without going into the psychoanalytical reasons for why we think this way, there are three paradoxes implicit in this anti-American strand that I want to emphasise. Paradox 1: Vishwaguru and VictimThe flurry of official diplomatic visits over the last two weeks has filled some Indians with pride. Notwithstanding India’s poor and declining economic potential over the last decade, many seriously believe that India’s concurrence is indispensable for any future global order. And that all sides desperately need the vishwaguru on their side. The paradox is that the same people also hold the view that India is a victim of circumstances at the global stage. Hence, it should neither call out Russia’s invasion and revisionism for fear of losing cover in the UN or military supplies, nor should it ally with the US lest it becomes a mere pawn in the global machinations of an unreliable superpower.Clearly, only one of these conceptions can be true. Either way, the conclusion remains the same: India need not stick to its old stance of non-alignment. If India truly is a swing power, it has enough leverage to go against its partners without necessarily facing the worst consequences. It can partner with the US without necessarily committing itself to all the global wars that America indulges itself in. It can also call out the Russian invasion for what it is, without the fear of a proportional retaliation from Russia. On the other hand, if the dominant conception is that India is a victim of global machinations, gaining economic and military power in the shortest possible time remains the only way out. This approach again needs collaboration with richer and more powerful countries with which we have no major divergence on interests and values i.e. the West.Paradox 2: Three is Better than TwoMany Indians seriously believe that a closer India-Russia partnership can wean Russia away from China. Hence, they argue that the answer to India’s current problems lies not in collaborating with the West, but by reinvigorating the Russia-India-China grouping. This argument is often couched under multipolarity mumbo-jumbo that I fail to grasp.It is a paradox for two reasons. First, India’s ability to influence the Russia-China collaboration is exaggerated. India’s GDP per capita is a fifth of both Russia and China. The Russia-India partnership is a single-tracked one, relying on one way movement of defence goods. Contrast that with Russia’s China dependence, which is set to rise further due to the economic sanctions. There’s no scenario in which India would be able to drive a wedge between Russia and China on its own accord. Second, the notion that Russia and China would create a world order that is in India’s interests is truly fantastical. With RIC, the successor to the West’s unipolarity will not be multipolarity, but a Sinocentric world order. Paradox 3: Silent Majority vs the Vocal MinorityThe Westernophobia seen on India Twitter might not be a true representation of the state-to-people axis. I say this based on the first edition of the Global Outlook Survey conducted by my colleagues at Takshashila. To a question ‘Which of these bilateral relationships is the most important for India to achieve its strategic objectives?’, 64 per cent of the non-expert survey takers answered India-US. Russia came a distant second at 10 per cent. Notably, the survey sample is skewed towards the young (63 per cent of recipients) and towards South and West India (57 per cent of recipients). To another question ‘What sort of international order best serves India’s interests?’, 84 per cent of the non-expert respondents opted for ‘a multipolar order with an expanded UNSC’. These two data points highlight an interesting dynamic. While many Indians consider the India-US partnership as supremely important, they also believe that the current world order is inimical to India’s interests. Therein lies an opportunity for the US. Backing India’s inclusion in UNSC, reducing barriers for technology transfer to India, and deeper technology alliance might make the vocal minority irrelevant. In any case, resolving these three paradoxes on the state-to-people axis is a key policy challenge for India.I want to end this essay with a question for all of you: what event, decision, or circumstance would make you reverse your current thinking on the India-Russia relationship? India Policy Watch: Nehru-Jinnah DebatesInsights on burning policy issues in India- RSJI was reading Nehru: The Debates That Defined India by Adeel Hussain and Tripurdaman Singh this week. The book has Nehru debating four of his contemporaries with whom he had differences about the fundamental question of the idea of India. Two things struck me. One, the civility of exchanges that were otherwise marked by huge differences in views. Two, how the fundamental questions of that era (1930-50) remain relevant today. In many ways, they have come back to bite us. I will touch upon some of the debates in other editions. The book is a must-read.Today, I will reproduce extracts from the book on the Nehru-Jinnah debate about the question of Muslim representation in a democratic India. I have touched upon this in a previous edition. Quoting from the book:“In Nehru’s view, the Hindu-Muslim problem or communalism was at its core a problem of ‘upper middle-class people’ who only made up a small fraction of the Indian population. If the ‘mass elements take part in the election of the constituent assembly’, communal issues would ‘recede into the background’. Broadly secular in his political outlook, Nehru never warmed to the idea that religion deserved a place in progressive politics. ‘The so-called Hindu-Muslim problem,’ Nehru disclosed his position in usual frankness, ‘is not a genuine problem concerning the masses, but it is the creation of self-seekers, job-hunters, and timid people, who believe in British rule in India till eternity.’For Nehru, therefore, it was telling that Muslim politicians preferred to discuss the communal question from a numerical perspective and connect it to reserved seats in the legislature or the colonial administration. Nehru openly raged against the Communal Award of 1932, the chief institution that the British had established to ensure the retention of separate electorates for Indian Muslims. At its core, Nehru saw reservations opposed to the egalitarian principles of nationalism.‘It is absurd to consider this question [of communalism] from the point of view of numbers,’ Nehru declared in the presence of Jinnah. ‘If there was a question of numbers we thirty five crores [350 million] of people would not have become a slave country being dominated by a small number of people in Britain.’Against the Nehru Report (on Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms), Jinnah proposed his Fourteen Points, which sought, among other things, a federal constitutional make-up of India with residual power vested in the provinces, a fixed Muslim representation in the Central legislature and the upholding of separate electorates. However, Jinnah signalled that he was willing to consider joint electorates if the Congress met his other demands. Clothed into concrete modifications to the Nehru Report during an ‘All Parties Conference’ in Calcutta, Jinnah pressed the committee members who were deciding on the merits of the Nehru Report that at least ‘one-third of the elected representatives of both the Houses of the Central Legislature should be Musalamans’.In a moving speech on the fifth day of the convention, Jinnah clarified that his desire was not to overwhelm the Congress with demands that would make it look soft on Muslims in front of the Hindu Mahasabha. Instead, Jinnah’s demands were guided solely by dry constitutional observations from other countries. According to Jinnah, by the 1920s, it had become conventional wisdom that ‘majorities are apt to be oppressive and tyrannical and minorities always dread and fear that their interests and rights, unless clearly and definitely safeguarded by statutory provisions, would suffer […].’Jinnah reasoned that because the Nehru Report predicted that a third of the legislature would consist of Muslim delegates anyway, there would be no harm in implementing this figure as a formal constitutional safeguard. Such a written anchor would also allow Indian Muslims to distribute those seats more evenly and distribute the excess seats that they would receive in the Muslim-majority provinces of Bengal and Punjab to regions where Muslims were numerically weaker.The delegates roundly rejected Jinnah’s proposal. Dissent to his suggestions even emerged from within the ranks of the Muslim League. Other parties rejoiced over the open split in the Muslim League. M.R. Jayakar of the Hindu Mahasabha, for instance, poked right into this wound. In his response to Jinnah’s speech, Jayakar cautioned the audience to ‘bear in mind that the demands, as set forth by Mr Jinnah, do not proceed on behalf of the entire Muslim Community, not even a large bulk of it’. With some justification, Jayakar reiterated that the position Jinnah voiced reflected the desires of ‘a small minority of Muhammadans’.This speech left a mark on Jinnah. Responding to Jayakar, he moved away from his otherwise carefully measured statements that tended to evoke constitutional principles as an acid test for minority protections. Now Jinnah asserted that lasting harmony between communities could not be established in ‘a Court of Law’ or through a constitution ‘however perfect from a theoretical point of view it may seem’. Instead, it could only turn into a reality through ‘the highest order of statesmanship and political wisdom’ and the recognition that ‘there is no progress for India until the Musalmans and Hindus are united’. The alternative Jinnah presciently predicted was ‘a revolution and civil war’.When Jinnah re-emerged on the political scene in 1934, after an extended hiatus to heal from the humiliation in the aftermath of the Nehru Report, he began to filter politics more squarely through the lens of war and peace….Moving from contractual obligations to honour was reflective of Jinnah’s changed perspective. Earlier, he had viewed Indian Muslims primarily as a minority community, constantly vying to petition for rights from the British crown or the Congress party. Now he saw Indian Muslims as a distinct and separate nation capable of ensuring their rights through force. This view clashed severely with the secularist outlook of Jawaharlal Nehru, who could only interpret Jinnah’s religious posturing as a profound symptom of political alienation: a desperate attempt to plaster over existential anxieties that ranged from colonial oppression to unemployment and food scarcity. With constitutional reforms bringing more and more Indians into the realm of electoral politics, Jinnah and Nehru’s contradictory ideas of India clashed soon after their joint appearance in Lucknow.In the 1937 provincial elections, the Indian National Congress secured a resounding victory. At the polls of India’s first large-scale election campaign that departed from the established system of dyarchy and increased the vote to thirty-six million Indians, including some women, the Indian National Congress secured more than 750 of some 1,500 seats. This sweeping success did more than underline the Congress’s claim of being a national party. It altogether transformed the Congress from a mass movement to a political party. Congress members now occupied ministries in five provinces outright and constituted coalition governments in another two.Jinnah suffered a crushing defeat. His All-India Muslim League secured less than 5 per cent of the Muslim vote, although this slim vote share amounted to some 108 seats from 485 reserved for Muslims under the Communal Award….In full awareness that the Congress did not require the League to rule, Nehru conducted this communication from a position of strength. Jinnah refused to acknowledge that the election result was an adequate measure of the political value of the Muslim League. To him, the communal question remained the most critical issue to determine India’s future. Jinnah’s cold responses were his way to shake Nehru out of this false sense of security that the Hindu-Muslim issue had receded into the background and given way to lofty ideas around socialism and constitutional democracy. Perhaps for this reason, Jinnah refused to lay the Muslim case to Nehru anew.”Advertisement: If you enjoy the themes we discuss in this newsletter, consider taking up the Graduate Certificate in Public Policy course. Intake for the next cohort is open. 12-weeks, fully online, designed with working professionals in mind, and most importantly, guaranteed fun and learning. Do not miss.HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters[Article] Check out our take on Hypocrisy in International Relations in edition #52.[Article] This post by Yiqin Fu has some cool insights on the consequences of a mobile-first internet with Chinese characteristics. [Podcast] On Puliyabaazi, we discussed organic farming troubles in Sri Lanka. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit publicpolicy.substack.com

Q1: Richard, why don't you start off by sharing what does China's fintech landscape looks like? Ans: >Most people in China don't use cash, instead they use payment platforms >People went cashless in China even before the People's Bank of China (PBOC) launched its digital currency for trials     Q2: How long has China been experimenting with the digital currency, and what does the digital currency looks like in the pilot project?   Ans: >Works to build the central bank digital currency started in 2014    >Trials for the digital currency started in late-August of 2020 >Shenzhen city first used the central bank digital currency (CBDC) >Even in 2022, most local retailers don't accept the (under-trial) digital currency in Shanghai >Around 250 million people have downloaded the app in 12 trial cities     Q3: If I have understood you correctly, right now the CBBC, what it looks like, is essentially a payments wallet.   Ans: >The central bank digital currency is design off Alipay and WeChat platforms > Alipay and WeChat use QR codes to make payments, where the money is stored in a bank or WeChat account >In case of central bank digital currency, the money is stored digitally on the phone      Q4: One similarity between China and India is the existence of these fintech firms that have actually become quite big? So, what has been the impact of the CBDC on Alipay and WeChat? Have they lost out? Ans: >Amount of transaction carried out during the trial of central bank digital currency (CBDC) is low >No impact of CBDC on Alipay and WeChat for now >In the future, the system will impact Alipay and WeChat. But they will coexist in the payment ecosystem  >People will have the choice of payment platforms, like choosing a credit card over other >Usage will increase if people get salaries in digital currencies >CBDC, Alipay, WeChat etc are going to be symbiotic in nature and will make digital payments big in China   Q5: Where does crypto fit in all of these?  Ans: >Cryptocurrencies are banned in China >Cryptos will coexist with fiat currencies in India and other countries >If India builds a digital currency that can be transferred from one phone to another without a network (like NFC), it will be ground breaker     >A central bank digital currency will be helpful in financial inclusion in India   >Mobile technologies that allow offline payment offer tremendous benefits to rural population >Central bank digital currencies offer stability, unlike the volatility of cryptocurrencies     Q6: You know, everybody is talking about how crypto itself might not be around for a while. Blockchain technology could form a part of digital currency. Is that the experience of China? Does Blockchain figure anywhere in the architecture? Ans: >Blockchain is unsuitable for big countries that need payment systems with high throughput and speed >Standard credit card network in the West operate between 50,000 to 70,000 transactions per second >During big shopping days in China, Alipay network exceeds 5,00,000 transactions per second >Fast Blockchain protocols exists, but none of them are ‘bullet-proof' for a central bank to build on now     Q7: China has toyed with the idea of banning personal QR Codes. Why is this? Ans: >China banned personal QR codes that were used for business transactions >The concept is: If you are running a business, don't use your personal QR code for business purposes     Q8: If we can zoom out a little, what does China's experiment with CBDC mean for its economy? And what does it mean for global trade? Ans: >Alipay and WeChat is doing a good job about making a payment for coffee >China's digital currency is about further digitisation of payments in the society, like paying salaries, business expenses etc      Q9: What do you mean when you say that they were not designed to go? Ans: >Chinas's Alipay and WeChat are not designed for companies to make salary payments to employees >Another use case o

Q: What inspired you to write this book? What is its topicality? Ans: >The book ‘The Struggle and the Promise – Restoring India's Potential' reflects author's belief in India's long-term potential >Past experiences as a president of industry body CII reinforced Forbes's confidence on what India could achieve as a country >Pandemic-induced lockdown gave an opportunity to work on the book     Q: Does it still frustrate you about where India is, compared to its potential? Ans: >India is a country that can simultaneously inspire and frustrate everyday     Q: What are the grounds on the basis of which you say in the book that India has the potential to be a leader in the world? And: >Leading the world requires a strong, large, vibrant economy in a strong, large country >Small countries may be strong, wise and inspiring, but they could hardly make a significant difference in the world >India has the size and scale, derived from its young population, required to be a world leader >India mattered little to the world because of its small economy before 1991 >From being the fifth largest economy in the world, India should aspire to become one of the top three >India is an attractive country, which is our advantage over China >India's soft power is one of the attributes of a world leader     Q: India is the fifth largest economy. In years to come it could be in top three. But when you say the leader – do you have in mind that India would be the biggest economy in the world? Ans: >China is the second largest economy in the world, but it is larger than the US in terms of purchasing power parity >40 yrs ago, India and China were at the same level. Today, China's economy is five times of India. >India's should aspire to grow faster than China in the next few decades >If India can match China in economic wellbeing, we can be among the world's economies     Q: Is there a timeframe where we can meet this potential? Already our goal of Rs 5 trillion economy has been pushed back by two years. Ans: >Leadership is a two-step process – first, to be a leader of the world and second, to be the leader of the world >India can be ‘a leader of the world' in the next couple of years and get together with other countries that believes in a ‘rules-based international order' >India needs to carry a liberal and open perspective while reaching out to the world >To be ‘the leader of the world', India should play the role of ‘a leader of the world' consistently for a couple of decade      Q: But why we are not there at the moment? What ails our economy?  Ans: >India needs a combination of industry, change in institutions and how we manage them and change in the role of the state and the policies we have >Interactions between industry, institution and policy should be consistent with our culture >Govt should play its essential but limited role well >Govt should limit its focus on public health, primary education, judiciary, criminal justice system, financial regulation etc   Q: National priority is to create millions of jobs in the informal sector and contract labour. In this respect, does the repeal of farm laws affect shifting millions of jobs to the manufacturing sector? Ans: >Farm laws would boost agri productivity, but won't create employment >Informal jobs are better than marginal productivity agricultural jobs >Informal jobs have no security and cannot raise productivity in the long run >Manufacturing can employ relatively unskilled people and raise productivity >India's manufacturing growth has been largely led by skill and capital investment     Q: Recently, former RBI governor Raghuram Rajan has prescribed that India should rather focus on services-led export strategy instead of focusing on manufacturing. What's your take on that? Ans: >India can have a growing economy riding on service sector growth >To be a vibrant economy in the long run, India needs to create millions of jobs >Serv

