Podcasts about American

Baltimore, Maryland is one of Donald Trump's most frequent targets when talking about crime in America. As the President continues to threaten to send troops into American cities, we wanted to hear from Baltimore's mayor, Brandon Scott.  Since Mayor Scott took office, the city has seen a dramatic drop in violent crime. He explains his policies and how investing in the community has helped calm the violence in Baltimore. So it's no surprise that he does NOT want Trump sending troops to his city. Mayor Scott shares how growing up in Baltimore impacted his political ideology. He also discusses some of the major victories he's had, including lawsuits against a major gun dealer AND opioid manufacturers and distributors. Those lawsuits have brought hundreds of millions into the city and are being reinvested directly into the community. LEARN more about the Mayor of Baltimore's work: https://mayor.baltimorecity.gov/ Get 60% off of your first box of meals for your dog with our newest sponsor, Ollie! https://www.ollie.com/franken 

There are more than 4 million American kids with at least one undocumented parent, and their summer break this year was unlike any other. They told us things like: “My family's worried when they go outside because of ICE,” or “I dreamed about the police coming to our house and they got our parents.” As increasingly aggressive ICE raids sweep the country, Latino USA follows the stories of young Latinos with undocumented parents navigating the quiet hopes, joys and challenges of summer vacation. They do this in a stark new immigration reality in which fear, uncertainty and the looming threat of family separation now shape even the smallest details of everyday life. Latino USA is the longest-running news and culture radio program in the U.S., centering Latino stories and hosted by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Maria Hinojosa. Follow the show to get every episode. Follow us on TikTok and YouTube. Subscribe to our newsletter. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED Victor Davis Hanson's book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, argues that the foundational principles of American citizenship and the nation's success are being eroded by these forces. A central theme of Hanson's work is the critical importance of the middle class, a concept he traces back to classical Greece and Rome. Drawing on Aristotle, Hanson highlights that a state's good fortune depends on citizens having "moderate and sufficient property," enabling autonomy and self-reliance. The middle class, combining "muscles with mind," traditionally served as the "soldiers of the republic" and were "skeptical of government." Unlike the poor, who risk dependency on "bread and circuses" from the government or wealthy patrons, or the rich, who "inevitably use their wealth to tamper with politics," the middle class is self-reliant and less susceptible to these extremes. This ideal, initially embodied by the independent farmer as envisioned by figures like Thomas Jefferson, was later translated into the "shopkeeper or the independent trucker or the traveling salesman" in post-industrial America, maintaining their autonomy. However, this middle class has recently experienced a decline in real wages, with any brief gains quickly eroded by inflation. Hanson posits that America is experiencing a "hollowing out" of its middle class, reminiscent of the decline of the Roman Empire, which was ultimately reduced to two classes: the extremely wealthy and those dependent on handouts. He cites California as a contemporary example, describing it as a "medieval society" with vast wealth alongside a dependent "peasant class," as millions of middle-class citizens have reportedly fled the state. The Obama administration's "Pajama Boy" and "Life of Julia" campaigns are presented as symbols of this shift, promoting a "nanny entitlement state" where the government provides for individuals from birth, reducing the need for traditional self-reliance, marriage, or property ownership. This, Hanson suggests, reflects a Democratic Party agenda that has "written off the working middle class" in favor of a "bicoastal elite" and big government. Globalization, particularly through immigration policy, is identified as another destructive force. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965 is criticized for dismantling meritocracy, prioritizing family relationships and proximity to the border over skills or English fluency. This, driven by an "unholy alliance" of the Democratic Party seeking new constituents and the Republican Party desiring cheap labor, has led to a massive influx of non-native-born and illegal residents. The Simpson-Mazzoli Act of 1986 also failed, as promises of border security were not kept, and employer verification mechanisms were easily circumvented. Hanson asserts that the absence of a secure border fundamentally undermines U.S. citizenship. He highlights how increased numbers of immigrants, coupled with lax voting laws, have politically impacted states like California, Nevada, New Mexico, and Colorado, which have "flipped" to the Democratic Party. The desire for "dignity," as expressed by a legal immigrant named Mr. Rojas, underscores the allure of American equality compared to the social stratification in countries like Oaxaca, Mexico. Furthermore, Hanson addresses the rise of the "unelected," or "deep state," which he describes as a "permanent investigative bureaucratic class" with "contempt for the people" and an ability to undermine elected government. Examples range from the obscure Raisin Administrative Committee, which dictates what farmers can do with their crops, to high-ranking officials in agencies like the FBI and CIA who felt empowered to act outside accountability. The concept of "la resistance," adopted by some bureaucrats after Donald Trump's election, saw individuals like Kevin Clinesmith and "Anonymous" actively seeking to undermine the administration, with even a Georgetown Law Schoolprofessor, Rosa Brooks, publicly contemplating a military coup. Finally, Hanson criticizes the "nullification" of federal law, exemplified by "sanctuary cities" that refuse to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, creating an "asymmetrical" system where such actions are condoned for the left but condemned as "insurrection" for the right. He also argues that impeachment, designed as a constitutional check, has been "distorted" and "abused" into a political "campaign strategy," particularly in the two impeachments of Donald Trump. This has set a "terrible precedent," potentially leading to further political weaponization of constitutional mechanisms.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

China's commerce ministry opened two investigations into American policies on the trade in chips Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

I remember visiting Mother Teresa's Home for the Dying in Calcutta and remember the story of an American tourist who once witnessed her tenderly dressing a leper's wounds. After a moment, he said, “Sister Teresa, I wouldn't do what you're doing for $10 million!” She replied, “My friend, neither would I. Neither would I!” Mother Teresa wasn't motivated by money but by compassion. She modeled the heart of one of the greatest pictures of compassion in the Bible, where Jesus encounters a man with leprosy. Just as Mother Teresa reached out to touch the untouchable, Jesus shows you that a heart of compassion will lead you to touch the untouchable and love the unlovable. In Mark 1:40–45, we discover that compassion truly has the magic touch, and we also find the three touches you can give people around you today.

