Podcasts about Chicago Boys

How did Chile's economic experiment reshape global economic thinking, and what can it teach us about the future of neoliberalism and populism in Latin America and beyond?Sebastián Edwards is a professor of international economics at UCLA and writes about Latin American history, economics, and politics. His books include Left Behind: Latin America and the False Promise of Populism, American Default: The Untold Story of FDR, the Supreme Court, and the Battle over Gold, and most recently The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism.Sebastián and Greg chat about the remarkable economic transformation in Chile over the last seven decades, the roots of neoliberalism and its global implications, the contemporary challenges facing Argentina, and what lessons can be gleaned from historical economic events like the U.S.'s default during the FDR era. *unSILOed Podcast is produced by University FM.*Show Links:Recommended Resources:Augusto PinochetMilton FriedmanPaul SamuelsonTed SchultzRobert MundellArnold HarbergerJorge AlessandriJosé PiñeraGuest Profile:Faculty Profile at UCLAProfessional WebsiteHis Work:The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of NeoliberalismAmerican Default: The Untold Story of FDR, the Supreme Court, and the Battle over GoldLeft Behind: Latin America and the False Promise of PopulismEpisode Quotes:Why could the U.S. justify a default while Argentina couldn't?48:11: I think that the notion of excusable default  is important. If there is an act of God, and the Great Depression was thought to be, in part at least, an act of God, that was one element. The other one is that I think the Supreme Court rulings were very detailed and pedagogical,  and they explained that aspect of the justifiable default in a clear way.  And the third one is that the devaluation was very large, from $20.67 to $35. So, the problem with Latin America is that most devaluation crises are very timid.On Chile's horizontal inequality56:01: Chile is one of the most unequal countries in terms of income, but also it's very segregated.  [56:37] So, there is this horizontal inequality that I think is also important, and as the country developed and people got out of poverty, being treated in a disrespectful way by whiter citizens—there's also a racial component, but in Chile, it's not acknowledged all the time—but being treated without respect is not acceptable anymore.  People get resentful, right?  So, I think that all of that added to this quite unstable cocktail.How inequality and slow growth created Chile's deadly cocktail04:11: When you combine inequality with slower growth, then you have a really deadly cocktail. And that happened after 2014, and it made the criticism higher. And the third point is that there were some implicit promises that the supporters of the model made that did not happen. And that's mostly related to pensions—the fully privately run (not anymore, but originally) pension system based on individual savings accounts. The idea was that if things worked the way people thought they were going to work, workers would get a rate of replacement of about 70 to 80 percent of their income. It turns out they get about 25 percent instead of 70 or 75 percent, and people feel betrayed.

Get a 4-week trial, free postage, and a digital scale at https://www.stamps.com/ee. Thanks to Stamps.com for sponsoring the show! Explore the surprising story of Chile's rise to economic prosperity in South America. From its early days of political infighting to the influence of the “Chicago Boys,” discover how Chile became one of the region's wealthiest nations. We'll dive into its reliance on copper exports, the impact of inequality, and the unique challenges it faces today. Can Chile continue its growth while addressing the demands of its people and balancing global interests? Join us for a deep look into Chile's complex journey and discover where it stands on the Economics Explained Leaderboard. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

It's Paul and Goldy's summer reading list! In this week's special episode, Civic Ventures Senior Fellow David “Goldy” Goldstein and Civic Ventures Writer Paul Constant recommend some of the hottest new economic and political books for your beach reading pleasure.  We want to know what you're reading, too. Leave us a comment on Instagram, Twitter, Threads or YouTube!  Remember to shop local and small when you can, or order from IndieBound or Bookshop.org—both of which support independent bookstores! All of these books are also likely available through your local library. Every book mentioned in this episode: In This Economy?: How Money & Markets Really Work - Kyla Scanlon End Times: Elites, Counter-Elites, and the Path of Political Disintegration - Peter Turchin The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism - Sebastian Edwards Our Malady: Lessons in Liberty from a Hospital Diary - Timothy Snyder Growth: A History and a Reckoning - Daniel Susskind Empty Planet: The Shock of Global Population Decline - Darrell Bricker & John Ibbitson  A Fabulous Failure: The Clinton Presidency and the Transformation of American Capitalism - Nelson Lichtenstein & Judith Stein The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York - Robert A. Caro The Road to Freedom: Economics and the Good Society - Joseph E. Stiglitz Work, Retire, Repeat: The Uncertainty of Retirement in the New Economy - Teresa Ghilarducci New Nigeria County - Clare Brown Unruly: The Ridiculous History of England's Kings and Queens - David Mitchell Website: http://pitchforkeconomics.com Twitter: @PitchforkEcon, @NickHanauer, @civicaction Instagram: @pitchforkeconomics Threads: pitchforkeconomics YouTube: @pitchforkeconomics Substack: The Pitch