If India's growth story in the decades after Independence was shaped by the Tatas and Birlas, Adani and Ambani have become synonymous with wealth creation in the 21st Century.   While Reliance Industries Chairman Mukesh Ambani continues to top India's billionaire league table, Adani Group Chairman Gautam Adani is closing the gap with his fellow Gujarati faster than ever.   Calculations by Business Standard put Gautam Adani's net worth at $92 billion, compared to Mukesh Ambani's $108 billion.   But unlike Ambani, Adani is a first-generation entrepreneur which makes his success all the more remarkable.   It took just three decades for him to build a group whose seven listed companies command a combined market capitalisation of $153 billion today.   Edible oil company Adani Wilmar on Tuesday became the 7th group company to list on stock exchanges. In 1978, at the age of 16, Adani moved to Mumbai to take a chance in the diamond trade, before moving back to Gujarat to help run his brother's plastics factory. In 1988, the Adani Group was born when the 59-year-old college dropout set up the group's flagship company Adani Enterprises to import and export commodities.   With a core philosophy of ‘nation building', the group has come to be known for its scale and execution. It has diversified into two dozen businesses, many of which are among the largest in India.   Here is a snapshot of its seven listed companies.   Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone is India's biggest private port operator, with its 13 ports and terminals dotting both eastern and western coastlines. Adani Enterprises is India's biggest coal trader, the biggest coal mining contractor as well the biggest private airport operator, with eight airports in its kitty.   Adani Green Energy is one of the world's largest solar power developers, Adani Transmission is the largest private sector transmission and distribution company in India and Adani Wilmar is the country's biggest edible oils brand. Adani Total Gas operates the largest city gas distribution business in India and finally, Adani Power is the largest private thermal power producer in India.   The infrastructure empire is also present in solar manufacturing, logistics, industrial land, defence and aerospace, fruits, data centres, road and rail, real estate and lending.   Seen as politically well connected, Gautam Adani has emerged as the leader in infrastructure, a sector where many a businessman burnt their hands.   The group's expansion has been fuelled by debt since it bets on capital-intensive sectors. The total outstanding debt of the listed group companies is estimated at $20 billion.   There are also concerns about whether the valuations of some of the group companies are in the bubble territory. The collective trailing 12-month revenue of the group's listed stocks, excluding Adani Wilmar, is $14.5 billion whereas their combined profit is just $1.14 billion. However, the collective market value of the six stocks is $148 billion, giving rise to questions on whether the stock prices are detached from fundamentals.   Valuations notwithstanding, Adani's recent push into green energy has been the biggest contributor to his wealth gain. Shares of Adani Green Energy have surged over 5,500% in the past three years and at $40 billion, it has become the group's most valued company.   Whether the valuations will sustain or not depends on whether Adani's track record of entering into potential sectors at the right time continues into the future while pursuing his lofty digital and renewable energy ambitions.  Watch video

This essay was originally published in ‘Hinduism Today’ in 1994 at https://www.hinduismtoday.com/magazine/june-1994/1994-06-my-turn/India has suddenly become a fashionable investment destination. Is this a flash in the pan? I think not. There is a fundamental Hindu work ethic, and India will be a major player in the coming "Asian Century." Americans invoke the thrifty Yankee farmer's "Protestant work ethic" to embody the spirit that conquered a continent. In contrast, Western scholars presume that India's pervasive poverty is due to a Hindu ethic of self-abnegation, fatalism and other-worldliness. Hardly. Hindus are notably successful worldwide.It is instructive to analyze historical Western attitudes towards East Asians. After the Opium Wars and World War II, the accepted wisdom was that Mongoloid peoples were inherently inferior-dull-witted, slothful, treacherous, imitative. Of course, the economic miracles in Japan, Hong Kong, Korea and Singapore have emphatically repudiated that notion. Pundits give full marks to a "Confucian work ethic."Similarly, there is a "Hindu work ethic." In ages past, India was a major producer of textiles, high-value agricultural products, steel and gems. Further, Hindus were good traders. Phoenicians and Romans came to Malabar for black pepper—worth its weight in gold. Maritime Cholas and Pallavas dominated South East Asian trade. India has suffered over the last millennium from inevitable cyclical decline, invasions and outright looting, especially by the British. What are the fundamental features of this Hindu ethic? They are: thrift, hard work, sense of duty, respect for the family and education, mathematical and entrepreneurial skills.For a poor nation, Indians are remarkably thrifty. Those who have lived overseas can testify to the industriousness of Indian small-business owners. And several of California's high-technology millionaires are workaholic Hindus. The Hindu paradigm of dharma-of doing one's duty-is quite the opposite of fatalism. If one's dharma is to be a trader, to amass wealth, there is scriptural authorization to do so.Hindus have been castigated for being clannish and stand-offish. But the Hindu, like the Japanese or the Jew, is loyal to a unit—the extended family or community. This "tribal" consciousness is crucial in a rapidly shrinking world (note the success of the overseas Chinese).Thanks for reading Shadow Warrior! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work.Indians revere knowledge. Hindu science and mathematics were among the most advanced in the ancient world. Thus, the Hindu's notable predilection for science and technology despite the racist Western stereotype of Hindus as superstitious and primitive. Indians have shown tremendous entrepreneurial skills in the UK, East Africa, Silicon Valley (California, USA) and even in India.Will all this result in prosperity? The term "the Hindu rate of growth" has been used disparagingly for India's recent history of 2-3% annual growth in GDP. But when the ravaged industrial base, poor infrastructure and stultifying bureaucracy are ameliorated, I believe the true "Hindu rate of growth" is a healthy and sustainable 6-8% a year.There are limits to growth: environmental degradation, overpopulation, AIDS and cultural homogenization. Imported American television preaching violence, indiscipline and immorality is deleterious. There is also frightening speculation that AIDS might become a pandemic in India. If India can avoid most of these traps, the Hindu work ethic will transform the country in a single lifetime, lifting untold millions from poverty. Srinivasan, a strategic marketing manager in the Silicon Valley, CA, with an MBA from Stanford, is a devout Hindu who pilgrimages to India as often as possible. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

Siliconpolitik: Where Do We Go Now?— Pranay KotasthaneI have a follow-up paper for NUS-ISAS discussing the next steps for the Quad Semiconductor Supply Chain initiative. I argue that the Quad Principles Document on Technology Design, Development, Governance and Use is a good reference point for the collaboration on semiconductors.An initiative to map capacity and identify vulnerabilities is a welcome first step. However, a lot more needs to be done to create a secure, resilient semiconductor supply chain. Another vital document released on 24th September — the Quad Principles on Technology Design, Development, Governance, and Use document — serves as a helpful guide for realising the ultimate goal. This section maps key principles in the document to potential initiatives in the semiconductor domain.One, the document on principles argues that resilient, diverse, and secure technology supply chains are vital to the shared national interests of the Quad countries. To achieve this goal, the document advocates "close cooperation on supply chains with allies and partners who share our values” since this “will enhance our security and prosperity, and strengthen our capacity to respond to international disasters and emergencies."A way to map this principle to the semiconductor domain would be to form a Quad semiconductor consortium that manages a jointly held Quad Supply Chain Resilience Fund. This consortium can then create a roadmap for new semiconductor manufacturing facilities across the Quad countries. The goal should be to ensure redundancy in the ecosystem such that this supply chain is not susceptible to geopolitical or geographic risks. For instance, while the US focuses on restarting manufacturing at leading-edge nodes (5 nanometres and below), the consortium could work together to build specialised analog, memory foundries operating at trailing-edge nodes (45nm and above) in India, Japan, or Australia.Another way to realise this principle is for the consortium to create one centre for excellence (CoE) in each Quad country in an area of its immediate interest. For example, Australia could host the CoE for new materials in electronics, Japan could host the CoE for silicon manufacturing equipment, while the US and India could host CoEs on fabless design architectures.Two, the principles document recognises the importance of "international standards development that foster interoperability, compatibility, and inclusiveness." This principle can translate into cooperation on developing new standards for open-standard instruction set architectures such as RISC-V and for manufacturing on semiconductor composites such as Gallium Nitride.Three, the principles document underscores that the Quad countries are "committed to facilitating the exchange of researchers and movement of highly skilled personnel to enhance science and technology collaboration". This applies well to semiconductor R&D cooperation, where governments can do a lot to foster technology exchange, visitation and research participation, and joint development between companies in the Quad countries. For instance, lowering employment barriers for semiconductor professionals in the Quad countries could facilitate more joint development. Beyond skilled personnel movement, lowering investment barriers and export controls within the Quad bubble can facilitate more cross-licensing arrangements.Further, I identify three key factors that could determine how far this initiative goes:One, the US needs to review its approach to technology protection in the semiconductor domain. Given that US-headquartered companies alone account for 62 per cent of global fabless firm revenues and 51 per cent of global integrated design manufacturers (IDM) revenues, the US role in creating a resilient supply chain is critical.In the past, the US government adopted strict trade and regulatory mechanisms restricting technology transfer. This restrictive approach needs to give way to a collaborative mode in the Quad. In a paper titled "An Allied Approach to Semiconductor Leadership", Stephen Ezell lists some measures that the US could take. These include enrolling partner countries in trusted foundries programmes, co-investing in semiconductor moonshots, reducing export controls, lowering foreign investment screening barriers with like-minded countries, and sharing information on intellectual property theft. Just as the US is now willing to share critical technologies with partners through the AUKUS defence arrangement, an allied approach should be adopted in the semiconductor domain.Two, all four Quad countries need to work to increase trust in each other's legal enforcement mechanisms. The four members need to harmonise their contract enforcement, regulatory practices, and patent protection mechanisms. Such measures will encourage companies to collaborate across borders.Three, the Semiconductor Supply Chain Initiative should become a platform that coalesces other powers in this domain, such as Taiwan, South Korea, Israel, Singapore, and the European Union (EU). The larger the grouping of like-minded countries, the more resilient and secure the semiconductor supply chain is likely to be. What do you think?Antriksh Matters #1:Lab On A Chip for Space Missions— Ruturaj GowaikarIndian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and Indian Institute of Science (IISc) have jointly prepared a device to conduct cell biology-based experiments in space. The device, called MANAS, Sanskrit for Mind  stands for Microbial Analysis in Space. It  is a technology demonstrator and uses the lab-on-a-chip (LOC) concept. The details of this device were published in the Journal Acta Astronautica.Cell-biology experiments in spaceMicrogravity, as experienced in space, be it in low earth orbit (LEO) or outer space, can affect various cell processes at the cellular and subcellular level. These effects can vary from alteration to the cytoskeleton and shape of a cell, to alteration in the metabolism of cells. The effect of this is that pathogenic microbes might behave differently in space and insight into their growth dynamics can have a bearing on the health of personnel involved in manned-space missions. Altered growth rates  also affect microbial output of space bioreactors being developed for manned missions. The aim of these bioreactors is to produce protein-based medicines, help in recycling water on-board etc.  in order to reduce frequency of re-supply missions. India’s manned space mission- Gaganyaan – is underway and platforms like MANAS are useful to conduct preparatory experiments for future missioClonger durations.Design of MANASMANAS is a milli-fluidic device that was fabricated using 3D printing while some components were CNC machined. It consists of a cylindrical cavity in an aluminum block called the bacterial chamber and some smaller antechambers. It is surrounded by optically transparent material (PMMA) plates. This allows the LED and photo-diode sensors to measure optical cell density-the standard way to count cells using principles of spectroscopy. It has a modular design so multiple such chambers can be housed together to form cassettes designed specifically to conduct one experiment. Such multiple cassettes can also be loaded as cartridges to perform different experiments. The device has a microcontroller to initiate the experiment remotely, measure the optical density (OD), and store data on-board.MANAS was tested using the spore forming bacteria Sporosarcina pasteurii. The bacteria were deactivated metabolically by converting them into spores. Spores were then lyophilized and suspended in a sucrose solution and loaded into MANAS, while the nutrient media was kept in a different chamber separated by a NC solenoid. The OD scores were a readout for the growth and were used to prepare growth curves. The growth curves were cross-validated using electron-microscopy. MANAS was tested under vacuum conditions and altered atmospheric conditions as well.The bacteria chosen is also significant because it is an ureolytic bacteria and thus can prepare calcium carbonate crystals. ISRO research on this bacterium has made it a contender to form space bricks for lunar habitation.Thus, this self-contained, leak proof, orientation-agnostic, remotely operable LOC platform is one small step in the right direction  for India’s space research programme. The next step is to test it in flight mode and design more complex experiments.Antriksh Matters #2: Lessons from UK’s National Space Strategy— Aditya PareekThe UK has come out with its first ever national space strategy document. The document builds on the UK’s Integrated Review and Defence Command Paper that came out earlier this year and featured space prominently.The strategy document has several aspects which any similar strategic publication on space by India could also take inspiration from and integrate:1. A focus on “Whole Ecosystem Approach” for the advancement of the Indian space sector.2. Focus on procurement of dual-use space technologies and platforms for the fulfilment of national space goals - without compromising on the deliverable specs.3. Focus on making space sustainable by actively contributing to space debris removal, and explore technologies and services that may extend the service life of satellites and other space objects while in orbit.4. Earmarking a venture capital fund for private finance access to New Space sector companies - along the lines of UK’s Seraphim Space Investment Trust.5. Acknowledge the operating environment vis a vis adversarial counterspace capabilities and include a back-of-the-envelope estimate for potential damage they can inflict on Indian economy.Check out the All Things Policy Podcast featuring our take on the UK’s national space strategy here.If the content in this newsletter interests you, consider taking up Takshashila’s short course on Evidence-based policy-making for responding to COVID-19. The course introduces participants to the various public policy aspects of managing recurring COVID-19 waves. Topics will include the role of the government, tackling misinformation, ethical decision-making during a pandemic, and the adoption of emerging technologies to fight the pandemic. You can register yourself for this course on or before 21st October 2021. To know more, click here.Yogakshema: An US-EU Tech Partnership in the Making— Arjun GargeyasOfficials from both the European Union (EU) and United States (US) met in Pittsburgh a couple of weeks back for the first-ever meeting of the “EU-US Trade and Technology Council” (TTC). This comes on the back of the Quad summit, where technology played an important role in the discussions, especially in outlining the main objectives of the ‘Critical and Emerging Technologies Working Group’ by the alliance. It is also following the declaration of the AUKUS pact, with the US and UK signing agreements to transfer nuclear submarine technology to Australia. The rise of China and its influence on the global technology ecosystem through its tech giants have made the West, and especially the United States, take a fresh look at mechanisms for regulating and using critical technologies. Despite sharing concerns with regard to China’s technological growth and the global semiconductor chip shortage, the US and EU have very differing views on how to regulate the use of technology. The new EU-US technology council will have a hard time navigating the partnership as it looks to counter China’s tech dominance. Trying to Find a Middle GroundThe European Union’s approach to regulating and governing technology has evolved from an individual-centric approach keeping in mind the rights of its citizens. Fundamental rights like privacy have been accorded the greatest importance when it comes to framing laws related to technology. This can be seen from the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) Act, which addresses data protection and privacy in the European Union along with protecting personal data from being shared outside the EU area. The EU has been willing to intervene when it feels that the rights of European citizens have been infringed upon by any public or private entity. The United States, on the other hand, has always followed a minimal regulatory framework on technology. It has stressed how multiple rules and regulations might hamper the growth of emerging technologies. Following a market-driven and hands-off approach to governing technology, the United States has let the private sector and institutions take the lead while providing just minimal responsibilities to the state. This makes it necessary for both the actors to arrive at a compromise. But this kind of differential pattern also allows for both to complement each other’s strengths. The partnership can eventually help the EU obtain the geopolitical relevance that the US owns in the field while the US can obtain the rights and freedoms relevance that the EU policies champion. However, this requires political alignment which is yet to be seen between the two. Time will tell whether both will compromise on the principles they follow while regulating technology.The French Reservation While the first summit of the US-EU TTC focused on the ongoing semiconductor shortages, regulation of artificial intelligence technology, and the upholding of competition in tech, reports said that there were some grumblings from a certain EU member regarding the discussions which took place at the summit. French diplomats specifically asked to remove certain clauses and language which referred to a proposed semiconductor supply chain that mentioned the mutual dependency between the US and EU.France also has differing opinions when it comes to the security of supply aspects with it looking beyond just semiconductor chips as a potential shortage of supply. This has made the French stress on a rather cautious approach towards a potential US-EU partnership, with it emphasising the need to rebuild transatlantic trust.The French anger over the AUKUS deal seems to have subsided but the overall reservation they hold can put the brakes on the working of the TTC, which looks to take off soon.What will the focus be on?The EU comprises over 25 different countries with contrasting views and interests. Other than the China-centric focus, the EU partnership with the US should be driven by easier access to and dissemination of technology. Foreign investments in each other’s regions and reducing dependencies on global supply chains of critical technologies should be the focus of the TTC. Better collaboration in the research and development field of emerging technologies between technically advanced blocs like the US and EU can eventually act as a counterbalancing measure against the increasing Chinese influence.The question which remains is, will the US and EU’s common anxieties and fears help to forge a credible working partnership or will the dream of a transatlantic technology group remain just a dream? George W. Bush and Barack Obama, during their time in office, tried bringing the EU to the table for better cooperation on technology but eventually failed. Will the rapid rise of China in the technology space during the past decade possibly provide a new impetus to the partnership?CyberPolitik : DCNs are trying Regulatory Fixes (Again, and again)— Sapni G KOver the past few editions, we have presented our working idea of what a Digital Communications Network is. Commentators across the globe have identified the difficulty in finding adequate regulatory responses to the fissures that appear in our lives that are intertwined with DCNs. We have also warned that regulatory fixes for the troubles of (some may say troubles caused by) DCNs are not easy to find. While policymakers across the globe scratch their heads looking for solutions, these DCNs have suggestions to offer. It is not the first time suggestions come from the very platforms that are due for regulation. Such overtures into policymaking have been attempted by every industry that attracted global attention, from telecom to tobacco. The technology industry itself has ventured into designing regulatory solutions. As governments are evidently not keen on this sort of self-regulation to continue, new tactics emerge from the playbooks of tech giants. Twitter released a position paper titled “Protecting the open Internet” on 13 October 2021. It outlines five broad guiding principles for the regulation of the internet. In short, it calls for the adoption of universal standards for the internet and its regulation, while adhering to established norms of human rights. It recasts the decades-old vision of a cyber utopia, which has sadly come crumbling down. Trust, competition, and transparency are central to Twitter’s recommendations. It proclaims that this vision would help big and small players alike, and honour the vision of the internet. Such documents or recommendations, called by their myriad titles, have been produced by every tech company and the multitude of people who helm them.However, things are different in practice. In response to regulatory warnings in Australia, a misinformation oversight committee was created within the Digital Industry Group Inc. (DIGI), an industry body publicly backed by Facebook, Google, and Twitter. This contradicts Twitter’s proclamations for open standards and giving space to smaller players. As India moves ahead in regulating DCNs, this experience gives us two valuable lessons. Firstly, taking the proclamations they make at face value might not be in the best interest of our society or the regulatory regime that we intend to create. Secondly, DCNs should have access to the policymakers’ tables, but it must be as limited as any other stakeholder group such as civil society or law enforcement agencies. Devoting more attention, time and regard may give way to them usurping the process to the possible loss of other stakeholders and industry players. Antriksh Matters #3: ISpA a new beginning? — Aditya RamanathanOn 11 October, India’s Prime Minister made a clear indication of the importance the government attaches to India’s commercial space sector. Launching the industry body, the Indian Space Association, the Prime Minister identified four “pillars” of space reform: freedom of innovation for the private sector, the role of the government as an enabler, preparing India’s young workforce for the future, and to see the space sector as a resource for the development of the wider populace. The founding members of the Indian Space Association are largely established vendors for ISRO. For instance, last year, Larson & Toubro provided a booster segment for ISRO’s Gaganyaan Launch Vehicle, that is key to India’s human spaceflight programme. Another long-time ISRO vendor is Walchandnagar Industries, which is presently helping to develop solid propellant boosters for the GSLV Mk III launchers. One of the newer companies on the list of founding members is OneWeb, the satellite internet company backed by a consortium of investors led by Bharti Enterprises. During the launch of the Indian Space Association, Bharti Enterprises chairman Sunil Mittal announced that OneWeb would soon become ISRO’s first private Indian customer for satellite launches. Other core members of the association include Hughes India, Centum Electronics, state-owned BEL, and Maxar India. That the Indian Space Association is dominated by ISRO’s vendors (barring exceptions like OneWeb), is a natural result of the way India’s space sector has evolved for decades, with private players simply acting as suppliers. The Indian Space Association will also presumably complement and compete with existing representative bodies like the Satcom Industry Association and Association of Geospatial Industries. Given the Indian Space Association’s backing from industry and the government (it will be headed by Lt. General A.K. Bhat, a decorated officer who retired from service last year), it will not be surprising if it supersedes the existing organisations.While the Indian Space Association will provide commercial space players a mechanism to both consult each other and approach the government, its success will ultimately depend on the receptiveness of the government. If India is to achieve the vision laid out by the Prime Minister, it will need to move faster. In 2020, it set up the regulatory body INSPACe under the Department of Space. However, it took until September this year to appoint Pawan Goenka, the former managing director of Mahindra & Mahindra as its chairperson. While the appointment of an auto industry stalwart (rather than a government official) was widely welcomed, it took too long, suggesting resistance from within the system. The government must now work to staff up INSPACe and respond quickly to what is reportedly a growing pile of pending applications from private players. More broadly, it provide a fresh set of regulations and policies that will allow India’s space industry to grow from vendors into world-class spacefarers. Our Reading Menu[Opinion] Robert Reich characterises the Supreme court of USA, Facebook, and the Fed as the horsemen of democracy’s apocalypse drawing a thread of unaccountability from them as wielders of great power. [Book] “On Operations” by Capt. B. A. Friedman USMC Reserve.[Book] Klimat: Russia in the Age of Climate Change by Thane Gustafson.[Policy Communique] detailing the EU’s Arctic Strategy. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit hightechir.substack.com