This week on the Mark Levin Show, President Trump rightly criticized Sen Tim Kaine for saying that our rights come from government, not God. The book "Ameritopia" explained that John Locke had profound influence on America's founders during the Revolutionary period. Locke's philosophy was, natural law, derived from God's will, governs all, including governments; no authority can violate inalienable rights; and governments exist by consent to preserve these rights, not create them. This connects to the Declaration of Independence's principles. Kaine's view is stunning and representative of the Democrat position. Why is our stated ally, Qatar, continuing to protect the leadership of Hamas? Qatar cannot and must not provide safe harbor to Hamas's top terrorist monsters and expect that the nation and people they terrorize -- Israel and the Jews -- will sit still for it. Qatar funds terrorism, it helped unleash 9/11 by protecting the would-be ringleader, it funds terror-supporting front groups in the United States and poisons our colleges and universities with their money. Turning Point USA founder Charlie Kirk has passed away after being assassinated at an event at Utah Valley University. It's a deeply sad and dark day. He was a young man with a wife and two baby girls. His only offense, apparently, was to engage and debate in a joyous way. He spent his life fighting for America and his legacy will never be silenced. The Charlie Kirk assassin is still at large, but the FBI is closing in. He will get caught and he needs to be put to death. This guy needs to pay the price, and the whole country needs to see it. Kirk was a genius who lived life fully, enjoyed debating opponents, and inspired young people in the liberty movement. Kirk is the quintessential American story of self-made success and will have an enduring legacy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On Friday's Mark Levin Show, Mark breaks down exactly what we know about the alleged Charlie Kirk assassin Tyler Robinson. It's reported that he be started to get into politics a few years ago. But that's not it, he became radicalized from the left then became violent. We face a Marxist-Islamist movement driven by hate-filled individuals like Rep Ilhan Omar and Mehdi Hassan, infiltrating colleges, universities, public schools, and streets with alien ideologies promoting violent revolution. These clash with American history, the Enlightenment, and the Constitution, sparking debates over the nation's founding, legitimacy of rights (from government vs. God), and efforts to overthrow the West. Social media is the swamp where users, especially youth, radicalize in echo chambers without rational intervention, fostering distorted realities and hate. Afterward, Dr Marc Siegel calls in to discuss the assassin of Charlie Kirk and the dangers of the internet and social media, particularly how private online spaces can radicalize naive individuals through echo chambers of hate, misinformation, and lack of intervention. Finally, Erika Kirk, Charlie Kirk's wife, addresses the nation in a heartfelt message to the nation. If you want to help Charlie Kirk's family you can make a donation to this site. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Newt talks with Salim Furth, Senior Research Fellow and Director of the Urbanity project at the Mercatus Center about America’s housing affordability crisis. Their discussion centers on the pressing issue of housing affordability in the United States. With high home prices and rents, state legislators are increasingly pursuing housing reform, setting records for new laws aimed at unlocking home building. Furth highlights the challenges and potential solutions in housing policy. They discuss the declining optimism among young Americans regarding their standard of living, with home ownership being a significant barrier. They explore the impact of housing costs on the American dream, the role of state legislation in addressing these issues, and the potential for market-driven solutions.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this week's episode of Amicus, we delve into the recent Supreme Court shadow docket order in Noem v. Vasquez-Perdomo, which in essence legalized racial profiling by roving ICE patrols, and in practice may have ushered in America's “show your papers” era for Americans with brown skin, who speak Spanish, and/or go to Home Depot in work clothes. Join Dahlia Lithwick and Ahilan Arulanantham, a longstanding human rights lawyer and law professor, as they unpack what this unargued, unreasoned, unsigned and (in Kavanaugh's case) uncited decision means for both immigrants and U.S. citizens, for 4th amendment doctrine, and for the lower courts expected to parse SCOTUS' tea leaves. Want more Amicus? Join Slate Plus to unlock weekly bonus episodes with exclusive legal analysis. Plus, you'll access ad-free listening across all your favorite Slate podcasts. You can subscribe directly from the Amicus show page on Apple Podcasts and Spotify. Or, visit slate.com/amicusplus to get access wherever you listen. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this week's episode of Amicus, we delve into the recent Supreme Court shadow docket order in Noem v. Vasquez-Perdomo, which in essence legalized racial profiling by roving ICE patrols, and in practice may have ushered in America's “show your papers” era for Americans with brown skin, who speak Spanish, and/or go to Home Depot in work clothes. Join Dahlia Lithwick and Ahilan Arulanantham, a longstanding human rights lawyer and law professor, as they unpack what this unargued, unreasoned, unsigned and (in Kavanaugh's case) uncited decision means for both immigrants and U.S. citizens, for 4th amendment doctrine, and for the lower courts expected to parse SCOTUS' tea leaves. Want more Amicus? Join Slate Plus to unlock weekly bonus episodes with exclusive legal analysis. Plus, you'll access ad-free listening across all your favorite Slate podcasts. You can subscribe directly from the Amicus show page on Apple Podcasts and Spotify. Or, visit slate.com/amicusplus to get access wherever you listen. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Get full access to Letters from an American at heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/subscribe

This is a Grave Talks CLASSIC EPISODE! On June 10th, 1912, the quiet town of Villisca, Iowa, became the site of one of the most horrifying crimes in American history. Inside a modest family home, eight people—including two young sisters and their friends—were savagely butchered as they slept. To this day, the Villisca Axe Murders remain one of the nation's darkest unsolved mysteries. The brutality of the crime stunned the town and echoed far beyond Iowa's borders. Some believed a traveling preacher came to Villisca to deliver vengeance in the most violent way imaginable. Others whisper that something far more sinister may have taken control of the man who wielded the axe. With no modern forensic science available at the time, speculation and fear spread like wildfire. The case became the stuff of legend—and haunting. Today, more than a century later, the Villisca Axe Murder House still stands, and visitors claim the energy within its walls has never left. Disembodied voices. Phantom footsteps. Unseen hands brushing across the skin. Many investigators believe the victims' spirits still linger, while others suspect the evil that fueled the massacre remains in residence, feeding off fear. In this chilling conversation, we sit down with Dane Eckelman to dive into the history, the lore, and the paranormal experiences tied to this infamous house of horror. Was this simply the work of a madman? Or did something much darker grip the soul of the killer, pushing him to commit an act so depraved that its echoes still reverberate through time? This is Part Two of our conversation. #VilliscaAxeMurderHouse #TrueCrime #ParanormalPodcast #RealGhostStories #HauntedHistory #EvilLivesHere #UnsolvedMysteries #GhostStories #DarkHistory #TheGraveTalks Love real ghost stories? Don't just listen—join us on YouTube and be part of the largest community of real paranormal encounters anywhere. Subscribe now and never miss a chilling new story:

This is a Grave Talks CLASSIC EPISODE! On June 10th, 1912, the quiet town of Villisca, Iowa, became the site of one of the most horrifying crimes in American history. Inside a modest family home, eight people—including two young sisters and their friends—were savagely butchered as they slept. To this day, the Villisca Axe Murders remain one of the nation's darkest unsolved mysteries. The brutality of the crime stunned the town and echoed far beyond Iowa's borders. Some believed a traveling preacher came to Villisca to deliver vengeance in the most violent way imaginable. Others whisper that something far more sinister may have taken control of the man who wielded the axe. With no modern forensic science available at the time, speculation and fear spread like wildfire. The case became the stuff of legend—and haunting. Today, more than a century later, the Villisca Axe Murder House still stands, and visitors claim the energy within its walls has never left. Disembodied voices. Phantom footsteps. Unseen hands brushing across the skin. Many investigators believe the victims' spirits still linger, while others suspect the evil that fueled the massacre remains in residence, feeding off fear. In this chilling conversation, we sit down with Dane Eckelman to dive into the history, the lore, and the paranormal experiences tied to this infamous house of horror. Was this simply the work of a madman? Or did something much darker grip the soul of the killer, pushing him to commit an act so depraved that its echoes still reverberate through time? #VilliscaAxeMurderHouse #TrueCrime #ParanormalPodcast #RealGhostStories #HauntedHistory #EvilLivesHere #UnsolvedMysteries #GhostStories #DarkHistory #TheGraveTalks Love real ghost stories? Don't just listen—join us on YouTube and be part of the largest community of real paranormal encounters anywhere. Subscribe now and never miss a chilling new story:

The murder of Charlie Kirk was the culmination of Americans' long-brewing fear of political violence. First, political violence expert Rachel Kleinfeld joins Sarah to discuss the ramifications of Kirk's death on the American body politic, and then Sarah discusses voters' fears of political violence that we've heard through the years.

Stand Up is a daily podcast that I book,host,edit, post and promote new episodes with brilliant guests every day. Please subscribe now for as little as 5$ and gain access to a community of over 750 awesome, curious, kind, funny, brilliant, generous souls Check out StandUpwithPete.com to learn more Follow Maura on Blue Sky Follow Maura on Tik Tok  Follow Maura on Instagram Support Fair Share America  Maura Quint is a humor writer and activist whose work has been featured in publications such as McSweeneys and The New Yorker. She was named one of Rolling Stone's top 25 funniest twitter accounts of 2016. When not writing comedy, Maura has worked extensively with non-profits in diverse sectors including political action campaigns, international arts collectives and health and human services organizations. She has never been officially paid to protest but did once find fifteen cents on the ground at an immigrants' rights rally and wanted to make sure that had been disclosed. She was the co founder and executive director of TaxMarch.org Christian Finnegan  is an American stand-up comedian, writer and actor based in New York City. BUY HIS NEW ALBUM--- "Show Your Work: Live at QED" Finnegan is perhaps best known as one of the original panelists on VH1's Best Week Ever and as Chad, the only white roommate in the “Mad Real World” sketch on Comedy Central's Chappelle's Show. Additional television appearances as himself or performing stand up have included “Conan”, “The Late Late Show with Craig Ferguson”, "Would You Rather...with Graham Norton", “Good Afternoon America” and multiple times on The Today Show and Countdown with Keith Olbermann, and on History's I Love the 1880s. He hosted TV Land's game show "Game Time". As an actor, Finnegan portrayed the supporting role of "Carl" in the film Eden Court, a ticket agent in "Knight and Day" and several guest roles including a talk show host on "The Good Wife". In October 2006, Finnegan's debut stand up comedy CD titled Two For Flinching was released by Comedy Central Records, with a follow-up national tour of college campuses from January to April 2007. “Au Contraire!” was released by Warner Bros. Records in 2009. His third special "The Fun Part" was filmed at the Wilbur Theatre in Boston on April 4, 2013 and debuted on Netflix on April 15, 2014. Join us Monday's and Thursday's at 8EST for our Bi-Weekly Happy Hour Hangout!  Pete on Blue Sky Pete on Threads Pete on Tik Tok Pete on YouTube  Pete on Twitter Pete On Instagram Pete Personal FB page Stand Up with Pete FB page All things Jon Carroll  Follow and Support Pete Coe Buy Ava's Art  Hire DJ Monzyk to build your website or help you with Marketing

Started the week with a trio of governments thrown into chaos: Nepal, France, and Japan. Then I talked about the alleged American biker gang members running food distribution sites. Plus a LOT on the Ukrainian refugee and Charlie Kirk murders, Congo ISIS machete attack, Israel Qatar strike, and an NYPD sergeant was busted pleasuring himself in Penn station along with several other men. Music: Supertramp/"Goodbye Stranger"

In this unforgettable episode of Over The Line, the crew pays tribute to the late conservative firebrand Charlie Kirk — a man who left an indelible mark on the political landscape. Andrew McLain, Tony Gump, and the one and only John Byrd come together to remember Kirk's legacy, unpack his impact on American conservatism, and, of course, go way over the line while doing it.Expect truth, transparency, and just the right amount of indecency as the trio takes you on a wild ride through political commentary, personal stories, and unfiltered takes. Whether you're here for the insights or the chaos, this episode delivers.