Montgomery Ward produced one of the largest mail order catalogs in the US, starting way back in the 1870s. By the time the 1950s rolled around, they were including electric guitars, like the Upbeat. Our example is a stereo version, and left us scratching our heads more than we thought it would. But it sounds good, and plays well, as most budget instruments built by the Chicago Boys did in the day. Enjoy! Like the show? Follow us at these fine establishments: Patreon || https://www.patreon.com/thehighgain Instagram || @thehighgain Web || https://www.thehighgain.com

Als Augusto Pinochet in Chile die Macht ergreift, stehen seinem Land 17 lange Jahre voller Gewalt bevor. Der Diktator hat nicht vor, die Macht wieder abzugeben, so wie es viele seiner Verbündeten gehofft haben. Stattdessen macht er sich mit seinen Wirtschaftsberatern, den neoliberalen „Chicago Boys“, an den Ausverkauf Chiles. Unser Literaturtipp zur Folge: Klaus Larres (Hrsg.), Dictators and Autocrats. Securing Power across Global Politics. London/New York 2022. Naomi Klein, Die Schock-Strategie. Der Aufstieg des Katastrophen-Kapitalismus. Frankfurt am Main 2009. Grégoire Chamayou, Die unregierbare Gesellschaft. Eine Genealogie des autoritären Liberalismus. Berlin 2019.

Show is Sponsored by The Ayn Rand Institute https://www.aynrand.org/starthereEnergy Talking Points, featuring AlexAI, by Alex Epstein alexepstein.substack.comExpress VPN https://www.expressvpn.com/yaronJoin this channel to get access to perks:https://www.youtube.com/@YaronBrook/join Stay updated on new videos and help promote the Yaron Brook Show: https://bit.ly/3ztPxTxSupport the Show and become a sponsor: https://yaronbrookshow.com/membershipOr make a one-time donation: https://bit.ly/2RZOyJJContinue the discussion by following Yaron on Twitter (https://bit.ly/3iMGl6z) and Facebook (https://bit.ly/3vvWDDC )Want to learn more about Ayn Rand and Objectivism? Visit the Ayn Rand Institute: https://bit.ly/35qoEC3#mileipresidente #argentina #freemarket #aynrand #objectivism #capitalism #politics #egoism

Les français sont de retour de Chicago avec, pour changer, un top8 de J-E. On revient sur cet event de folie. PT Chicago https://twitter.com/karsten_frank/status/1761570878737748061   https://twitter.com/pioneerplayable/status/1761584896827625762?t=6p7U_LVMq11H7yzWu5mcdQ&s=19&fbclid=IwAR0TuYsbodHXncBNvVIad6LflglbSX8ZbW_vn4Y34zKKY0jFrOTEE4dm0lM  https://twitter.com/sickofit/status/1762196862323593676?t=qhF-Jk9LtrVLzzH4j0bviA&s=19&fbclid=IwAR39R8nsvDNK16KlMUcMxLCx5aEc_5riLwKWIDMOfSchdp5ye7JtykGwNdY  Modern https://twitter.com/Aspiringspike/status/1760706212570566849?t=0_7gKDb-iNfg-GGCbnCLxA&s=19&fbclid=IwAR2fyLZN0lgbjtJhxavwXdUKRuho8uq-VAf4ATwn3zG7QP0dl-SUm1rKOGI https://twitter.com/blackshirtman/status/1757893027765572071?t=7yKFfa2YEJwYum0MYEljGA&s=19&fbclid=IwAR1yDeM_Q1Ey6gH8q3haP3Y4OREr0dSxmbLV8FSfF2WG-vmSety5V29UW-M https://twitter.com/kurokimtg/status/1748567308639883397/photo/1  Notre Partenaire : Majestik Games https://www.majestikgames.com/fr/  Intro par In Uchronia  https://www.facebook.com/inuchronia/  https://www.youtube.com/user/inuchronia  Art par Bandit  https://twitter.com/BanditMTG1  Rejoignez notre discord !  https://discord.gg/VtwSyy9  Twitters :  Charles : https://twitter.com/WickedFridge  Théau : https://twitter.com/TheauMery  Twitchs :  Théau : https://www.twitch.tv/inoveletux  Charles : https://www.twitch.tv/wickedfridge