A version of this essay was published by Chintan at https://chintan.indiafoundation.in/articles/poor-optics-retreat-from-the-quad-and-proliferation-make-aukus-a-bad-pact/The AUKUS strategic alliance among Australia, the US and the UK was an unexpected bombshell. Among the unpleasantly surprised were India and Japan, partners of the US and Australia in the Quad quasi-alliance. France (and the rest of the European Union) were also upset. (France also had a reasonable commercial peeve: its diesel-submarine order worth $40 billion with Australia was cancelled without notice).AUKUS has been spun by American and especially British commentators as a wonderful new initiative to contain China, this time with some military might. Meanwhile China continues to rampage in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, and threatens to capture the continental shelves of nations like Indonesia and Vietnam via ‘research’ ships.However, there are serious concerns, especially from the point of view of India, which obviously has its own military issues relating to China, based on the latter’s nibbling away at the Indo-Tibetan Himalayan border, leading of course to June clashes in Galwan. Reports about a huge build up of infrastructure and war materiel in Tibet, incursions deep into Indian territory, and the setting up of villages inside Bhutan point to a ‘salami slicing’ approach.In the context of the looming Chinese threat to the prevailing international order, it is only natural that the US should take steps to preserve its primacy. Thus the Quad, which was first mooted by Prime Minister Abe of Japan: a coalition of democracies in the Indo-Pacific, with a common interest in containing a rampaging China, and the muscle to enforce their will. They will never say “contain China”, but that’s the intent.Former US President Obama allegedly made a “pivot to Asia”, but it was on his watch that China captured the South China Sea, suffering no consequences therefrom. Former US President Trump at least made noises about decoupling from China and attempted to bring in a consensus about lakshmana rekhas around China.In this context, three things current US President Biden has done appear to be counter-productive: one, the humiliating exit from Afghanistan; two, the AUKUS announcement, and three, the acceptance of Chinese hostage-taking tactics in the case of the CFO of Huawei.All three instances created doubts about American credibility, dependability, and will/ability to stand up for its partners. In the aftermath of the withdrawal from Kabul and the announcement about AUKUS, China has redoubled its intimidation of Taiwan; it will likely do the same to Japan re the Senkakus; and generally do the same all over Asia.It is true that the US needed to exit Afghanistan, but surely not like this. The headlong retreat implied that America’s friendship is hostage to expediency, and can be withdrawn any moment based on domestic compulsions. Henry Kissinger’s quip that “it is dangerous to be America's enemy, but fatal to be its friend” leaps to mind.Similarly, maybe the US needed to bring Australia under its wing, but surely not like this. By sneaking the AUKUS announcement in a few days before the Quad summit, Biden deemed the Quad a lame duck. All the flowery language in the Quad declaration couldn’t conceal the fact that it had been downgraded. That the two non-white members of the Quad, India and Japan, were kept in the dark about AUKUS suggests certain agendas. Besides, AUKUS does not seem to have troubled the Chinese very much: that, in and of itself, is ominous. The Chinese, as part of their ‘wolf-warrior’ diplomacy, habitually fly into a rage at the slightest of provocations: this is an intimidation tactic. But the official Chinese reaction to the AUKUS announcement was muted. Here’s what they said: “extremely irresponsible” and “seriously undermines regional peace and intensifies the arms race.” Even the excitable Global Times only said, “Washington is losing its mind by trying to rally its allies against China”, “The US intends to turn the Quad and AUKUS into ‘sinister gangs’ containing China,” and “[we] warn solemnly Japan, India and Australia not to follow the US too far in confronting China. Once they step on the red line of China’s core interests, China will not care about their relations with the US, and China will not hesitate to punish them.” That is very restrained by Chinese standards: the only conclusion we can draw is that they agree with Napoleon’s epigram: “Never interrupt the enemy when he’s making a mistake“. They think AUKUS is a win for them. The Chinese are probably right. Despite the spin doctoring, this marks a historic retreat by America. The Biden team are laboring under an atavistic Atlanticist illusion of a white Anglophone alliance to dominate the world. Those days are long gone. The UK in particular is on a downward spiral after Brexit, and may soon be shorn of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.If the US wanted to proliferate nuclear submarine propulsion technology to Australia, they could have done so. Why choose an intermediary like the UK that doesn’t add value? I am reminded of the classic scene from Catch-22, where Yossarian wonders why the comatose patient needs to be an intermediary between the drip feed bag and the waste removal bag. Why not just connect the two?, he asks.That also brings up the nuclear question. Why is the US proliferating nuclear technology to Australia, a non-nuclear power and a fierce NPT (Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty) adherent which refused to sell uranium to India citing the NPT? Maybe I am missing something, but doesn’t this US act eviscerate the NPT? If India were to transfer nuclear tech to Taiwan, would everybody be so quiet? Of course not: there are serious double standards in play. Besides, Australia is pretty far away from China, and in any case the first submarines under the AUKUS deal will not (according to plan) appear till the 2040s. Too little, too late. The spurned parties, France, Japan and India, should perhaps form a triad. France has nuclear propulsion technology; surely it can do a technology transfer to India (forget the NPT); and France has a lot of interests in the Indo-Pacific, far more than the UK. On the whole, AUKUS seems like a very bad deal, despite the PR storm that shows it in a good light.1030 words, 4 Oct 2021 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