Ralph welcomes Timothy Whitehouse, executive director of Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (PEER) to speak about how federal workers across all government agencies are being unfairly denigrated and summarily fired by the Trump Administration to clear the way for corporate corruption. Plus, we are joined by Toby Heaps, Editor-in-Chief of “Corporate Knights” magazine to talk about the benefits of the cooperative business model over the corporate shareholder model.Timothy Whitehouse is executive director of Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (PEER). Prior to joining PEER, he was a senior attorney at the Environmental Protection Agency and was head of the Law and Policy Program at the North American Commission for Environmental Cooperation in Montreal.The time to stigmatize federal workers is over. It's time to start rallying for unions for federal workers and what they do, and to support the idea that government plays an important role and that government (the civil service) must be as non-political as possible. Our country will be much better for it.Timothy WhitehouseThat's a good way to describe it: supersonic. We knew things were going to be really bad, but they are much worse than bad because there's no check and no balance on this President's madness. And some of the people and institutions we had hoped would stand up a little bit are collapsing one by one.Timothy WhitehouseOur foreign enemies could not have devised a better way to grind our system to a halt, and that's what's happening.Timothy WhitehouseToby Heaps is the CEO and co-founder of Corporate Knights, and Editor-in-Chief of Corporate Knights magazine. He spearheaded the first global ranking of the world's 100 most sustainable corporations in 2005, and in 2007 coined the term “clean capitalism.” Toby has been published in the Financial Times, Wall Street Journal, and the Globe and Mail, and is a regular guest speaker on CBC.I think in the co-op movement, the biggest bugaboo holding it back (in North America, that is) is people's perception that it's not a significant force. And it is already a significant force. In many cases, we're not familiar that the company might be a co-op (such as Associated Press or Ocean Spray) but in the United States alone, the turnover of co-op enterprises sales in 2023 was $324 billion US. And so, it's a significant part of the economy already.Toby HeapsI can't underline enough that if you care about a sustainable economy that works for people and planet, that the operating model is not just the clean economy (the environmentally friendly economy), it's the cooperatively-run economy.Toby HeapsThe principal obstacle to co-ops is the inadequate engagement of consumers to know about the huge benefits— to control the local economy from multinational corporations (absentee), who are pulling strings in ways that are very damaging, and basically to assume the purchasing power of the consumer.Ralph NaderNews 9/12/2025* Several major stories surrounding the Jeffrey Epstein case have emerged in the past week. First, Democrats on the House Oversight Committee have released a note written by President Trump to Epstein included in the latter's “birthday book” from 2003. In this note, Trump refers to Epstein as his “pal” and writes “May every day be another wonderful secret," according to Reuters. Trump has denied that this letter even existed, going so far as to sue the Wall Street Journal for defamation over their reporting in July. Trump continues to deny that he wrote the letter, though his signature is a perfect match, and he has sought to tamp down the matter, calling it a “dead issue,” per NBC.* In Congress, Republican allies of Donald Trump are seeking to quash the Epstein issue as well. On Tuesday, Republicans on the House Rules Committee “shot down a bid to put the Epstein Files Transparency Act—which would compel the Justice Department to release all unclassified records related to Jeffrey Epstein—to a floor vote,” in an 8–4 party-line vote, the New Republic reports. However, despite this setback, dissident Republican Thomas Massie continues to press the issue. Speaking about the birthday note, Massie said “It's…indicative of the things that might come out if we were to release all of the files…embarrassing, but not indictable. And I don't think avoiding embarrassment is a reason to avoid justice,” per CNN. Massie added in an interview on ABC that "I think it's going to be embarrassing to some of the billionaires, some of the donors who are politically connected to [Trump's] campaign. There are probably intelligence ties to our CIA and maybe to other foreign intelligence." Democrat Ro Khanna insisted in this same interview that he and his allies, including Massie, will be able to pull together a House majority of 218 members to force a vote on releasing the files.* Our final Epstein story for the week concerns James O'Keefe. Former leader of Project Veritas, O'Keefe continues to carry out far-right hidden-camera sting operations. In a rare move targeting conservatives, O'Keefe engineered a date between Joseph Schnitt, a deputy chief of staff at the Office of Enforcement Operations at DOJ, and an operative in his employ wherein Schnitt admitted that the Trump administration will “redact every Republican or conservative person in those files, [and] leave all the liberal, Democratic people.” In this video, Schnitt also implies that Epstein's lieutenant, Ghislaine Maxwell was relocated to a lower security prison to “keep her mouth shut,” as part of a deal with the government. This according to the Hill. One should certainly take revelations from O'Keefe with a heavy dose of salt, but these troubling comments should also raise suspicions about the government's possible plans to manipulate information related to this case for political ends.