Kuzey Irak'tan gelen şehit haberleri, insan olan herkesin içini yaktı. Allah hepsine rahmet eylesin. Şehit yakınlarına Eyüp sabrı versin.. Hakikaten de çok zor bir durum. Elbette tetikçileri, kurşun sıkanları tanıyor ve lânetliyoruz. Ama esas mühim olan husus, bu tetikçileri besleyen, teçhiz eden kaynaklarla alâkalı. Bu açıdan bakıldığında ABD, AB ve İsrâil üçlüsü çıkıyor karşımıza. Hâdisenin rastgele yaşanmış olduğu kanaatinde olmadığımı hemen ifâde etmeliyim. Bu hâdise, doğrudan Türkiye'yi ikaz etmek ve gözdağı vermeyi hedefleyen bir harekettir. Türkiye'nin Gazze katliamını başından beri en sert şekilde kınayan konumu bunda birinci derecede rol oynuyor. Avrupa'da İsrâil'in karşısında duran İspanya ve İrlanda'nın başına gelenleri hatırlayalım. Bir günde İrlanda'yı nasıl da altüst edip, gözdağı verdiler. İspanya'yı bir giyim markası üzerinden nasıl da vurdular. Bunlar da tesâdüf değildi. İspanya'ya, İrlanda'ya bunu yapanlar, İsrâil'i Gazze'de soykırım yapmakla suçlayan, ABD'nin en yüksek seviyedeki askerî gücünü Doğu Akdeniz'e yığmasını tartışma konusu yapan Türkiye'yi de boş geçmeyeceklerdi. Geçenlerde, Sevan Nişanyan'ın, ABD'nin bir çılgınlar kulübü tarafından nasıl teslim alındığını süreçsel olarak hülâsa eden bilgi dolu ve çok çarpıcı bir konuşmasına rast geldim. Duvar yıkıldıktan sonra dünyânın kendilerine kaldığını ve onu kaprisli bir şekilde istedikleri gibi tasarruf edebileceklerine inanan, kendilerine Neocon diyen azgın bir kadronun dünyâya ödettiği bedelleri anlatan bu konuşma bir muhteva analizi de yapıyordu.. Rusya ve İslâm dünyâsına kategorik olarak düşmanlık beslemek, İsrâil'e ise hudutsuz destek vermek Neocon olmanın alâmet-i fârikası; hattâ amentüsüydü. Mâlî görüşlerini Chicago Boys'dan, Monetaristlerden, felsefî-entelektüel arkaplânını Viyana Çevresi'nden, Commentary gibi dergilerden devşiren bu zümre bidâyette de hayli hastalıklıydı. Ama zamân içinde kendi yozlaşmasını yaşadı. Bir defâ kutsadıkları ekonomik ve mâlî programlar çöktü. Sözüm ona savundukları liberal değerler de inandırıcılığını kaybetti. Yozlaşmaları ve azgınlaşmaları bunun fonksiyonu olarak tecessüm etti. Evvelâ Cumhûriyetçiler arasında teşkilâtlandılar. Baba-Oğul Bush'lar bunun liderliğini yaptılar. Ama Trump gibi bir Paleocon Cumhûriyetçi Parti'ye hâkim olunca blok hâlinde Demokrat Parti'ye geçtiler. (Oğul Bush'un Cumhûriyetçi kalmakla berâber Biden'a verdiği desteği hatırlayalım). ABD'deki bu yeni elit kendisine küresel destek de buldu. Başta “Yeniden Büyük Britanya” sevdasına düşen İngiliz elitler olmak üzere, Macron'dan Schultz'a günümüz Avrupa siyâsetçileri de bu kervandaki yerlerini aldılar. Bu uçuk oluşum, Soğuk Savaş esnâsında Kissinger, Brzezinsky gibi reelpolitik ustalarının dengeye dayanarak kurdukları sistemi de tanımadı; yıkmaktan imtinâ etmedi. Uçuk diyorum; çünkü yaptıklarının bir hesâba dayanmadığı da anlaşılıyor. Ne 11 Eylül'ün, ne Afganistan ve Irak işgâlinin derin bir aklı vardı. Buna Rusya-Ukrayna savaşını da dâhil etmek pekâlâ mümkündür. Bunu bâzıları gerçekçi siyâset (reelpolitik), hattâ zora dayalı siyâset (machtpolitik) gibi kavramlarla açıklıyor. (Ben de bir zaman bu kavramlara müracaat ettiğimi kabûl ediyorum). Ama zincirin son halkası Gazze buna soğuk bir duş yaptırıyor. Bu olsa olsa mâceracı siyâset (avantürpolitik) demek daha doğru olur.