Topic : About India - Indian Bride Shuts Down Wedding After Groom Fails Her Math Test   An Indian bride canceled her wedding after her groom recited the multiplication table of two incorrectly. 一位印度新娘因為新郎背錯2的乘法表，當場取消婚禮。 A bride and groom who wish to remain unidentified were supposed to have the wedding for their arranged marriage on May 1 in the state of Uttar Pradesh in India. 不願透露姓名的新娘和新郎本應於5月1日在印度北方邦舉行婚禮，這是一樁包辦婚姻。 Skeptical of her future husband's educational background, the bride decided to test his knowledge during the ceremony. 新娘懷疑未來丈夫的教育背景，因此決定在婚禮上測試他的知識。 When he failed to recite the multiplication table of two, the bride left, "saying that she could not marry someone who did not know basic math," reported INQUIRER.net. 據「菲律賓每日問訊者報」網站報導，當他背不出2的乘法表時，新娘轉身離開了，「說她不能嫁給一個連基礎數學都不懂的人。」 The bride's cousin stated that the groom's family did not inform them of his lack of education, adding that the bride was "brave" for leaving the wedding venue. 新娘的表妹說，男方家庭沒有告知新郎教育程度低的事實，並補充道，新娘離開婚禮現場的做法「很勇敢」。 The two families came to a compromise which included returning all gifts and jewelry to the appropriate parties. 這兩個家庭達成妥協，包括同意退還所有的禮物和珠寶給對方。   Next   Topic: India's 'Angry Brides' game wages war on dowry 印度「憤怒新娘」遊戲向嫁妝陋習宣戰   An online game in India called "Angry Brides" which seeks to highlight the problem of illegal dowry demands has attracted more than 270,000 fans. 印度一款名為「憤怒新娘」的線上遊戲，旨在凸顯非法索取嫁妝帶來的問題，吸引了逾27萬名粉絲。 The game by online matchmaker shaadi.com – inspired by the hugely popular "Angry Birds" game – sees players attack prospective grooms greedy for dowry with a variety of weapons, from a brick-red stiletto to a broomstick. 這款遊戲由婚友網站「Shaadi.com」推出，靈感來自廣受歡迎的「憤怒鳥」遊戲，玩家可使用從磚紅色細高跟鞋到帚柄等各式武器來攻擊貪求嫁妝的準新郎。 The three grooms – an engineer, a doctor and a pilot – dodge the attacks while demanding dowries starting at 1.5 million rupees. Each time a player hits a groom, he or she wins money towards a virtual anti-dowry fund. 遊戲中的3位新郎分別是工程師、醫生和飛行員。他們一邊索求150萬盧比起跳的嫁妝，一邊躲避著玩家的進攻。玩家每擊中新郎一次，他或她就會贏得一筆虛擬的反嫁妝資金。 The game, available as a free application on Facebook, has already attracted more than 272,000 "likes." 這款遊戲在臉書上是一款免費應用程式，已吸引了超過27萬2000人按「讚」。 Paying and accepting a dowry in India has been illegal since 1961, but the centuries-old tradition of the bride's parents presenting gifts of cash, clothes, jewellery, even appliances to the groom's family remains strong. 從1961年至今，收送嫁妝在印度都是違法的，但是新娘的父母向新郎家庭贈送現金、衣服、珠寶甚至器具等禮物的傳統已有幾世紀之久，至今依然盛行。 Demands for dowry often persist well past the wedding ceremonies, and in the worst cases, brides are tortured and even murdered if they or their parents do not comply. 索取嫁妝的情況就算在婚禮後也揮之不去，在最壞的情況下，如果新娘或她們的父母不給嫁妝，新娘就會受到折磨甚至被謀殺。Source article: https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1451980; https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/565200   Next Article   Topic: About India - Toxic air in India linked to large number of miscarriages   Toxic air in India and other South Asian countries could be causing large numbers of miscarriages and stillbirths, scientists said. 科學家說，印度和其他南亞國家的有毒性空氣，可能正造成大量的流產和死胎案例。 A study in The Lancet medical journal estimated nearly 350,000 pregnancy losses a year in South Asia were linked to high pollution levels. 「刺胳針」醫學期刊一份研究估計，南亞1年有將近35萬起流產案例與高污染值有關聯。 "Our findings ... (provide) further justification for urgent action to tackle dangerous levels of pollution," lead author Tao Xue of Peking University said in a statement. 報告第一作者北京大學的薛濤在聲明中說，「我們的發現…提供進一步理由，要緊急行動解決達危險程度的污染」。 They calculated that 7.1% of annual pregnancy losses were attributable to pollution above India's air quality standard of 40 microgrammes per cubic metre (μg/m3), and 29·7% to pollution above the World Health Organization guideline of 10 μg/m3. 他們計算，每年7.1%的流產案例，歸因於高於印度空氣品質標準每立方公尺40微克（μg/m3）的污染，29.7%的案例歸因於高於世界衛生組織指南訂出10 μg/m3標準的污染。   Next Article   Topic: Indian inventor revs up corona car to drive home lockdown message 印度發明家設計冠狀病毒車宣導疫情訊息   A giant coronavirus is stalking the streets of southern India － propelled by a 100 cc engine and an inventor trying to drive home the message that Indians should stay indoors as the pandemic sweeps across the world. 一個巨大的冠狀病毒在印度南部街頭出沒—被一具排氣量100立方公分的引擎和一名發明家驅動著，試圖明確傳達在大流行病橫掃全球的此刻，印度人應該好好待在家裡的訊息。 Sudhakar Yadav's wacky small single-seater car － made of fluorescent-green fibre and complete with the red crown-like spikes of the virus － has been racking up the miles in the tech hub of Hyderabad to remind fellow citizens of the dangers of COVID-19. 雅達夫的古怪單人座小車，是以螢光綠色纖維製成，並加上紅色的病毒冠狀突刺造型，在科技大城海德拉巴行駛了一段時間，提醒市民同胞2019冠狀病毒肺炎的危險。 "People are not scared and are still... on the streets despite the clear danger," the 67-year-old Yadav, who runs a printing business, told AFP. 「儘管明顯有危險，大家還是不害怕，依舊…在街上趴趴走」，經營印刷生意的67歲雅達夫告訴法新社。 "My message through the car art is to make them understand that it is dangerous to be out on the streets and the safest place right now is the home." 「我透過這輛車要傳達的訊息是，希望這些人能夠了解，外出上街是危險的，現在最安全的地方就是家裡」。Source article: https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1436119 ; https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/world/paper/1372432   Next Article   About India - 'Honk more, wait more'： Mumbai tests traffic lights that reward the patient driver   There is a truth universally acknowledged by drivers in India： honk your horn loud enough and the traffic lights will surely change to green. 印度駕駛人都曉得一個道理：只要喇叭按得夠響，交通號誌絕對會變綠燈。 But, fed up with impatient drivers inflicting a deafening roar every time they are forced to stop, police in Mumbai have come up with a new system to punish those who cannot wait at traffic lights in silence. 然而，孟買警方受夠駕駛人每次被迫停車，就會出現震耳欲聾的喇叭聲，因而設計出一套新系統，來懲罰不能安靜等待號誌轉換的駕駛人。 The new system was quite simple： "Honk more, wait more." 新系統相當簡單易懂：「你愈叭，等愈久。」 Mumbai police installed a rigged traffic light system to tackle the problem of "reckless honkers", which resets the red traffic signal every time the sound of car horns goes above 85 decibels. For particularly honk-happy drivers, it could mean a very long wait at the lights. 孟買警方安裝一套經過改造的交通號誌系統，來處理「莽撞喇叭狂」問題；只要偵測到85分貝以上的汽車喇叭聲，紅燈就會從頭開始。對於不按不爽的駕駛人，可能得在交通號誌下等到天荒地老。 Mumbai was ranked as the fourth most congested city in the world, according to the TomTom traffic index, with 65% congestion and drivers spending an average of eight days and 17 hours in traffic each year. TomTom交通指數報告顯示，孟買被列為全球最壅塞城市第4名，壅塞比率達65％，駕駛人平均每年花費8天17小時塞在路上。   Next Article   Topic: India returns alleged bird spy to Pakistan／印度把被指控的鳥間諜交還巴基斯坦   Indian police have released a pigeon belonging to a Pakistani fisherman after a probe found that the bird, which had flown across the contentious border between the nuclear-armed nations, was not a spy, two officials said on Friday. 兩名官員週五說，印度警方把一隻屬於巴基斯坦一名漁夫的鴿子放了，在調查發現這隻飛越兩個核武國爭議邊境的鳥並非間諜以後。 The Pakistani owner of the pigeon had urged India to return his bird, which Indian villagers turned over to police after discovering it. 這隻鴿子的巴基斯坦主人催促印度歸還他的鳥，印度村民先前發現了牠以後交給了警方。 “It's just an innocent bird,” Habibullah, the owner of the bird, who goes by just one name, told Reuters on Friday. 單名的鴿主哈比布拉週五告訴路透，「牠只是一隻無辜的鳥。」 He rejected allegations that the numbers inscribed on a ring on the pigeon's leg were codes meant for militant groups operating in the disputed region of Kashmir. 對於鴿子腳環上所刻數字乃是在爭議的喀什米爾地區行動的好戰團體代號的指控，他予以駁斥。 Habibullah, who lives in a village near the Kashmir border, one of the most militarised zones in the world, said the bird had participated in a pigeon racing contest and the digits on the bird's leg were his mobile phone number. 住在全球最軍事化地區之一的喀什米爾邊境附近一處村莊的哈比布拉說，這隻鳥參加了一場賽鴿大賽，牠腳上的數字是他的行動電話號碼。 In 2016, a pigeon was taken into Indian custody after it was found with a note threatening Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. 2016年曾有一隻鴿子被印度扣押，在發現牠有一張威脅印度總理納倫德拉．莫迪的便條以後。Source article: https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1377877 ; https://features.ltn.com.tw/english/article/paper/1383670   Next Article   Topic: Violence in India Threatens Its Global Ambitions   Until recently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's campaign to portray India as a rising power seemed to be ticking along despite troubles at home. 即便在國內遭遇了些問題，總理莫迪將印度描述成崛起大國的行動，直到不久前似乎還一路升溫。 Much of the world remained quiet, or cautious, in recent months as India began locking up hundreds of opposition politicians and activists without charge across the country. Business executives say they are too afraid to speak out about shortcomings in the government's economic strategy. The press complains of government intimidation. 近幾個月印度開始未經起訴即在全國各地拘禁數百名反對派政治人物與社運人士，世界上許多國家卻依然保持沉默，或審慎以對。企業執行高層表示，他們因為害怕而不敢說出政府經濟策略的缺失。新聞界也抱怨受到政府恫嚇。 Still, there was President Donald Trump last month, embracing Modi in New Delhi, where streets were dotted with posters declaring the “world's oldest democracy meets the world's largest democracy.” 儘管如此，上個月還是有川普總統在新德里擁抱莫迪，當地街上到處可見寫著「世界最老牌民主國家，跟世界上最大民主國家相遇」的海報。 But as the leaders celebrated each other in India's capital, Hindu mobs began going after Muslim protesters in neighborhoods just a few miles away while the police looked on or joined in. 然而，就在兩位領導人在印度首都彼此恭維之際，印度教暴徒們卻開始在數英里外的社區，追打著穆斯林抗議者，警察則袖手旁觀，甚至加入追打者的行列。 Freedom House, a nonpartisan democracy advocacy organization, flagged India as a major concern. 跨黨派民主倡議組織「自由之家」，將印度列為令人高度關切的國家。 “The Indian government has taken its Hindu nationalist agenda to a new level with a succession of policies,” the group said, “threatening the democratic future of a country long seen as a potential bulwark of freedom in Asia and the world.” 該組織說：「印度通過一系列政策，將其印度教民族主義計畫推到一個新水平，威脅到長期被視為亞洲與世界潛在自由堡壘的國家的民主前途。」 In a rare move, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights filed a petition in India's Supreme Court to challenge a citizenship law that critics say discriminates against Muslims. Some of India's closest partners have begun criticizing its treatment of Muslims and migrants, with condemnations coming in from Iran, the United States, Bangladesh and elsewhere. 聯合國人權事務署則罕見地向印度最高法院提出請願，挑戰批評人士認為歧視穆斯林的新公民法。一些印度最親密的夥伴國已開始批評印度對待穆斯林與移民的方式，伊朗、美國、孟加拉及一些其他國家陸續發聲譴責。 “If India loses that secular, democratic identity, then it loses what makes it different than other countries in Asia. We are all watching the riots in Delhi and worry they are going down a dangerous road that makes it harder for us to be a strong advocate for India,” said Rep. Ami Bera, a California Democrat who is the longest-serving Indian American in Congress. 美國加州民主黨籍聯邦眾議員貝拉說：「如果印度失去這種世俗的民主身份，就會失去有別於其他亞洲國家的特色。我們都在觀察德里的暴動，並擔心他們正走上危險的道路，這將使得我們很難成為印度的強力支持者。」貝拉是美國國會中最資深的印度裔議員。 One area where international officials believe that India may be particularly hurting itself is in its campaign to be granted a permanent seat at the U.N. Security Council along with other nuclear powers. Speaking on condition of anonymity, several diplomats, including some from countries that have publicly pushed for an Indian seat on the Security Council, say that their governments are now reluctant to push the issue after India's domestic unrest has laid bare the effects of Hindu nationalism there. 一些外國官員認為，印度使自身受傷最重的一個方面，就是追求與其他核武國家一樣獲得聯合國安理會常任理事國席次的行動。幾位不願透露姓名的外交官（部分來自公開呼籲給予印度安理會席次的國家）表示，在印度國內騷亂暴露出印度教民族主義對當地的影響後，他們的政府現在不願再推動印度入常案。Source article: https://paper.udn.com/udnpaper/POH0067/351636/web/

Sham, Kushal and Abhijit discuss the question: "If India is doomed to always be mediocre", inspired by Indians celebrating bronze and silver medals in the Olympics. ---------------------------------- Join The Discord: https://discord.gg/shamsharma Buy New Sham Sharma Show Merch: https://kadakmerch.com/collections/the-sham-sharma-show Join The Subreddit and Post Your Memes: https://www.reddit.com/r/Sham_Sharma_Show/ To Join Exclusive Discord Server, Support The Sham Sharma Show on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/user?u=13603950