* Aside from the Epstein affair, the Trump administration continues to issue destructive policy directives in all directions. AP reports the federal Department of Transportation has scrapped a Biden-era rule that required airlines to “compensate stranded passengers with cash, lodging and meals for flight cancellations or changes caused by a carrier.” This rule, which sought “compensation starting at $200…[and] as high as $775…for delays of nine hours or more,” was consistent with European aviation consumer protections. Unsurprisingly, airlines – represented by lobbyists in the employ of the industry trade group Airlines for America – bitterly resisted the rule and celebrated the administration's abandonment of this basic consumer protection. The Biden Transportation Department had also been weighing rules that would have required airlines to provide, “free rebooking on the next available flight, including flights on rival airlines, as well as meals and lodging when passengers are stranded overnight.”* At the same time, the Trump administration's Federal Trade Commission is abandoning its rules banning noncompete clauses for employees. An eye-popping 1 in 5 workers are bound by noncompetes, approximately 30 million Americans, and experts estimated that banning such clauses could boost wages to the tune of nearly $300 billion per year and help create 8,500 new businesses, per NPR. The FTC voted 3-1 to vacate its defense of the rule, with Chair Andrew Ferguson and Melissa Holyoak, both Republicans, issuing a joint statement. Rebecca Kelly Slaughter, the lone remaining Democrat on the commission after Trump purged the FTC earlier this year, voted no.* Turning to foreign affairs, the Guardian reports two ships in the Gaza aid flotilla have been struck by drone attacks while docked in Tunisia. The first struck the Family Boat, which carries activist Greta Thunberg, though she was not on board at the time. The second struck the Alma, a ship bearing British flags while docked in the port of Sidi Bou Said. In a video, one can see, “a luminous object hitting the boat and fire erupting on board.” Francesca Albanese, the UN special rapporteur for the occupied Palestinian territories, is quoted saying, ‘‘Authoritative sources suggest the attack involved an incendiary grenade, wrapped in plastic materials soaked in fuel, which may have ignited before even hitting the vessel.” These attacks come amidst a renewed Israeli bombing campaign against its neighbors, including bombing the Qatari capital of Doha and the Yemeni capital Sanaa. Trump says he is “very unhappy” about the strikes; Israel's ambassador to the United States however says the world will “get over it.” This from Al Jazeera.* Meanwhile, Drop Site is out with yet another bombshell report, this time on Israel's propaganda push to cover up the scale of the hunger crisis in Gaza. According to this report, the Netanyahu government signed a previously unreported $45 million deal with Google to push false propaganda through the massive platform. One video, viewed more than 6 million times, asserts “There is food in Gaza. Any other claim is a lie.” Israel also reportedly paid $3 million for an ad campaign on X, formerly Twitter, and another $2 million on a French platform called Outbrain. This report also cites other examples of Israeli propaganda campaigns in recent years, including against UNRWA and regarding the illegal strikes in Iran.* In more positive news, the pro-Palestine campaign in Hollywood continues to grow. This week, Variety reports a group of over 3,900 filmmakers, actors and other industry professionals signed a new pledge to boycott working with “Israeli film institutions and companies that are ‘implicated in genocide and apartheid against the Palestinian people.'” This group includes many household names, such as Mark Ruffalo, Joaquin Phoenix, Jonathan Glazer, Tilda Swinton, Javier Bardem, Emma Stone, Boots Riley, Ayo Edebiri, and many, many more. The list continues to grow as this pledge circulates. According to the Hollywood Reporter, this campaign is led by Film Workers for Palestine, which explicitly modeled their strategy after Filmmakers United Against Apartheid. That group, founded by eminent filmmakers like Martin Scorsese, demanded that the film industry refuse distribution in apartheid South Africa.* Beyond Israel/Palestine, events are rocking Nepal, the small Himalayan nation that lies between India and China. The BBC reports “Fierce protests against corruption and nepotism spiralled into arson and violence on Tuesday. The prime minister resigned as politicians' homes were vandalised, government buildings torched and parliament set ablaze. Twenty-nine people have died since Monday.” The "Gen Z" youth groups leading the protests have distanced themselves from these acts of destruction, claiming their movement was "hijacked" by "opportunists". Nepal's military has been deployed in the capital of Kathmandu in an attempt to restore order and enforce a curfew. The government of Nepal, led by now-ousted Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, sought to cultivate a closer relationship with China to offset Nepal's historical dependence on India. For the time being, China seems to be taking a wait and see approach to the situation in Nepal, with foreign ministry spokesman Lin Jian calling for all parties to “properly handle domestic issues and restore social order and national stability as soon as possible,” per the South China Morning Post.* Finally, Democracy Now! reports that in an apparent fit of retaliation, the Trump administration is now threatening to redeport Kilmar Abrego Garcia, the American green card holder recently returned from his wrongful deportation to El Salvador's CECOT mega-prison. This time, instead of sending him to El Salvador, the government plans to send Garcia to the tiny African kingdom of Eswatini, formerly Swaziland. Garcia had previously expressed fear of being deported to Uganda. This move would surely be punitive, capricious and just plain bizarre, but that is hardly a deviation from the course of the Trump administration. We express solidarity with Garcia, who stands practically alone against the juggernaut of the United States' deportation apparatus.This has been Francesco DeSantis, with In Case You Haven't Heard. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

Netanyahu exploits Charlie Kirk's death to get the American right back into line. Plus, Glenn answers your questions about the future of online discourse, Tucker's Sam Altman interview, and more.  --------------------------------------------- Watch full episodes on Rumble, streamed LIVE 7pm ET. Become part of our Locals community Follow System Update:  Twitter Instagram TikTok Facebook  

Due to breaking news involving Charlie Kirk, today's show topics changed minutes before the broadcast. Previous Version: Where is the Left's outrage? Whilst the UK is arresting comedians like Graham Linehan for “offensive tweets”, US magistrates are releasing dangerous career criminals like Decarlos Brown to the streets – where they often terrorize the very immigrants and refugees the Left claims to protect. Decarlos Brown, age 34, faces federal charges for the August 22 fatal stabbing of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte LYNX Blue Line train. Attorney General Pam Bondi condemned “soft-on-crime policies” that allowed Decarlos to be released and vowed to seek the maximum penalty for Iryna's murder. Roseanne Barr is a comedienne and host of the highly acclaimed The Roseanne Barr Podcast on Rumble, where new episodes drop every Thursday. After over 40 years of comedy, she is known as a fierce “domestic goddess” and the voice of the American working class – promising to offend, challenge, trigger, and “force you to wake up to the mind control.” Follow at https://x.com/therealroseanne Jake Pentland is a podcast producer and Roseanne's son. Follow him at https://x.com/jakezuccproof 「 SUPPORT OUR SPONSORS 」 Find out more about the brands that make this show possible and get special discounts on Dr. Drew's favorite products at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://drdrew.com/sponsors⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠  ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠• FATTY15 – The future of essential fatty acids is here! Strengthen your cells against age-related breakdown with Fatty15. Get 15% off a 90-day Starter Kit Subscription at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://drdrew.com/fatty15⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ • PALEOVALLEY - "Paleovalley has a wide variety of extraordinary products that are both healthful and delicious,” says Dr. Drew. "I am a huge fan of this brand and know you'll love it too!” Get 15% off your first order at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://drdrew.com/paleovalley⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ • VSHREDMD – Formulated by Dr. Drew: The Science of Cellular Health + World-Class Training Programs, Premium Content, and 1-1 Training with Certified V Shred Coaches! More at https://drdrew.com/vshredmd • THE WELLNESS COMPANY - Counteract harmful spike proteins with TWC's Signature Series Spike Support Formula containing nattokinase and selenium. Learn more about TWC's supplements at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://twc.health/drew⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ 「 MEDICAL NOTE 」 Portions of this program may examine countervailing views on important medical issues. Always consult your physician before making any decisions about your health. 「 ABOUT THE SHOW 」 Ask Dr. Drew is produced by Kaleb Nation (⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://kalebnation.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠) and Susan Pinsky (⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://twitter.com/firstladyoflov⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠e⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠). This show is for entertainment and/or informational purposes only, and is not a substitute for medical advice, diagnosis, or treatment. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Great minds have spent generations debating over the most effective ways to win hearts and minds to a cause, but all agree on one thing – if you reach the young, you will determine the course of a nation's future. Charlie Kirk knew this, and lived it.    Kirk's mission to reach young people may have stemmed from the fact that his own very public political activism began when he was only a teenager. But at a time when many conservatives wrote college campuses off as bastions of leftist ideology that were too far gone, Kirk made universities his mission field, and emboldened hundreds more young people to do the same.    Through Turning Point USA, Kirk reached millions of young people with a political, and faith filled message.    What made Kirk even more unique is that he did not go to college campuses to lecture students, but instead to have conversations - allowing students to ask him questions on politics and faith. It was at one of these very events at Utah Valley University where Kirk was assassinated Wednesday.    Articulate, charismatic, and inteligent, Kirk spent more than a decade empowering young people to think critically, embrace the values of conservatism, and find hope and joy in a deep faith in Jesus Christ.    Kirk spoke truth in boldness, and it cost him his life.    It is challenging not to feel that a line has been drawn in the sand. A good man, a father, a husband, a leader has died. Is this the cost of truth? For the majority of us, Lord willing, it won't be, but it does serve as a time for choosing.    On this week's edition of Problematic Women, Hannah Faulkner, a conservative commentator and author, and Problematic Women host Morgonn McMichael, a Turning Point USA contributor, join the show to discuss the choices we, the American people, face following Kirk's assassination.    Enjoy the show! Follow us on Instagram for EXCLUSIVE bonus content and the chance to be featured in our episodes: https://www.instagram.com/problematicwomen/   Connect with our hosts on socials!   Elise McCue X: https://x.com/intent/user?screen_name=EliseMcCue Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/elisemccueofficial/   Virginia Allen: X: https://x.com/intent/user?screen_name=Virginia_Allen5 Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/virginiaallenofficial/   Morgonn McMichael: X: https://x.com/intent/user?screen_name=morgonnm Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/morgonnm/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this week's episode of Amicus, we delve into the recent Supreme Court shadow docket order in Noem v. Vasquez-Perdomo, which in essence legalized racial profiling by roving ICE patrols, and in practice may have ushered in America's “show your papers” era for Americans with brown skin, who speak Spanish, and/or go to Home Depot in work clothes. Join Dahlia Lithwick and Ahilan Arulanantham, a longstanding human rights lawyer and law professor, as they unpack what this unargued, unreasoned, unsigned and (in Kavanaugh's case) uncited decision means for both immigrants and U.S. citizens, for 4th amendment doctrine, and for the lower courts expected to parse SCOTUS' tea leaves. Want more Amicus? Join Slate Plus to unlock weekly bonus episodes with exclusive legal analysis. Plus, you'll access ad-free listening across all your favorite Slate podcasts. You can subscribe directly from the Amicus show page on Apple Podcasts and Spotify. Or, visit slate.com/amicusplus to get access wherever you listen. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Truth Be Told with Booker Scott – Todd Beamer's final words, “Let's roll,” echo through history as Flight 93 passengers unite in courage, faith, and sacrifice on September 11. In the face of terror, they choose action over fear, prayer over despair. Their bravery stands as a lasting reminder of the American spirit and the power of ordinary people rising as heroes...

Energetic Health Institute Radio with Dr. H – Medical errors not only negatively affect the patient but have lasting effects on their loved ones, community, and come with a high cost for the medical system. Some experts estimate that preventable medical errors may cost the healthcare system upwards of $20-30 billion each year. For the average American, navigating the medical system...

On the quiet work of befriending ourselves, and the remembered language of healing. (0:00) – Introduction and Guest Overview (2:47) – Daria's Childhood and Early Life (9:01) – Impact of Grandmother's Death and Early Loss (12:14) – Discovering the Truth About Her Grandmother's Death (20:14) – Intergenerational Trauma and Addiction (26:12) – Emergence and Mentoring (34:19) – Success and Ambition (41:48) – Meditation and Emotional Independence (46:13) – Letter to Her Mother Daria Burke is an American writer, speaker, and wellbeing advocate. A marketer by trade and a seeker at heart, Daria is a storyteller and sense-maker, weaving together personal experience and the science of healing and transformation to explore new ways of understanding how we choose who we become. Her debut memoir, OF MY OWN MAKING (Spring 2025), is a soulful and scientific exploration of overcoming adversity, healing from childhood trauma, and rewriting one's own story. As a Chief Marketing Officer, Daria was named a 2020 AdAge Woman to Watch whose work has been recognized by Women's Wear Daily, Forbes, Vogue, Town & Country and the Cut. She has written for Fast Company, The Huffington Post, and Black Enterprise, and has appeared on The Melissa Harris-Perry Show on MSNBC. A distinguished alumna of NYU Stern School of Business (MBA) and the University of Michigan (BA), Daria was born in Detroit and now calls Los Angeles and East Hampton home. Daria's memoir OF MY OWN MAKING. Part memoir, part methodology, OF MY OWN MAKING is a soulful and scientific exploration of the power to shape one's destiny and a fearless rallying cry to excavate and examine the stories that define our lives.

"The Threesome" is an American romantic comedy drama film starring Zoey Deutch, Jonah Hauer-King, and Ruby Cruz, directed by Chad Hartigan, and written by Ethan Ogilby. The film had its world premiere at the South by Southwest Film & TV Festival, where it received positive reviews for its screenplay, three main performances, humor, and nuance in such a precarious situation. Deutch, Hauer-King, and Cruz were all kind enough to spend time speaking with us about their work and experiences making the film, which you can listen to below. Please be sure to check out the film, now playing in theaters from Vertical. Thank you, and enjoy! Check out more on NextBestPicture.com Please subscribe on... Apple Podcasts - https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/negs-best-film-podcast/id1087678387?mt=2 Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/7IMIzpYehTqeUa1d9EC4jT YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCWA7KiotcWmHiYYy6wJqwOw And be sure to help support us on Patreon for as little as $1 a month at https://www.patreon.com/NextBestPicture and listen to this podcast ad-free Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