[PLEASE NOTE: THE FIRST 30 SECONDS OF THE AUDIO ARE MESSED UP. PLEASE BEAR WITH ME AND IGNORE THAT, THE REST OF THE AUDIO IS FINE. I DON’T HAVE ACCESS TO AUDACITY TO FIX IT UP AS MY PC IS BROKEN RIGHT NOW.]There was an outstanding Doonesbury cartoon from 1980 lampooning then-POTUS candidate Ted Kennedy for making high-flown statements with nothing actionable: the punch-line was, “A Verb, Senator, We Need a Verb!”. I was struck by deja vu when PM Modi made a bold announcement on 7th June that the GoI was (re)assuming full control of vaccine procurement. I think Indians elected PM Modi to take decisive steps, but he has seemingly vacillated recently, so this was a welcome return to form. The decision was also a reiteration of a sound business principle: size matters. Large customer orders always get better terms than smaller ones. It was evident all along that there was no way a motley crew of States would ever get the attention of pharma majors when there is a large supply shortfall.It was apparent that the grandstanding opposition CMs were hoping to do the following:Order the famous Pfizer vaccine at 10-20x the price of Covshield and CovaxinGet supply commitments from Pfizer (and presumably commissions)Then force the GoI through a public outcry to pay for the vaccine anywayObviously, that would have been a win-win for them. But this was doomed from the start, because Pfizer demands sovereign guarantees of indemnity. They asked Argentina to surrender its embassies and warships as guarantees of indemnity in case there were side effects/deaths and legal obligations. “Sub-national diplomacy” is all very well for Biden, but BigPharma is more hard nosed, and they know States have no assets they can seize, and so they will only deal with the GoI.The opposition leaders are not really interested in vaccination, except as a stick to beat PM Modi with. Their support of the super-spreader ‘farmer’ agitation is clear proof of that. They flip-flopped, too. First, they wanted the GoI to allow States to procure vaccines. To their surprise, the GoI agreed. They were caught in a bind: and they had to backpedal furiously, because hardly any Big Pharma bothered to respond to their global tenders, except highly dubious Chinese vaccine makers.So the PM has temporarily shut the politicians down, and they have been shown up. I am reminded of a poem by Oliver Goldsmith, “Elegy on the Death of a Mad Dog”, which says, among other things:But soon a wonder came to light,That shew'd the rogues they lied;The man recover'd of the bite–The dog it was that dy’d.That, of course, is what politicians do: and we price it into our calculations about them. Not that they don’t need some discipline. It would be highly instructive to, say, Mamata Banerjee, who runs a medieval fiefdom, to charge her for culpability in the killings and ethnic cleansings of Hindus in West Bengal by illegal Bangladeshi aliens and/or her party cadres. So would it be to indict the Nehru dynasty scion on his dicey citizenship (British? Italian?) and other sins such as the National Herald kumbhakonam. But there are, in my opinion, three other ‘institutions’ in India that are even more dastardly than politicians, and that need some decisive action. BureaucracyFirst, babudom. I have lost count of the number of ‘open letters’ from retired babus with suggestions for the GoI about how to go about various things. Wonder of wonders, none of these things occurred to them when they were in power and could actually have done something useful. No, then they were too busy applying their lips to the ample mammaries of the welfare state and milking it for all it was worth. IAS/IPS/IFS babus are excruciatingly sensitive to two things: their pension benefits and post-retirement sinecures. I remember a famous Nehruvian babu who joined an evangelical ‘aid’ group at 3x his salary, after going on leave and thus ensuring that his pension benefits would remain intact. It took a lot of shouting to force him to resign from the service and forgo his juicy pension/medical benefits.There have been several other IAS/IPS officers in the limelight recently for all the wrong reasons: one barged into a Hindu wedding in Tripura (I think), slapped the priest, terrorized the attendees, ripped up the permit that allowed them to hold the ceremony at the muhurtam at midnight (as an exception to Wuhanvirus lockdown norms). Another slapped a young man who was stopped on police while proceeding to buy medicines, and slammed his phone to the ground. A third ordered a firing on a Hindu religious procession in Munger, and caused young Anurag Poddar to be shot in the head, and he died in his stricken mother’s arms. So far as I can tell, none of these babus paid for their excesses with a dismissal from service, or even a suspension. They were merely transferred elsewhere. The ecosystem takes care of its own. The latest example is a man who was Chief Secretary, West Bengal. There was gross insubordination on his part when he was 30 minutes late to a meeting with the PM, and then walked out early (the same antics as his Chief Minister). Upon being recalled to the center (after all, the IAS is a central service), he demurred. Shortly after, he retired, and was absorbed into the West Bengal government as a ‘senior advisor’.There is a simple solution: on any transgression, suspend them without pay, and revoke the extremely generous pension and medical benefits pending a judicial inquiry into wrong-doing. Furthermore, make it a service rule that no retired babu can get a new post without its being advertised openly, and inviting qualified applicants, especially from the private sector. If these steps are taken in the case of one, just one, high-handed bureaucrat, the whole lot of them (selected on the basis of a single mandarin exam, with the subjects being ludicrously out of touch with current realities) will think twice about lording it over the public. After all, their job is administration: they should be selected on the basis of the IIM Common Admission Test or the GMAT and trained in the IIMs, and all the rigmarole of the fancy IAS Academy should be dispensed with. The days of generalist babus are over: industry increasingly requires domain knowledge and lateral entrants with short-term contracts. The IPS needs specialized training in law and order; similarly the IFS needs training in diplomacy, trade and geopolitics. These can be add-ons to the basic IIM training. Here’s an appalling example of how those with domain knowledge, not generalist mandarins, are the need of the day. This person is a retired Health Secretary, I am told: JudiciaryIt has been clear as day for some time that the Indian judiciary suffers from deep structural flaws. The most obvious issue is that it is extremely inefficient, and has allowed millions of cases to languish: the Supreme Court has a backlog of 68,000 cases; High Courts together have 58 lakh cases, and District Courts have 3.3 crore cases pending. This is appalling. Judicial overreach is an endemic problem. Instead of fixing itself and ensuring that the unconscionable backlog is cleared in a time-bound manner, judges are encroaching on the territory of the Executive Branch by issuing peremptory orders on things they have no business in, no expertise in, and no value-added to offer in. The solutions are also obvious: 1. Defining the focus of the Supreme Court to be strictly on Constitutional cases, and nothing but: no grandstanding on cricket or other high-visibility but trivial issues, 2. Ensuring that appointments to the high judiciary are vetted and approved by the Parliament and thus the elected will of the people, and also not left to an incestuous, unaccountable Collegium that specializes in nominating sons, nephews and other relatives, 3. Canceling the singularly outrageous device of the Public Interest Litigation (PIL), which has been used by well-heeled and motivated NGOs with foreign paymasters to bypass every check and balance and make a mockery of the process of escalation and appeal. In a 2018 essay, https://swarajyamag.com/ideas/can-we-fix-the-deeply-troubled-judiciary I wrote at length about these issues, so I will not repeat myself.However, there is something the government needs to do: impeach one, just one, of the most outrageous of the judges. I have a candidate in mind, but shall not name names, mindful of draconian contempt-of-court strictures. The same issue with post-retirement sinecures and extravagant pension and other benefits comes up in the case of the judiciary as in that of bureaucrats. I had a great-uncle who was a State Chief Justice, and he had any number of tribunals and other jobs after he retired. I have a friend who was a Justice in a State, and post-retirement somebody is assigned to meet her at airports, carry her bags, and escort her to her flight!MediaThis is quite possibly the very worst and most corrupt institution in the country. It is thoroughly compromised and infiltrated by various vested interests, top to bottom. At one end, there is reason to believe that one of the richest and most visible editors in India was recruited by a New York Times correspondent as an ‘embedded asset’ more than thirty years ago. At the other end, the jibes about ‘2BHK’ journalists strike a chord, given their abject slavishness.Indira Nehru Ghandy demonstrated that India’s journalists, when asked to bend, will grovel. Today, they can clearly be counted on to carry the agendas of any anti-India power: they are for sale.This, of course, is par for the course for journalists everywhere. Some hallowed names in journalism, including science journals, especially British titles, have demonstrated that they are for sale to the highest bidder. Which for all practical purposes these days means they are ‘friends of Xinhua and Xi Jinping’, as the latter have splashed out on information warfare in a big way. Stories that reflect poorly on China tend to be swept under the carpet. The Big Tech social media platforms give themselves airs these days for obvious reasons: they can defenestrate sitting presidents not only from their platforms, but from their seats of power, too. Sometimes there are unintended consequences, as in what happened in Nigeria: Twitter blocked the President, and Nigeria suspended Twitter indefinitely. The ongoing saga of Twitter’s defiance of Indian law would be comical, if it weren’t such black humor. Twitter has thumbed its nose more than once at India: the first incident was when Jack Dorsey, its boss, showed up in India, got himself photographed with a bunch of women brandishing a slogan about “Brahmin Patriarchy”, and was photographed with the PM with body language screaming “arrogance!”.Among many other transgressions, Twitter India in November 2020 deplatformed the scholarly @TrueIndology on flimsy or nonexistent grounds, essentially because they didn’t like him using well-reasoned and well-sourced information to trash leftist mythologies. I said in a podcast at the time that it was a watershed event, and that India should suspend Twitter forthwith. https://rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com/p/podcast-episode-9-trueindology-incidentLater, there was an incident in which Twitter showed Leh in China. Showing the borders of India incorrectly (especially out of malevolence) is a non-bailable offense, which attracts immediate arrest of the perpetrator, which in this case would be Twitter India’s honchos. That was strike two, enough to block Twitter’s IPs in India. I thought that by March 2021 India had enough reason to shut the platform down. https://rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com/p/episode-16-is-india-reining-in-bigtechsocialmediIt’s comically appalling after all this history, and the fact that much bigger fish, such as Facebook, Youtube, etc. have acceded to Indian law, Twitter still goes around acting as though it were a sovereign government ‘negotiating’ with the Government of India on behalf of the “freedom of expression” of Indians. Nobody elected Twitter, did they? Such delusions of grandeur, such megalomania!Why, PM Modi, is this relatively trivial application being given so much importance? Who’s afraid of Virginia Woolf? In reality, Twitter is -- get this -- the world’s No. 16 social media by number of users! It really is the chicken that should be killed to scare the monkeys such as Facebook, YouTube and Whatsapp, who are all watching with interest.And exactly what will happen if Twitter is kicked out of India? I’m not sure what happened in Nigeria, but I suspect not much. Yes, Twitter is a convenient news feed for many of us, but its utility is limited, and other platforms can easily step into the breach, say India’s own Koo. India simply cannot be held to ransom by an app. If India could kick out Tiktok (ironically Biden is revoking the ban on Tiktok by Trump), CamScanner and other Chinese apps, what is the hold that Twitter has over the country? Is it some fear that the New York Times and its Seventh Fleet will suddenly appear in the Bay of Bengal? Oh, wait, the NYT doesn’t have a fleet. Just pull the plug on this whole sorry drama, Mr. Prime Minister. A verb, we need a verb from you: enough is enough. There is no reason to go around broadcasting that India is a Soft State. 2194 words, June 9th, 2021 This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit rajeevsrinivasan.substack.com

Integrative Health Practitioner and Don't Wait For Your Wake Up Call podcast host, Melissa Deally joins Michelle in today’s Behind the Mic interview. She is raising health awareness, helping people bring their body back into balance, and get to the root cause of illness, in order to truly heal. Listen as Melissa shares her wealth of knowledge and her successful podcast launch, Don't Wait For Your Wake Up Call. Don’t Miss ●     When we know better, we do better ●     How she raised her voice with the problem of today’s medical system ●     We have to be advocates for our own health ●     Listen when your body whispers ●     Nobody can relate to perfect About Melissa Deally Melissa Deally is a long-time Whistler local, having come here for 1 season back in 1990 and deciding this place we call home is “heaven on earth”.   Melissa was in the Corporate world for most of her career, but finding herself let go after 24 years with 1 company, was the kick in the pants she needed to move into an entirely different field, where she could actually help people lead better lives – something she found she was drawn too a couple of years ago, and just needed the right opportunity to make it happen. Melissa went back to school to become a Health Coach and Integrative Health Practitioner and has found her true calling. She loves to help people get to the root cause of their health issue instead of masking symptoms with drugs and not truly healing, or worse, being told there is nothing wrong with you, when you know there is!  This is such a difficult journey for people, that too many are stuck in right now, and Melissa specializes in holding your hand and guiding the way to healing so that you don’t have to try and figure it all out on your own. Melissa offers functional medicine lab testing that helps you “see inside” to know what is really going on, and then offers a personalized wellness protocol to support your deficiencies using natural herbs and supplements. Melissa neither diagnoses nor cures, but helps bring your body back into balance while filling deficiencies, so your body can begin to heal itself. Melissa has also pursued another passion and that is to start a charity to help educate girls in developing countries. She feels that in doing so can have great impact on breaking the poverty cycle. If India could educate just 1% more girls, they could grow their GDP by $5.5 billion! It’s a simple solution, but not easy. Girls Matter has funded 11 girls since March 2016 to finish High School in Uganda, but there are still many more who need financial help.   Website: https://yourguidedhealthjourney.com/ (https://yourguidedhealthjourney.com/) Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Guidedhealthjourney (https://www.facebook.com/Guidedhealthjourney) Linkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/in/melissadeally (https://www.linkedin.com/in/melissadeally) Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/guidedhealthjourney/ (https://www.instagram.com/guidedhealthjourney/)   About the Host: Michelle Abraham - Podcast Producer, Host and International Speaker. Michelle was speaking on stages about podcasting before most people knew what they were, she started a Vancouver based Podcasting Group in 2012 and has learned the ins and outs of the industry. Michelle helped create and launched over 30 Podcasts in 2018 and has gone on to launch over 200 shows in the last few years, She wants to launch YOURS in 2021! 14 years as an Entrepreneur and 8 years as a Mom has led her to a lifestyle shift, spending more time with family while running location independent online digital marketing business for the last 9 years. Michelle and her family have been living completely off the grid lakeside boat access for the last 4 years! Check Us Out on: Join our facebook group:...

If India thinks it's caught in an awful two-front situation, the picture is more challenging for Pakistan. In this episode of the National Interest, Shekhar Gupta tells us why the Pakistani Army has given up its insistence on the restoration of the pre-5 August 2019 status quo ante and why the picture only looks worse from where Pakistan Army chief General Qamar Ahmed Bajwa sits.----more----Read Shekhar Gupta's column here: https://theprint.in/national-interest/why-pakistan-wants-peace-with-india-and-modi-prefers-it-over-war-as-well/625108/----more----Off The Cuff with Gen V.P. Malik(Retd) : https://youtu.be/EY_F_AooSow

To learn more about 'Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power', visit https://www.aiandpower.com/ Rajiv Malhotra disagrees with Amish Tripathi on fundamental predictions about globalizing the dharma. If India is not living according to dharma, can it export the dharma to others? Does India truly have soft power, and is it even possible to have soft power without hard power? Is Artificial Intelligence driving the future world order and where will dharma fit into that? The problem with so-called dharma think tanks and the character of today's leaders. See more on Artificial Intelligence here: http://bit.ly/AIandPower Do check out our YouTube channel 'Rajiv Malhotra Official' and do follow us on Facebook '@RajivMalhotra.Official' and Twitter '@InfinityMessage' and '@RajivMessage'. To support this project: https://infinityfoundation.com/donate/ --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/kurukshetra/support

needed to be a blockbuster and Finance Minister sought to deliver exactly that. If India was to tackle crippling economic and job losses, she needed to step up expenditure in a big way. Union Budget 2021 Nirmala Sitharaman While she claims to have done that, what she didn't tell you is more critical than what she did.

After the door from the security of Melissa Deally's corporate job closed due to being let go, it ended up being a wonderful gift because it led Melissa to learn about brain supplementation which was a huge help after both her daughters received concussions within two months of each other!! Ouch!! Now that's painful myrony!! Melissa shares how the first concussion was a blessing in disguise for her one daughter but the second one was maybe a message for her because she didn't pay attention to following this path with the first concussion and sometimes it takes a couple of times before we get the hint. So sorry to Melissa's younger daughter for going through the injury but thank you for being the catalyst because it wasn't until after Melissa saw the myrony of a specific license plate that she felt truly was a sign guiding her that helped her continue her path to be an Integrative Health Practitioner and Registered Health Coach. Hear also the beautiful story of her sister's wedding day and also how Melissa recognizes her dad's presence during special events after losing him at a young age. In this episode you are going to hear some wonderful myronies while also learning more about integrative health and in the spirit of the holidays in 2020, Melissa has a wonderful gift for all of us so make sure to scroll further to see the links!! About the Guest: Melissa Deally was in the Corporate world until 5 years ago, when she found herself let go after 24 years with 1 company. This was the kick in the pants she needed to move into an entirely different field, where she could actually help people lead better lives. Melissa has since gone back to school to become a Registered Health Coach and then Integrative Health Practitioner, and has found her true calling. She loves to help people get to the root cause of their health issue instead of only being given options of masking symptoms with drugs, or worse, being told there is nothing wrong with you, when you know there is! Too many people are struggling with low energy, brain fog, fatigue, weight gain, menopausal symptoms, bloating, gas and digestive struggles and not getting the help they need. Melissa specializes in holding your hand and guiding the way to healing, so that you don't have to try and figure it all out on your own. Melissa offers functional medicine lab testing that helps you “see inside” to know exactly what is going on, and then offers a personalized wellness protocol to support your deficiencies using natural herbs and supplements. Melissa neither diagnoses nor cures, but helps bring your body back into balance by helping you discover your “toxic load” and then removing toxicities as well as supporting deficiencies, so your body can begin to heal itself, as it does a cut finger or broken arm. Melissa has also pursued another passion and that is to start a non-profit organization to help educate girls in developing countries. She feels that doing so can have great impact on breaking the global poverty cycle. If India could educate just 1% more girls, they could grow their GDP by $5.5 billion! It's a simple solution, but not easy. Girls Matter has funded 11 girls since March 2016 to finish High School in Uganda, as well as one girl graduated from University in 2019, and another started University in 2020, but there are still many more who need financial help. Linked In https://www.linkedin.com/in/melissadeally/fb: https://www.facebook.com/Guidedhealthjourneyinstagram

In this podcast, Abhinav Prakash and Kushal take the question of whether India is predominantly a rural or urban polity. Does real India reside in the villages? What does the data indicate? If India is rural is it a good thing? If not why does the political set-up of India give disproportionately more attention to rural India? Are urban poor less important when compared to rural poor? We try to tackle this and many more such related issues in this podcast. Follow them: Abhinav Prakash: Twitter: @Abhina_Prakash Please subscribe to Abhinav's Youtube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UChMV78lIxhu3eqNtPMJGBtA/videos ------------------------------------------------------------ Support The Cārvāka Podcast: Become a Member on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCKPxuul6zSLAfKSsm123Vww/join Become a Member on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/carvaka To buy The Carvaka Podcast Exclusive Merch please visit: http://kushalmehra.com/shop ------------------------------------------------------------ Follow Kushal: Twitter: @kushal_mehra Facebook: @KushalMehraOfficial Inquiries: contact@kushalmehra.com Feedback: kushalmehra81@gmail.com