"Twinless" is an American indie black comedy psychological drama film written, directed, co-produced, and co-starring James Sweeney alongside Dylan O'Brien. It had its world premiere at the 2025 Sundance Film Festival in the U.S. Dramatic Competition, where it received critical acclaim for its direction, writing, and performances and won the Audience Award. Sweeney and O'Brien were kind enough to spend time speaking with us about their work and experiences making the film, which you can listen to below. Please be sure to check out the film, now playing in theaters from Lionsgate & Roadside Attractions. Thank you, and enjoy! Check out more on NextBestPicture.com Please subscribe on... Apple Podcasts - https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/negs-best-film-podcast/id1087678387?mt=2 Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/7IMIzpYehTqeUa1d9EC4jT YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCWA7KiotcWmHiYYy6wJqwOw And be sure to help support us on Patreon for as little as $1 a month at https://www.patreon.com/NextBestPicture and listen to this podcast ad-free Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Cuban exile turned CIA operative Ricardo “Monkey” Morales justifies his moniker by orchestrating decades of chaos in the world of international espionage.The legend of Cuban exile turned US government operative Ricardo Morales Navarrete has been known in espionage circles for decades. Dubbed “The Monkey” for his disruptive and unpredictable escapades, Morales grabbed headlines for decades as tales of his bombings, arrests, assassination attempts (both those he executed and those he suffered), and testimony constructed a real-life spy adventure unlike anything brought to page or screen.His story delves into diverse aspects of American history, including our nation's conflict with Cuba, our anti-communism military support overseas, JFK's story before and after the Bay of Pigs, and the explosion of the illegal narcotics industry in 1970s Miami. Morales was a contract agent for the CIA and a valuable asset for the FBI; he even shared how he'd met Lee Harvey Oswald at a CIA camp in Florida before JFK's assassination. Morales's counterintelligence skills-for-hire were also a prized utility for Cuban drug kingpins in Miami, many of whom were discarded ex-CIA operatives.Monkey Morales blends James Bond, Rambo, and Scarface—a concoction of danger, politics, and family drama told in its entirety for the first time by authors Sean Oliver and Morales's son, Ricardo Morales, Jr.https://amzn.to/48fcltTBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-opperman-report--1198501/support.

In The Joke Man: Bow to Stern, Jackie tells of his beginnings as a working comedian and writer and his climb to the top on The Howard Stern Show. Jackie saw it all, and in The Joke Man: Bow to Stern he shares personal stories as well a look from behind the scenes at one of the highest-rated radio shows of all time. You'll also get his take on his falling out with Howard and the show, and plenty of the raunchy, laugh-out–loud humor that Jackie “The Joke Man” is famous for.So sit back, relax, and enjoy as “The Joke Man” riffs on his one-of-a-kind career in show business, Howard Stern and the gang, and his very unique life—an American success story like no other.https://amzn.to/4gnlcMjBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-opperman-report--1198501/support.

Tonight at 8:30pm CST, on the Flyover Conservatives show we are tackling the most important things going on RIGHT NOW from a Conservative Christian perspective! Tonight at 8:30pm CST, on the Flyover Conservatives show we are tackling the most important things going on RIGHT NOW from a Conservative Christian perspective! TO WATCH ALL FLYOVER CONTENT: www.theflyoverapp.com TO WATCH ALL FLYOVER CONTENT: www.theflyoverapp.com Follow and Subscribe on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TheFlyoverConservativesShow Follow and Subscribe on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TheFlyoverConservativesShow To Schedule A Time To Talk To Dr. Dr. Kirk Elliott Go To To Schedule A Time To Talk To Dr. Dr. Kirk Elliott Go To ▶ https://flyovergold.com▶ https://flyovergold.comOr Call 720-605-3900 Or Call 720-605-3900 ► Receive your FREE 52 Date Night Ideas Playbook to make date night more exciting, go to www.prosperousmarriage.com► Receive your FREE 52 Date Night Ideas Playbook to make date night more exciting, go to www.prosperousmarriage.comSid RothSid RothWEBSITE: www.sidroth.orgWEBSITE: www.sidroth.orgwww.sidroth.orgBOOKS: https://www.sidroth.org/shop?size=n_20_n&collection=recent-offers BOOKS: https://www.sidroth.org/shop?size=n_20_n&collection=recent-offershttps://www.sidroth.org/shop?size=n_20_n&collection=recent-offers Receive FREE Download of Book by Sid Roth: http://sidroth.org/9963Send us a message... we can't reply, but we read them all!Support the show► ReAwaken America- text the word FLYOVER to 918-851-0102 (Message and data rates may apply. Terms/privacy: 40509-info.com) ► Kirk Elliott PHD - http://FlyoverGold.com ► My Pillow - https://MyPillow.com/Flyover ► ALL LINKS: https://sociatap.com/FlyoverConservatives

In this episode, A Tribute to Charlie and Free Speech, we explore the powerful origins, philosophical foundations, and modern-day challenges surrounding one of humanity's most essential liberties. From Voltaire's Enlightenment ideals and the bold defiance of American colonists to the work of the late Charlie Kirk on college campuses, Mr. Palumbo traces how free speech became the cornerstone of democratic self-governance and individual conscience. We examine the First Amendment's intellectual roots in the writings of Jefferson and Madison, the warnings from Washington and Franklin, and how freedom of expression serves both as a safeguard against tyranny and a path to personal growth. The episode also critiques the erosion of speech freedoms today highlighting overreach in British internet laws and the ideological conformity on modern university campuses, the very hostile places where Charlie Kirk bravely attempted to debate opponents and change hearts and minds.  

The McDonald's flag at Guantanamo Bay was lowered to half-mast in honor of the GOP swamp creature who was assassinated by a sniper the day before 9/11, which I think we can all agree is the most American thing that has ever happened. Reading by Tim Foley.

THE DEATH of Charlie Kirk Wednesday shocked the world. It was the most high-profile assassination in recent American history. The founder of Turning Point USA was in the middle of an event at Utah Valley University when his life was cut short, allegedly by a shot fired by 22-year-old Tyler Robinson. The response on social media has ranged from grief and anger by those who admired and respected Charlie, and outright joy and celebration by those who interpreted his overtly Christian message as hateful and dangerous. That's the key to understanding what is otherwise a senseless event. Jesus warned us in the last days, “They will deliver you up to tribulation and put you to death, and you will be hated by all nations for my name's sake” (Matt. 24:9, ESV). Our mission going forward is to honor Charlie Kirk's legacy by proclaiming the gospel as he did—boldly, but with gentleness and respect. Here's the link to the limited edition Nathan the Brave Coffee from Littpanda. Our new book The Gates of Hell is now available in paperback, Kindle, and as an audiobook at Audible! Derek's new book Destination: Earth, co-authored with Donna Howell and Allie Anderson, is now available in paperback, Kindle, and as an audiobook at Audible! Sharon's niece, Sarah Sachleben, was recently diagnosed with stage 4 bowel cancer, and the medical bills are piling up. If you are led to help, please go to GilbertHouse.org/hopeforsarah. Follow us! X (formerly Twitter): @pidradio | @sharonkgilbert | @derekgilbert | @gilberthouse_tvTelegram: t.me/gilberthouse | t.me/sharonsroom | t.me/viewfromthebunkerSubstack: gilberthouse.substack.comYouTube: @GilbertHouse | @UnravelingRevelationFacebook.com/pidradio JOIN US IN ISRAEL! We will tour the Holy Land October 19–30, 2025. For more information, log on to GilbertHouse.org/travel. NOTE: If you'e going to Israel with us in October, you'll need to apply for a visa online before you travel. The cost is 25 NIS (about $7.50). Log on here: https://www.gov.il/en/departments/topics/eta-il/govil-landing-page Thank you for making our Build Barn Better project a reality! Our 1,200 square foot pole barn has a new HVAC system, epoxy floor, 100-amp electric service, new windows, insulation, lights, and ceiling fans! If you are so led, you can help out by clicking here: gilberthouse.org/donate. Get our free app! It connects you to this podcast, our weekly Bible studies, and our weekly video programs Unraveling Revelation and A View from the Bunker. The app is available for iOS, Android, Roku, and Apple TV. Links to the app stores are at pidradio.com/app. Video on demand of our best teachings! Stream presentations and teachings based on our research at our new video on demand site: gilberthouse.org/video! Think better, feel better! Our partners at Simply Clean Foods offer freeze-dried, 100% GMO-free food and delicious, vacuum-packed fair trade coffee from Honduras. Find out more at GilbertHouse.org/store/.

The Long Walk is a 2025 American dystopian horror thriller film co-produced and directed by Francis Lawrence from a screenplay by JT Mollner. It is based on the 1979 novel of the same name by Stephen King. In a dystopian United States ruled by a totalitarian regime, a group of young men enter an annual walking contest in which they must maintain a speed of at least three miles per hour or risk execution. The contest ends when only one walker remains alive.Hosted by Ausha. See ausha.co/privacy-policy for more information.

643. Part 2 of our conversation with Roxanne Harde about the Tremé series. Roxanne Harde on the Tremé series. "Set in post-Katrina New Orleans, this hour-long drama series, from executive producers David Simon and Eric Overmyer, follows the lives of ordinary residents as they struggle with the after-effects of the 2005 hurricane. Says star and New Orleans native Wendell Pierce, 'The only things people had to hang on to were the rich traditions we knew that survived the test of time before: our music, food and family, family that included anyone who decided to accept the challenge to return.' The large ensemble cast is supported by notable real-life New Orleanians, including many of its famous musicians." "Roxanne Harde is Professor of English at the University of Alberta's Augustana Faculty, where she also serves as Associate Dean, Research. A McCalla University Professor, Roxanne researches and teaches American literature and culture, focusing on popular culture, women's writing and children's literature, and Indigenous literature." Now available: Liberty in Louisiana: A Comedy. The oldest play about Louisiana, author James Workman wrote it as a celebration of the Louisiana Purchase. Now it is back in print for the first time in 221 years. Order your copy today! This week in the Louisiana Anthology. William F. Waugh's Houseboat Book. The South needs “Yankees.” An ex-Confederate, discussing Alexandria, said: “A dozen live Yankees would regenerate this town, and make fortunes at it.” They would pave the streets, cover in the sewers, build up the vacant spots in the heart of the city, supply mechanical work at less inhuman prices than are now charged, and make this rich and intelligent community as attractive in appearance as the citizens are socially. One such man has made a new city of Alexandria. He has made the people pave their streets, put in modern sewerage, water, electricity, etc., build most creditable structures to house the public officials, and in a word, has “hustled the South,” till it had to put him temporarily out of office until it got its “second wind.” This week in Louisiana history. September 13, 1987. Pope John Paul II begins three day visit to New Orleans. This week in New Orleans history. Drew Brees ties Billy Kilmer's touchdown passing record September 13, 2009. The Saints team record for passing touchdowns in one game was set at 6 by Drew Brees (Saint's vs. Detroit Lions) who tied with Billy Kilmer in a November 2, 1969 against the St. Louis Cardinals. This week in Louisiana. Longfellow-Evangeline State Historic Site 1200 N. Main Street St. Martinville, LA 70582 337-394-3754 888-677-2900 longfellow_mgr@crt.la.gov Site open daily open from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. closed Thanksgiving, Christmas & New Year's Day Admission/Entrance Fees $4 per person Free for senior citizens (62 and older) Free for children 3 and under     Longfellow-Evangeline State Historic Site explores the cultural interplay among the diverse peoples along the famed Bayou Teche. Acadians and Creoles, Indians and Africans, Frenchmen and Spaniards, slaves and free people of color-all contributed to the historical tradition of cultural diversity in the Teche region. French became the predominant language, and it remains very strong in the region today.     Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's 1847 epic poem Evangeline made people around the world more aware of the 1755 expulsion of the Acadians from Nova Scotia and their subsequent arrival in Louisiana. In this area, the story was also made popular by a local novel based on Longfellow's poem, Acadian Reminiscences: The True Story of Evangeline, written by Judge Felix Voorhies in 1907. Postcards from Louisiana. Cajun Band at Maison Dupuy. Listen on Apple Podcasts. Listen on audible. Listen on Spotify. Listen on TuneIn. Listen on iHeartRadio. The Louisiana Anthology Home Page. Like us on Facebook.