This newsletter is really a weekly public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.New Book Out! — India’s Marathon: Reshaping the Post-Pandemic World Order— Pranay KotasthaneI’ve co-edited India’s Marathon — a collaborative effort that brings together bold ideas on India’s place in the changing world order from some of India’s finest young thinkers. (India’s Marathon, book cover by Anirudh Kanisetti)Don’t take my word for it. This is what Ambassador Shivshankar Menon writes in his foreword:“This volume poses questions which everyone wants answered but few dare to reply: how will the world order evolve and how can India deal with it? The Takshashila Institution has brought together some of the best minds to answer this question, and to give an Indian perspective on world order issues. Just for this the book deserves to be welcomed. This volume consists of coherent contributions from these scholars covering how India should manage its external relationships and the reforms that India needs to undertake domestically.… No reader would or should agree with everything in this book. I, for one, am not sure that India’s choice is between alignment and non-alignment any more, or that strategic autonomy is an unattainable goal for India. After all, strategic autonomy by one name or another is what all powers, even superpowers, seek. But this book would have served its purpose if it provokes thought and rational discussion about India’s place in the emerging world, whether it is ‘orderly’ or not. Despite the daunting world that seems likely, and the scale and scope of the necessary domestic reforms outlined in this book, I found it reassuring that so many contributors found it possible to rationally conceptualise these issues from an Indian perspective, and to map out a path through the dimly sensed future that awaits us.”Pranay Kotasthane, Anirudh Kanisetti, Nitin Pai (editors). India's Marathon (Kindle Locations 144-150). The Takshashila Institution. Kindle Edition.This Twitter thread lists all chapter ideas and contributors. It’s a stellar list, I tell you.Get your copy from Amazon India. Do give it a read!Global Policy Watch: Fukuyama (et al) And The ‘Middleware’ Solution To Social Media Monopolies — RSJTwitter India did a first last week. It labelled a tweet by BJP IT cell head as ‘manipulated media’. It claimed the label was based on its Synthetic and Manipulated Media policy. This was a policy launched by it in February this year. The rule for its user states:“You may not deceptively share synthetic or manipulated media that are likely to cause harm. In addition, we may label Tweets containing synthetic and manipulated media to help people understand their authenticity and to provide context.”Curbing Digital ColonialismIt is unclear if Twitter found no such tweets in India since February that satisfied the criteria for manipulate media. Surely, this wasn’t the first instance of false information shared by a blue-tick user in India. In any case, a beginning has been made and it will be interesting to see where and how far it will go with this. These steps are part of similar efforts by other social medial platforms to self-regulate themselves as they come under increasing government and regulatory scrutiny. There is a greater urgency among regulators around the world to curb the abuse of the dominant positions of the big tech platforms. EU pursued antitrust charges against Google for over a decade. In 2018, it fined it nearly $10 billion. But not much has come out of it. Google was left to devise its own measures to offer a level playing field to its rivals. Google continues to dominate the search-engine market in Europe with over 90 per cent market share. The U.S. Justice Department last month sued Google for violating federal antitrust laws in running its search and advertising business. Also, the US Congressional investigation into the power of Big Tech (Amazon, Apple, Facebook and Google) concluded in September this year with a voluminous 450-page report. The report indicts them in no uncertain terms:"These firms have too much power, and that power must be reined in and subject to appropriate oversight and enforcement. Our economy and democracy are at stake.”India hasn’t yet taken a concrete view about the dominance of Big Tech but there are rumblings. Last month, India’s antitrust regulator (CCI) opened an investigation against Google based on complaints from the start-up ecosystem. The practices of ‘forcing’ the app makers to exclusively use its billing system for in-app purchases and for bundling its payments app with Android smartphones sold in the country are under the regulatory lens. Last month, India brought all OTT platforms under the purview of its Information and Broadcasting ministry by changing the GoI (Allocation of Business) Roles, 1961. And it has been considering regulating the social media platforms and their content for a while now.Not The Usual Lens There are three key points that we have made about regulating Big Tech and social media platforms:Antitrust regulators take the old Chicago school view to monopolies. This looks at monopolies through the economic lens of consumers and checks if they are being harmed by the dominance of monopolies. This is difficult to prove in case of Big Tech monopolies who provide most of their services for free and have deep customer loyalty.The nature of these monopolies is quite different from those of the past. These players have appropriated huge amounts of data, run 2-sided platforms, have asymmetrical knowledge and power over their users, and can easily move into newer businesses based on these strengths. The traditional measures to curb the monopolies like breaking them up or stopping a line of business are difficult to implement.    Economic dominance is only one part of their power. It is the political dominance or the dominance of thought that can be more insidious. Like we wrote in edition #74, “the data and attention appropriation done through these platforms constrain our choices: we live in echo chamber of our opinions, we buy things that are suggested to us and we see a version of reality that’s tailor-made for us and that no one else is seeing. Often the term ‘digital colonialism’ is bandied about when talking about Big Tech. This lack of freedom to be oneself, discover things on our own and not be dispossessed of our right to choose is what colonialism is about.” The current antitrust laws have nothing to manage this.In short, our view was the minimum acceptable price of Big Tech businesses to exist wasn’t zero. It was you. Your data and your liberty. In the normal course of events, politics would be about contestation of ideas and narratives in the political marketplace. And the best or the most acceptable idea would surface from this that would guide the polity. But social media platforms engineer a failure in these markets. The ideas that get pushed to your timelines haven’t won their duels in the marketplace of ideas. They have been programmatically fed to you. That program can be gamed. And Big Tech isn’t willing to solve this problem on its own. It took a long time to even acknowledge it is a problem. We had concluded edition #74 with these lines:“These are early days of policymaking in this area. There’s a need for deeper philosophical and sociological work in this space that will enable our thinking in how to legislate this.”A Novel But Half-formed Approach As if on cue this week we had Francis Fukuyama, Barak Richman, and Ashish Goel publish an article in Foreign Affairs titled How to Save Democracy From Technology: Ending Big Tech’s Information Monopoly. The article picks up the core point made by us. The antitrust regulations are using old tools to solve the economic problem. They may or may not be enough. But they don’t even begin to address the political costs of the Big Tech monopolies. The solution offered is not exactly fleshed out in the article, but it is important because it goes beyond the conventional thinking that has dominated this space.They write:“The economic case for reining in Big Tech is complicated. But there is a much more convincing political case. Internet platforms cause political harms that are far more alarming than any economic damage they create. Their real danger is not that they distort markets; it is that they threaten democracy.”It is remarkably similar to the points made by us in the past. The article then picks up the usual solution to break monopoly power – more regulations, breakup, data probability and privacy laws – and dismisses them all before proposing a solution:“If regulation, breakup, data portability, and privacy law all fall short, then what remains to be done about concentrated platform power? One of the most promising solutions has received little attention: middleware. Middleware is generally defined as software that rides on top of an existing platform and can modify the presentation of underlying data. Added to current technology platforms’ services, middleware could allow users to choose how information is curated and filtered for them. Users would select middleware services that would determine the importance and veracity of political content, and the platforms would use those determinations to curate what those users saw. In other words, a competitive layer of new companies with transparent algorithms would step in and take over the editorial gateway functions currently filled by dominant technology platforms whose algorithms are opaque.”The solution comes with its own set of problems. The authors acknowledge it and posit this as the start of a conversation to find a solution:“Many details would have to be worked out. The first question is how much curation power to transfer to the new companies. At one extreme, middleware providers could completely transform the information presented by the underlying platform to the user, with the platform serving as little more than a neutral pipe. Under this model, middleware alone would determine the substance and priority of Amazon or Google searches, with those platforms merely offering access to their servers. At the other extreme, the platform could continue to curate and rank the content entirely with its own algorithms, and the middleware would serve only as a supplemental filter. Under this model, for example, a Facebook or Twitter interface would remain largely unchanged. Middleware would just fact-check or label content without assigning importance to content or providing more fine-tuned recommendations. The best approach probably lies somewhere in between. Handing middleware companies too much power could mean the underlying technology platforms would lose their direct connection to the consumer. With their business models undermined, the technology companies would fight back. On the other hand, handing middleware companies too little control would fail to curb the platforms’ power to curate and disseminate content. But regardless of where exactly the line were drawn, government intervention would be necessary. Congress would likely have to pass a law requiring platforms to use open and uniform application programming interfaces, or APIs, which would allow middleware companies to work seamlessly with different technology platforms. Congress would also have to carefully regulate the middleware providers themselves, so that they met clear minimum standards of reliability, transparency, and consistency.”As a new approach to deal with the problem of fake news and lies circulating on social media platforms and making it sit well with the notion of free speech, this is a useful starting point. The control of what kind of content we want to see should lie with us. Like it has always been in media, the content consumer has to be active while engaging with it and the provider passive. Not the other way around.Matsyanyaaya: The Strategic Consequences of India’s Low Economic GrowthBig fish eating small fish = Foreign Policy in action— Pranay KotasthaneLast week I came across a data story in The Business Standard and I haven’t been able to erase off my mind. Krishna Kant writes:“Over the past 10 years, India’s per capita GDP is up 35 per cent cumulatively from $1,384 in 2010 to $1,877 now. In the same period, per capita GDP in China rose 141 per cent from $4,500 to $10,839, while it doubled in East Asian countries (excluding Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong) from $4,006 to $8,195.Bangladesh saw the fastest growth with its per capita up nearly two-and-a-half times from $763 in 2010 to around $1,900 at the end of this year. And, Vietnam’s per capita rose 115 per cent from $1,628 to around $3,500.”There’s a nice chart showing how the India growth story lost its way over the last full decade. (Source: Krishna Kant, India's 10-year growth one of the biggest laggards in Asia, EM peers, The Business Standard)The humanitarian consequences of low economic growth are obvious. I won’t bring them up here. The questions I have are concerned with India’s engagement with the world: what would be the strategic consequences of this poor economic performance? Does a decade of slow growth foreclose some options for India? Would India’s position on RCEP have been different had the last decade’s performance been at par with other peers? Would the PRC have been just as aggressive against a more prosperous India? The search for answers took me back to Sanjaya Baru’s 2002 landmark paper titled Strategic Consequences of India’s Economic Performance. The paper captures what scholars were thinking nearly twenty years ago, just before the golden growth years between 2004 and 2009. “For India, there is no doubt that the first and most important challenge is that of accelerating the rate of economic growth and development. Economic performance and capability certainly constitute the foundation of national security and power even more so for a developing nation like India. It will define the limits to military capability and alter the relationship between India and its neighbourhood, especially its two major adversaries, namely, China and Pakistan.The paper’s observations on Pakistan have broadly stood the test of time. The Pakistani military-jihadi complex’s self-defeating policies have strangled the economy in ways that even a nuclear weapons status and use of terrorism as a state policy haven’t been able to offset. The dehyphenation between India and Pakistan in international affairs is now self-evident. However, the story of this last decade is humbling. The gap between the two has increased not because India has done well but because Pakistan has done far worse. On China, the paper argued:“The strategic consequences of the economic competition with China are, there- fore, fundamental to India’s future role within Asia and the global system. If India can sustain above average growth (over 7 per cent per annum in the next decade) and if China experiences a deceleration of growth, coupled with domestic political uncertainty, the widening gap between the two civilisational neighbours can be reversed to an extent. If not, China will emerge as the pre-eminent Asian power and force India into accepting its strategic leadership even within south Asia. The key to this strategic rivalry will be the relative economic performance of the two countries. The main strategic challenge for India in the medium term is, therefore, its relative economic performance vis-à-vis China.”Remarkably prescient. Eighteen years on, the gap between the two countries has only widened. China has been able to forge strong economic ties with all countries in the Indian subcontinent. Economic Reforms NeededThe paper identified these macroeconomic targets essential from a national security perspective:Elimination of the revenue deficit, a manageable fiscal deficit, elimination of wasteful subsidies not targeted to the poor;Low and manageable current account deficit; Low internal and external debt, low short-term debt in overall external debt; Profit-generation by public enterprises; privatisation of non-strategic public enterprises; Self-financing public utilities like power, irrigation water and public transport; An increase in the tax/GDP ratio to levels reached by rapidly industrialising developing countries of around 15 per cent of GDP from the current low of 9 per cent of GDP. What struck me was that eighteen years since, many of these targets still remain aspirations. Lessons for the FutureIt is clear now that China’s rapid and sustained economic development over three decades played a fundamental role in transforming its international stature. The bad news for India is that not only did it start on the same path ten years later than China but it also seems to have fizzled out much earlier.Going ahead as well, India’s economic development will underscore its international role. India’s economic trajectory will decide whether it can play the role of a swing power between the US and China or whether it gets relegated to a weak partner of the US, much like Pakistan is to China. The stakes have never been higher.We put this rather simply in a flowchart to conceptualise India’s future options like this:(Source: India in the Post COVID-19 World Order, Takshashila Discussion SlideDoc)Money Quote: Why Care About Budget Deficits?— Pranay KotasthaneDr M Govinda Rao pointed me to this quote by Martin Feldstein from his LK Jha Memorial Lecture at RBI. Feldstein warned about the adverse consequences of large budget deficits thus:“Unfortunately, it is easy to ignore budget deficits and postpone dealing with them because the adverse effects of budget deficits are rarely immediate. Fiscal deficits are like obesity. You can see your weight rising on the scale and notice that your clothing size is increasing, but there is no sense of urgency in dealing with the problem. That is so even though the long-term consequences of being overweight include an increased risk of a sudden heart attack as well as of various chronic conditions like diabetes. Like obesity, government deficits are the result of too much self-indulgent living as the government spends more than it collects in taxes. And, also like obesity, the more severe the problem, the harder it is to correct: the overweight man has a harder time doing the exercise that could reduce his weight and the economy with a large deficit and debt is trapped by increasing interest payments that cause the deficit and debt to rise more quickly. I emphasize the analogy to stress the point that budget deficits need attention now even when their adverse effects may not be obvious.”Enough said. HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters[Interview] Promarket interviews Fukuyama. “A Loaded Weapon”: Francis Fukuyama on the Political Power of Digital Platforms[eBook] Friedman 50 Years Later series. A collection of 28 essays reflecting on Friedman’s essay on shareholder maximisation[Reports] US Thinktanks CNAS and CFR make the case for two different multilateral arrangements between powerful democracies to take on China in the technological domain[Article] Amit Cowshish and Rahul Bedi have a definitive take on India’s defence pensions system.If you like the kind of things this newsletter talks about, consider taking up the Takshashila Institution’s Post Graduate Programme in Public Policy (PGP) course. It’s a 48-week in-depth online course meant for working professionals. Applications for the Jan 2021 cohort are now open. For more details, check here. Get on the email list at publicpolicy.substack.com

This newsletter is really a weekly public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.PolicyWTF: One Nation, One ElectionThis section looks at egregious public policies. Policies that make you go: WTF, Did that really happen?— Pranay KotasthaneThe series “One Nation, One X”, like another sitcom Tarak Mehta Ka Ooltah Chashmah, doesn’t seem to end. The latest season of the series is titled One nation, One election (ONOE). PM Narendra Modi has batted for this idea on many occasions before. In his latest pitch, he said:Elections are held at different places every few months, the impact it has on development works is known to all. Therefore, it is a must to have deep study and deliberation on ‘One Nation, One Election’.This speech apart, the most robust defence of ONOE comes from a NITI Aayog discussion paper by Bibek Debroy and Kishore Desai. They cite four reasons. Let us investigate the top two.Reason #1: Imposition of Model Code of Conduct by the Election Commission derails development programs and governanceAccording to this view, political parties, once in power, are brimming with development ideas but are not able to do so, that too for considerable periods, because of repeated elections. This view is shared by many people outside the government as well.The discussion paper tries to estimate the development time lost because of elections. Based on a projection that at least two states go to elections in India every year the authors conclude:“Assuming the average period of operation of Model Code of Conduct as 2 months during election to a State Assembly, development projects and programs (that of State Governments going to polls and of Union Government in those states) may potentially get hit every year and that too for about one-third (four months) of the entire time available for implementing such projects and programs. Such a situation is completely undesirable and needs serious deliberations and appropriate corrective measures.”Sounds quite serious. But hang on. There are several problems with this assessment.One, if the Model Code of Conduct is the problem, it can be changed either by shortening the length of the moratorium or by relaxing the kinds of developmental activities permitted during the election season. Even in its current form, the government can consult the Election Commission about the developmental works it plans to undertake and if they are deemed to not have electoral implications, they are allowed to continue. I’m in favour of removing these restrictions altogether. If a government wants to use developmental activities to lure its voters, it’s more than welcome to do so. If the government is promising freebies to distort voter choices, it can do so even today, just before the Model Code of Conduct comes into place. Two, the claim that developmental activities get stalled for four months a year is misleading. That’s because the code of conduct applies only to the state where elections are to be held. There’s no reason why developmental activities need to stall in all other states. Moreover, it’s useful to see the development period lost over a five year period. Assuming that one Lok Sabha election gets held between two state assembly elections over five years, the total “developmental time lost” in the state is six months. That’s an average one-tenth of a year, not one-third.Three, this “developmental time lost” argument sounds a lot like the dog ate my homework excuse. For one, governments know when the next elections are due and can reasonably plan their developmental works taking this ex-ante information into consideration. Secondly, and this is the bigger issue, this view relegates elections to a begrudgingly necessary event; a mere obstacle blocking the grand developmental vision of the party or the leader in power. Reason #2: Frequent elections lead to massive expenditures by governments and other stakeholdersThe NITI Aayog paper claims:Elections lead to huge expenditures by various stakeholders. Every year, the Government of India and/or respective State Governments bear expenditures on account of conduct, control and supervision of elections. Besides the Government, candidates contesting elections and political parties also incur huge expenditures. The candidates normally incur expenditures on account of various necessary aspects such as travel to constituencies, general publicity, organizing outreach events for electorates etc. while the political parties incur expenditures to run the party’s electoral machinery during elections, campaigning by star leaders and so on.While this is true, “massive” expenditures need to be unpacked. The first component is the government expenditure in conducting elections. The 2014 Lok Sabha elections cost 3870 crores i.e. an expense of 0.03 per cent of India’s 2014 GDP once every five years. State elections for a large state like Bihar cost a tenth of this amount i.e. 0.003 per cent of India’s 2014 GDP every five years. Even if we assume all states require the same amount as Bihar did, India would be spending 0.12 per cent of India’s 2014 GDP over a period of five years, all state assemblies and Lok Sabha elections combined. Clearly, this number is not unaffordable. It can’t be the primary motivation for undertaking a constitutional amendment exercise fraught with unintended consequences. The other component of the cost is spending by political parties and candidates. While the latter is capped to laughably low numbers (Rs 70 lakh for Lok Sabha and Rs 28 lakhs for state assembly elections), there’s no cap on the former. The paper claims that taken together, this component amounted to Rs 30,000 crores for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. This is indeed a worrying number, more so because the expenditure is often in the form of freebies and vote for cash exchanges. But, arguing that conducting simultaneous elections will fix this problem is an admission by political parties that they will not change their ways; it’s just that they will engage in this simultaneous corruption once every five years. Fixing election expenditure requires many urgent solutions but a simultaneous election is not one of them. Besides these two reasons, there are other counterarguments that I haven’t considered at all. For example, there is a correlation between a higher percentage of electoral wins for national parties as against regional parties when Lok Sabha and state assembly elections are held together. There are also severe repercussions on India’s federal structures as state governments falling before completion of the five year period might have to be placed under the charge of caretaker governments or state governors. Regardless, what this limited analysis shows is that even the two reasons given in favour of simultaneous elections don’t hold water. We don’t need One Nation, One Election. India Policy Watch #1: RBI And Banking Licenses— RSJThe Internal Working Group (IWG) of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) last week came out with draft report that recommended a calibrated entry of industrial houses into the banking sector and for conversion of large NBFCs into banks. The usual brouhaha followed. But hidden in the brouhaha is an important lesson about the interplay between political and economic institutions. We will come to it later. First, the brouhaha.  Always A Bad IdeaThe camp against the idea of entry of corporates into Banking was led by the formidable duo of Raghuram Rajan and Viral Acharya. In a LinkedIn post titled – “Do we really need Indian corporations in banking?” – they laid out their reservations in no uncertain terms including an innuendo here and a wink there. It covered the usual grounds – risks of connected lending where a corporate house will raise cheap deposits from ordinary citizens and finance their businesses without due diligence; further concentration of economic power among few corporates in a country that’s fast turning oligopolistic and the need for the government to find more bidders when it begins privatisation of PSU banks that it can’t fund any longer.“First, industrial houses need financing, and they can get it easily, with no questions asked, if they have an in-house bank. The history of such connected lending is invariably disastrous – how can the bank make good loans when it is owned by the borrower? Even an independent committed regulator, with all the information in the world, finds it difficult to be in every nook and corner of the financial system to stop poor lending.”“The second reason to prohibit corporate entry into banking is that it will further exacerbate the concentration of economic (and political) power in certain business houses. Even if banking licenses are allotted fairly, it will give undue advantage to large business houses that already have the initial capital that has to be put up. Moreover, highly indebted and politically connected business houses will have the greatest incentive and ability to push for licenses.”“One possibility is that the government wants to expand the set of bidders when it finally turns to privatizing some of our public sector banks. It would be a mistake, as we have said in an earlier paper, to sell a public sector bank to an untested industrial house.”Do We Need More Banks?The short answer is yes. Look at India’s ambitions. A 5 trillion economy by 2025 that’s a global economic powerhouse. Keep your dose of realism aside for a moment. If India has to even make a fist of this ambition, it needs a robust, deep and competitive banking sector. What do we have today? A total of maybe six and a half large banks that have the capital, management strength and the ambition to support this vision.   India is still severely underbanked. Credit to GDP is about 56 per cent which is woefully short of what a fast-growing economy needs. PSU banks that fanned out into the interiors hardly built a deposit base or managed to support enterprise at scale outside of urban centres. Despite such modest achievements, almost every PSU bank has drained taxpayers’ money with very little to show for. Turning PSUs around is nigh impossible. It is easy to recommend professionalising the management but there’s no easy way to achieve it. The government has mixed up its role of being a regulator, shareholder and the management. All sorts of conflicts of interest follow. The benefits of running PSU banks are concentrated among bureaucrats, employee unions and politicians who use them to pump prime the economy when it is politically expedient. The costs are diffused among millions of taxpayers. No wonder the market cap of all PSU banks put together is smaller than the biggest private sector bank.  Is there really an alternative to big businesses or large NBFCs (many of whom have corporate houses as promoters) to support India’s ambitions? Who else has the ability to bring in patient capital and support a bank for a period of time in future?Fait Accompli?So, does this mean we will soon have corporate houses being issued bank licenses? In my opinion that’s unlikely unless government really nudges the RBI in that direction. I have my reasons:In the current dispensation itself, many NBFCs could have applied for banking license over the last five years. But they haven’t. Why? The capital requirements needed to run a bank are very different from that of an NBFC. That apart, the NBFCs face far relaxed regulatory oversight than banks. No wonder none of the NBFCs have touched it with a barge pole over the years.RBI will have to change the Banking Act, 1949 through a bill passed in the Parliament. Following that there will be a ‘fit and proper’ filter that will be with the RBI to decide on who to give the license. The IWG report suggests some of these will be made more onerous for the applicants.This is still a political hot potato. There are many voices within the government who might not be comfortable with this. The pressure group of unions, bureaucrats and opinion makers still wield significant power to block the entry of corporate houses.RBI will continue to make it very difficult for anyone applying the bank licenseSo, what’s happening here? Why is RBI coming out with a paper for allowing corporates in Banks while simultaneously making the criteria impossible to achieve. A Balancing ActRBI as an economic institution understands the need for more banks in India. But it does not believe the political institutions in India will be able to manage the conflict of interest inherent in having large corporates as banks. So on one hand it wants to show the political leadership it is supporting their aspirations in ambitions by re-looking at the guidelines for new licenses while making the conditions of the guidelines so onerous that it will make the license unattractive for an industrial house.For nations to succeed (like Acemoglu and Robinson have argued), its institutions have to be strong. In my view, a nation has to have its political and economic institutions in sync with another. It is difficult for it to have its political institutions extractive, exclusionary and rent-seeking while its economic institutions are liberal and inclusive; and yet succeed in the long run. Having an extractive and exclusionary political institution while continuing to work with economic institutions that are free and inclusive is an unstable equilibrium. Sooner or later, the extractive nature of one type of institutions casts its long shadow on everything. The post-independent history of India speaks to this phenomenon. Following Independence, India chose a model where its political institutions were by design inclusive and liberal while its economic institutions came to be dominated by the state. In the late 60s, Indira Gandhi found it expedient to double down on the state control of economy in order to consolidate herself politically. This led to the nationalisation of various sectors including that of banks. As this domination and undermining of economic institutions turned complete, the political institutions couldn’t stay beyond it. The judiciary became subservient, roles like governors of state turned into rubber stamps, Article 356 was liberally used to dismiss state governments at slightest of pretexts and most independent institutions were packed with sycophants. No surprise then this culminated into the emergency of 1975. The crisis of having both political and economic institutions that were extractive reached a point of no return by 1991. That’s when we decided to take a sharp turn away on how we’d like to manage our financial situation. The state reduced its control on factors of production, multiple independent regulators were born and a relativity free market came in to play. The feedback loop of the liberalisation of economic institutions soon started coming up against the extractive nature of political institutions. Through some fortunate circumstances of coalition politics, enlightened leadership and favourable global conditions, the political institutions began to change in the image of the liberal economic institutions. This was reflected in a more active election commission, laws like RTI being passed and the courts actively preserving the liberties of the citizenry. However, over the last decade or so, the political institutions in India have turned the clock back on being extractive. Electoral victories on the back of a strong leader, a decimated opposition and the power of majoritarian politics have meant we have reversed the gains we made post-liberalisation on making our political institutions freer. As the feedback loops in, the economic institutions are starting to corrode. This is where RBI finds itself today. It still is a free and liberal institution that’s walking the tightrope between a democratic mandate (that the government represents) and its own independent thinking. The draft IWG report in that sense is its stand. It will play ball yet not play it at the same time. It is anyone’s guess how long it can continue to do so. The right solution of course is to go back to the path of strong, free and inclusive political AND economic institutions. But that doesn’t look likely anytime soon. It is a lost opportunity.   India Policy Watch #2: Farmers’ ProtestsInsights on burning policy issues in India— Pranay KotasthaneWe warned in edition #70:Any reform that is even remotely seen to impact the MSP gravy train is bound to face opposition from a host of incumbent beneficiaries. One, the farmers growing the 22 crops backed by the MSP. Two, the traders getting a percentage of the MSP. And three, the state governments making money by charging hefty commissions for the sale of produce at APMCs. None of this is surprising.That apart, we mentioned two critiques merit serious attention: one, the timing of these reforms amidst the worst economic crisis in decades meant that the government needed to align the cognitive maps of those losing out. Two, the government fostered suspicions because the three farm laws said nothing about the impact on the existing procurement price mechanisms.Unfortunately, the anticipated unintended consequences have played out according to the script above. Farmers in Punjab and Haryana are agitating while the government has not come out with a reconciliatory offer yet. As usual, Pratap Bhanu Mehta’s article takes the long view. He writes:“Given the far-reaching changes we need in agriculture in Punjab, it is important that the trust between the state and the farmer remains. A good faith dialogue that gives the farmers reasonable assurances and a face-saver is necessary. It is easy for the government to win. But how many times in Indian politics have we won short-term victories that create long-term political precariousness?”Just like the GST compensation cess issue, the union government has pushed through a big change without getting other political parties or state governments onboard. These specific reforms might still go through but future negotiations will become even more difficult. Parties to the table will come with ossified positions. That’s a precursor to policy paralysis. We have seen this movie before.In the crisis situation we find ourselves in, it is all the more important that the union government’s reform agenda should factor in distributional consequences of those losing out. The government needs to build bridges. Politics, after all, is the art of the possible, as Bismarck said.HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters[Podcast]: Acemoglu talks with Russ Roberts on why institutions matter.[Article]: Jagdeep Chokkar and Sanjay Kumar make a solid case against simultaneous polls.[Podcast]: In the second Puliyabaazi episode on Indian banking history, Amol Agrawal shares fascinating insights on princely state banking, the feud with the State Bank of Pakistan, priority sector lending, and lots more.[Article]: Mohammad Taqi in TheWire writes how “Pakistan’s Islamisation started almost a decade before its birth, and long before any army dictator or adventurist general came along.” Even Pakistan didn’t become Pakistan all of a sudden. Something for us to reflect on in India. If you like the kind of things this newsletter talks about, consider taking up the Takshashila Institution’s Post Graduate Programme in Public Policy (PGP) course. It’s a 48-week in-depth online course meant for working professionals. Applications for the Jan 2021 cohort are now open. For more details, check here. Get on the email list at publicpolicy.substack.com

Legendary stand-up comedian, actor, producer, author, and BJJ blue belt, Russell Peters, Skypes in for today’s show. He and Mike talk about how much Netflix pays comedians, how to bomb in style, comparing Jiu-Jitsu experience, performing in the same arenas, taking enemy fire on USO tours, breaking down upcoming fights, comedy's GOATs, and tons more! Buckle up, hit subscribe, and click the bell for notifications! Watch the video taping of this episode here: https://youtu.be/YW0a0d3nQFg Be sure and check out all the clips and highlights of The Real Quick With Mike Swick Podcast at the official clip account, Quick Swick Clips: http://www.youtube.com/c/QuickSwickClips Please check out our sponsors and save: AKA Thailand, The Worlds Premier Luxury Training Resort. Save 10% now by booking online at AKAThailand.com! Go to Manscaped.com and use Promo Code: “Quick” to save 20% and get free shipping! Timestamps: 00:49 Russell immediately takes over the interview 2:52 Russell's $10,000 castle bed 3:52 Chris Rock and Dave Chappelle get unreal money from a Netflix special 7:33 How bombing in stand up is like sparring 9:56 Mike and Russell both performed at the O2 Arena 13:14 Mike's MMA background 14:40 Comparing Jiu-Jitsu games 18:12 Russell is an equal opportunity offender 21:22 Bangkok is literally the city that never sleeps 25:23 If India and China merged, it would be Thailand 29:17 Trading stories of being attacked on USO tours 32:37 Saddam's gold toilets chapped Russell's ass 35:48 Russell wouldn't even hold mitts for Mike Tyson. 36:39 Russell's take on Woodley vs Covington and Khabib vs Gaethje 39:18 Stand up GOATs according to Russell Business E-mail: Info@MikeSwick.com Follow: Russell Peters: https://www.instagram.com/russellpeters https://twitter.com/therealrussellp https://www.facebook.com/RussellPeters https://www.youtube.com/c/RussellPeters/featured https://www.russellpeters.com Mike Swick: http://www.Instagram.com/Mike_Swick http://www.twitter.com/OfficialSwick http://www.Facebook.com/MikeSwick Mike Swick is a 15-time UFC veteran and a former top contender in two weight divisions. He is also the founder and CEO of the AKA Thailand super gym in Phuket, as well as the owner of Swick Savage™ and Savage Life Media™. Follow Us: http://www.youtube.com/c/RealQuickwMikeSwickPodcast http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/real-quick-w-mike-swick-podcast/id1268441670 http://soundcloud.com/RealQuickPodcast http://Instagram.com/RealQuickWithMikeSwick http://Twitter.com/RQMSPodcast ​​https://www.stitcher.com/s?fid=408915&refid=stpr Host: Mike Swick Guest: Russell Peters Produced & Directed by: Mike Swick Filmed & Edited by: Greg Blunt Clips and Marketing by: Evan Shoman Music Producer: Benny Youngbaht Music: Danny Bunnathong Artwork: Simon Netherton For more info about AKA Thailand: http://AKAThailand.com https://www.youtube.com/c/AKAThailandGym http://Instagram.com/AKAThailand http://Facebook.com/AKAThailandGym http://Twitter.com/AKAThailand Thank you for listening!

In this episode Melissa Deally shares her vast knowledge about having abundant energy to be successful in business. As entrepreneurs we can get so immersed in our projects that we tend to put our health after business. Melissa shares some simple, yet profound ways to have more energy and vitality in your life and business. Highlights From This Episode: How to create more energy with some simple shifts in your day Plugging the energy leaks for optimum health Learn about Melissa’s BRIGHT protocol for increasing energy Listening when your body whispers to you before it yells at you The importance of deep breathing before eating Links & Resources From This Episode: Learn More: https://www.facebook.com/betterbrainhealthcoach https://www.instagram.com/betterbrainhealth/ https://www.linkedin.com/in/melissadeally/n Resources - Find Melissa’s courses on Sleep, Kicking the Sugar Habit and Digestive Reset here: https://melissa6.podia.com/ More About Melissa Deally Melissa Deally was in the Corporate world for most of her career, but finding herself let go after 24 years with 1 company, was the kick in the pants she needed to move into an entirely different field, where she could actually help people lead better lives – something she found she was drawn too a couple of years ago, and just needed the right opportunity to make it happen. Melissa went back to school to become a Health Coach and has found her true calling. She loves to help people get to the root cause of their health issue instead of masking symptoms and not truly healing, which only leads to side effects from the drugs, and something else showing up in the body as a symptom to tell you to truly heal. Melissa has continued her studies and now has her Life Coaching as well as Function Nutrition Digestive Certifications and her Integrative Health Practitioner Level 1 training, under her belt, while she continues her Level 2 certification. All this education allows Melissa to look at ALL of you using her BRIGHT protocol, to help provide you with a personalized and guided healing plan, that neither diagnoses or cures, but helps bring your body back into balance while filling deficiencies, so your body can begin to heal itself. Melissa has also pursued another passion and that is to start a charity to help educate girls in developing countries. She feels that in doing so can have great impact on breaking the poverty cycle. If India could educate just 1% more girls, they could grow their GDP by $5.5 billion! It’s a simple solution, but not easy. Girls Matter has funded 11 girls since March 2016 to finish High School in Uganda, but there are still many more who need financial help. Awesome FREE Resources for YOU! Check out our blog! Thanks for listening! Thanks so much for listening to our podcast! If you enjoyed this episode and think that others could benefit from listening, please share it using the social media buttons on this page. Do you have some feedback or questions about this episode? Leave a note in the comment section below! Subscribe to the podcast If you would like to get automatic updates of new podcast episodes, you can subscribe to the podcast on iTunes or Stitcher. You can also subscribe from the podcast app on your mobile device. Leave us an iTunes review Ratings and reviews from our listeners are extremely valuable to us and greatly appreciated.  They expose our show to more awesome listeners like you. If you have a minute, please leave a review on iTunes. Val Low is a focus & efficiency mentor & coach to entrepreneurs to clear the business clutter and thrive. Through her Focus&Freedom™ Method and Planner many entrepreneurs have experienced more focus, time and freedom. Val loves nothing better than showing entrepreneurs how to calm the overwhelm and distractions with focus and efficiency strategies and tools that enable them to have the freedom to do the things that matter most in their business and life. Visit Val’s Website: https://vallow.me/ Connect with Val on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/ValLow.page/ Connect with Val on Linked In: https://www.linkedin.com/in/val-low

Hello friends, inherently, low manufacturing has always been our problem. But today it has become a serious problem. It is believed that the manufacturing growth can help us to a great extent in stopping the poverty and unemployment which are increasing day by day in our country. As the whole world has become a global supply chain and a China become a manufacturing base, therefore, it has become a necessity to promote local manufacturing after covid19 outbreak. Many countries are looking to relocate their Business from China. Which has given India an opportunity to increase its manufacturing and to get rid of many of its problems. But this is not going to be easy because India is not alone in this race. And many countries want to take the advantage of the opportunity to promote investment in their country and want to increase their growth. If India wants to take advantage of the opportunity then it will have to take many such small steps, which succeed India in this task. It has often been seen that business has to face a lot of problems in India regarding land, labour and regulations. If there are some fundamental improvements in land labour and regulation, this journey can be quite easy. Land - Most governments acquire land after the Memorandum of Understanding, which causes a lot of business risk. It will help a lot if land pools are made and manufacturing areas are made once in advance. India is a country of young people in which a large number of youth live, about 70% people are young. But the problem is that they are not skilled. The workers here are cheap and unorganized. If we can organize and skilled the labourers then no one can stop the success of Make in India. It is not that our rules are very strict. But our rules waste a lot of time which make business non competitive. We have to move our policy from business regulation to business facilitation. Along with this, there are some other small & big steps which are very important for Make in India. Such as single tax GST, dedicated road & rail network, logistics, warehousing, quick & Smooth port operations. It is often seen that the policy is changed as soon as the government changes, which is not acceptable to the manufacturer. Along with this, retrospective taxation is also a big issue which troubles investor. We have to make some reforms in our justice system too. So that we can judicate the cases of international arbitration quickly and smoothly. We often charge higher import duty to protect our domestic market. Because of which we have never been able to become a stakeholder in global supply chain. So we should give some thought to removing our concern and also cutting into excise duty. That we become intermediary in the global supply chain. We ourselves are very much dependent on China in energy, consumer durable, automobile & pharmaceutical sector. So increasing domestic manufacturing has become our need. Thank you

If India is to continue to grow its economy, it needs to involve the country’s women, according to economist and public policy analyst Devika Kher. You see, ambitious growth just isn't possible with half the population at home. In this episode, Kher breaks down the u-curve, one of the most important theories to understand the drop in women's participation in the workforce, in less than 30 minutes. With special guest Devika Kher Devika is currently a Master of Public Policy candidate at the University of Chicago's Harris School of Public Policy (Class of 21). Before joining Harris, she worked at The Takshashila Institution, an independent policy think tank in Bangalore, India for five years. Her work focuses on studying the interaction between labour and urban governance challenges. Devika has worked extensively on the declining female labour employment in India and urban governance challenges within developing countries. Devika has been a regular contributor to renowned national dailies, a contributing author for multiple books, and has co-authored papers on public expenditure on health in India. MORE TO READ. Devika’s writing in Pragati Express: https://express.thinkpragati.com/author/devikakher/ This 2019 TheWire article by Devika: https://thewire.in/labour/why-having-more-women-in-the-workforce-is-good-for-the-economy This 2019 Deccan Herald article by Devika: https://www.deccanherald.com/opinion/in-perspective/get-the-women-into-the-workforce-741013.html This 2018 Takshashila Institution article by Devika, on ‘pink collar’ jobs: https://nationalinterest.in/breaking-gender-barriers-in-jobs-346662dab3a9 This 2018 Takshashila Institution article by Devika on social impediments to women’s employment: https://nationalinterest.in/social-shackles-and-women-employment-b6f26d5fbef5 This 2018 Pragati article by Devika: https://www.thinkpragati.com/opinion/4455/frailty-thy-name-is-public-policy/ Claudia Goldin’s seminal paper on the ‘U’ curve (1994): https://www.nber.org/papers/w4707.pdf MORE TO LISTEN TO. Devika on Ep. 88 of ‘The Seen and the Unseen’ podcast: https://seenunseen.in/episodes/2018/10/1/episode-88-metrics-of-empowerment/ Devika on Ep. 16 of the ‘States of Anarchy’ podcast: https://ivmpodcasts.com/states-of-anarchy-episode-list/tag/devika+kher A BIG THANKS Women In Labour is generously supported by a grant from the American Center, New Delhi. All opinions, findings, and conclusions are those of Women In Labour and its hosts only — and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State.

In this episode I am joined by Sophie Ascheim, a founding member of The Pad Project, a non-profit dedicated to ending period poverty and the stigma around periods globally. Sophie was also an executive producer on the Oscar winning documentary, Period. End of Sentence. We discuss the ways in which The PAD Project aims to end period poverty in India and create wider access to menstrual products. One of the biggest issues in developing countries is that not only is there such a taboo around periods, making women uncomfortable using pads or tampons instead of rags or nothing at all, but there also isn't access to these products because they're too expensive or they just aren't physically made available. If India enrolled just 1% more girls in school, their GDP would rise by 5.5 billion dollars. "In many communities in India, parents have to choose between buying pads for their daughter or buying a week's worth of milk for their entire family. When you really compare those, there isn't an option. You feed your family. This dilemma contributed to girls dropping out of school at a really young age. And that was where I first got interested - periods contributing to a lack of education in developing communities." If you want to get in touch with The V Hive, please send an e-mail to info@thevhive.com. ________ Resources: Netflix Documentary: Period. End of Sentence. Amazon Prime Documentary: Menstrual Man ________ Follow The V Hive: INSTAGRAM - @thevhive TWITTER - @thevhive_ FACEBOOK - @thevhivemedia WEBSITE - www.thevhive.com ________ Contact Info: Website: www.thepadproject.org Instagram: @thepadproject

Co-hosts Arvind Panagariya and Pravin Krishna speak with Sajjid Chinoy, Chief India Economist of JPMorgan, on the economic impact of and policy response to Covid-19.  They ask him: (i) If India should follow the USA and other rich countries and scale up its stimulus package to 10% of GDP as some critics have opined; (ii) Are there policy actions the government should announce during lockdown to help the economy return to its pre-Corona growth path at the earliest; (iii) How can India minimize the risk of the stimulus to address the temporary demand deficiency turning permanent; (iv) What can India do to minimize the pain of and damage from future Corona-like shocks; (v) What kind of external shock from disruption of exports and global recession will India face; and (vi) In the longer run, what can India do to maximize the gains from an accelerated shift in investment and production activity away from China that will inevitably happen in the aftermath of Covid-19? Dr. Chinoy offers pointed answers to each of these questions.

Welcome to 99.94, Express Sports' cricket exclusive episodes, which will release every Thursday. On the show, our hosts Daksh Panwar and Gaurav Bhatt discuss everything from domestic cricket to international cricket to a little bit of fantasy cricket. In this episode, Daksh and Gaurav are joined by special guests National Sports editor Sandeep Dwivedi and Sriram Veera, to discuss the ultimate face off. If India's greatest batsman Sachin Tendulkar was to face arguably the best bowler currently, Jasprit Bumrah, who would win? We break down their best moves, their strengths and weaknesses to decide who is better. The stage is set, let's go. 

With the ICC Cricket World Cup 2019 entering its third week, equations have started changing, thanks to some strong performances, a few upsets, and also some heartbreaks. Bangladesh chased down a massive 322-run target against Windies on Shakib Al Hasan's century. Later, they repeated the show against Australia, even more emphatically, but fell short of the target by 49 runs. England scored a mountain of runs against Afghanistan — only three runs shy of the 400-mark — and won easily. But the same side failed to chase a not-so-great target of 233 runs against Sri Lanka, as Lasith Malinga scalped four wickets. Surprisingly, a formidable Indian batting line-up, with greats like Rohit Sharma, Virat Kohli and M S Dhoni faced a reality check, with minnows Afghanistan first restricting them to just 224 runs and then nearly chasing the target. If India were able to save their blushes, they had Jasprit Bumrah’s precision and Mohammed Shami’s last-minute havoc to thank for it. Meanwhile, New Zealand skipper Kane Williamson calmly took his team to victory in crucial matches against South Africa and West Indies, with a century in each match. And, Pakistan got back to winning ways by defeating South Africa on the back of Mohammad Amir's heroics. And then, there was a heartbreaking image whose memory will endure for a long time: A distraught Carlos Brathwaite sitting on ground, almost in tears, after nearly taking West Indies past the target against New Zealand. Windies lost the thriller by just 5 runs Let’s take a look at all this, and what more to expect as the contest intensifies in this BS podcast. Follow the BS on Ground channel on Google Podcast, Apple Podcasts and Spotify for more from the world of sports. 

With the ICC Cricket World Cup 2019 entering its third week, equations have started changing, thanks to some strong performances, a few upsets, and also some heartbreaks. Bangladesh chased down a massive 322-run target against Windies on Shakib Al Hasan's century. Later, they repeated the show against Australia, even more emphatically, but fell short of the target by 49 runs. England scored a mountain of runs against Afghanistan — only three runs shy of the 400-mark — and won easily. But the same side failed to chase a not-so-great target of 233 runs against Sri Lanka, as Lasith Malinga scalped four wickets. Surprisingly, a formidable Indian batting line-up, with greats like Rohit Sharma, Virat Kohli and M S Dhoni faced a reality check, with minnows Afghanistan first restricting them to just 224 runs and then nearly chasing the target. If India were able to save their blushes, they had Jasprit Bumrah’s precision and Mohammed Shami’s last-minute havoc to thank for it. Meanwhile, New Zealand skipper Kane Williamson calmly took his team to victory in crucial matches against South Africa and West Indies, with a century in each match. And, Pakistan got back to winning ways by defeating South Africa on the back of Mohammad Amir's heroics. And then, there was a heartbreaking image whose memory will endure for a long time: A distraught Carlos Brathwaite sitting on ground, almost in tears, after nearly taking West Indies past the target against New Zealand. Windies lost the thriller by just 5 runs Let’s take a look at all this, and what more to expect as the contest intensifies in this BS podcast. Follow the BS on Ground channel on Google Podcast, Apple Podcasts and Spotify for more from the world of sports. 

Premal (Premal MA in FB and spiritualgypsie in IG) has been coming to India for the last 15 years and shares with me her knowledge and advice on traveling to India during the season. Many Yoga practitioners at one point come to visit India either out of curiosity of the land where it all started or to do some Yoga courses and retreats. Not too much about Yoga in this chapter but interesting information with an amazing person. If India is too far, try organizing your yoga retreat in Valencia, Spain at my place http://retreats-spain.com

An India – Pakistan sporting rivalry, there is nothing like it. Any sport – If India is going up against Pakistan there is bound to be massive interest in both countries. Be it Kabaddi, Hockey, Volleyball or football. We don’t like losing to them and vice-versa. Listen on...

If India's Uttar Pradesh were a country it would be the fifth largest in the world. The state's new chief minister is Yogi Adityanath of the BJP party, which won a sweeping victory in last month's elections. The BBC's Geeta Pandey in Delhi has been analysing his popularity and following the controversies that surround him. Goodbye Krushchyovkas... Around 1.5 million people in Moscow are waiting anxiously to hear more about plans to tear down the outdated Soviet blocks they live in. Hundreds of so-called Krushchyovkas have already been demolished, and 8,000 more are about to be flattened. BBC Russian's Oleg Boldyrev shares memories of growing up in one. Ending the hunt for Kony Ugandan troops have called off the search for Joseph Kony, the notorious leader of the Lord's Resistance Army known for the destruction of rural communities in northern Uganda. The violence, enslavement and abduction of children also affected South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Central African Republic. We get the response of BBC Africa's Paul Bakibinga. We don't have that word! Fifth Floor journalists are constantly translating complex news stories from English, a task which can be fiendishly difficult as often their languages lack the word or entire concepts. There are some surprising omissions. Making a hit out of corruption China has been gripped by a new tv drama about corruption investigators. 'In The Name of the People' goes behind the scenes in Chinese politics to reveal greed, immorality and violence. Yashan Zhao of BBC Chinese tells us why she's a fan. And Fifi Haroon's pick of the world wide web. Image: Yogi Adityanath Uttar Pradesh's new leader Credit: SANJAY KANOJIA/AFP/Getty Images

If India's bulging youth population can be harnessed in the next 20 years, it will set the country on an unprecedented run of economic growth. But how do you provide skills training to 400 million Indians by 2022? That's the task Prime Minister Narendra Modi has set for himself and his government. CREDITS Host: Dr Trent Brown Guest: Dr Divya Nambiar Producer: Kog Ravindran This podcast is brought to you in association with the Australia India Institute @ Delhi and founding partners La Trobe University and the University of New South Wales.