Em 11 de setembro de 1973, um golpe de Estado no Chile colocou o general Augusto Pinochet no poder. A violenta e neoliberal ditadura chilena durou até 1990, deixando um legado de mortos, desaparecidos, corrupção recessão econômica e agradecimentos à Escola de Chicago. Em 2023, o diretor Pablo Larraín (No, 2012) trouxe o falecido ditador às telonas sob a pele de um vampiro depressivo e assassino, que nutre amizades bastante duvidosas (e óbvias). O RdMCast dessa semana vai explorar as conexões entre a ditadura de Pinochet e os horrores do neoliberalismo dos Chicago Boys, através da análise de El Conde, filme que estreou em agosto de 2023 na Netflix, pouco antes dos 50 anos do golpe de 1973. O RdMCast é produzido e apresentado por: Gabriel Braga, Gabi Larocca e Thiago Natário. Apoie o RdM e receba recompensas exclusivas: https://apoia.se/rdm ou https://app.picpay.com/user/republicadomedo CITADOS NO PROGRAMA: O Conde (2023) CITAÇÕES OFF TOPIC: Chicago Boys (2015) The Other 911 – Part 1 A Casa dos Espíritos (livro, 1982) Jackie (2016) Post Mortem (2010) No (2012) O Clube (2015) Neruda (2016) A Doutrina Do Choque. A Ascensão Do Capitalismo Do Desastre (livro, 2007) EPISÓDIOS CITADOS: O horror no filme SPENCER Siga o RdM Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/c/Rep%C3%BAblicadoMedo Instagram: @republicadomedo Twitter: @Rdmcast Entre em contato através do: contato@republicadomedo.com.br PODCAST EDITADO POR Felipe Lourenço ESTÚDIO GRIM – Design para conteúdo digital Portfólio: https://estudiogrim.com.br/ Instagram: @estudiogrim Contato: contato@estudiogrim.com.br

In this episode, Matt and Sam are joined by Stanford historian Jennifer Burns to discuss her new biography of Milton Friedman, the Nobel Prize-winning economist whose influence would reach far beyond the academy when, during his last decades, he became one of the most effective popularizers of libertarian ideas—in books, columns, and even a ten-part PBS program, Free to Choose. How did the son of Jewish immigrants in New Jersey come to hold the often radical ideas that made him famous? How does Friedman's variety of libertarianism differ from, say, that of Mises or Hayek? What made Friedman, unusually for the times, someone who valued the intellects and work of the women around him? And what should we make of Friedman now, as Trump and elements of the conservative movement and Republican Party supposedly jettison the "fusionism" of which Friedman's free markets were a part? As mentioned in the episode's introduction, listeners might want to revisit episode 16 with economist Marshall Steinbaum for a broader, and more critical, look at the Chicago school.Sources:Jennifer Burns, Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative (2023)Jennifer Burns, Ayn Rand: Goddess of the Market (2009)Naomi Klein, "40 Years Ago, This Chilean Exile Warned Us About the Shock Doctrine. Then He Was Assassinated." The Nation, Sept 21, 2016.Tim Barker, "Other People's Blood," n+1 , Spring 2019. Pascale Bonnefoy, "50 Years Ago, a Bloody Coup Ended Democracy in Chile," NY Times, Sept 11, 2023....and don't forget to subscribe to Know Your Enemy on Patreon for access to all of our bonus episodes!

Oggi a Cult: Riccardo Milani sul doc "Io, noi, Gaber"; la mostra su Pietro Gilardi al PAV di Torino; il libro "La grande Parigi" (Feltrinelli) di Jacopo Veneziani; Renato Sarti sul ritorno in scena di "Chicago Boys" al Teatro della Cooperativa, con Massimiliano Loizzi ed Elena Novoselova...

Hoy en Viernes de libros hablamos sobre una historia que está de moda, y del declive de Neoliberalismo en ese país, muy relevante para el nuestro. Lo que nos hace cuestionarnos si los economistas tienen la culpa de lo que nos pasa.

Nur einen Tag nach dem blutigen Putsch, am Nachmittag des 12. Septembers 1973, überreichte eine Gruppe von Ökonomen und Unternehmern den Putschgenerälen einen Plan für eine marktradikale Transformation Chiles. Die an der Lehre von Milton Friedman orientierten Maßnahmen waren im sogenannten „Montagsclub“ entstanden – ein Zusammenschluss einflussreicher Unternehmer und Ökonomen, der sich kurz nach demWeiterlesen

Heranças da ditadura ainda assombram o país no século 21 Por Rafael Cardoso - Repórter da Agência Brasil - Rio de Janeiro Ni perdón, ni olvido! O grito de ordem - que em português pode ser traduzido como "nem perdão, nem esquecimento" - é ecoado há décadas por aqueles que buscam justiça contra torturadores, assassinos, mandantes e cúmplices da ditadura militar no Chile. Há exatos 50 anos, no dia 11 de setembro de 1973, as Forças Armadas, lideradas pelo general Augusto Pinochet, deram um golpe de Estado, que encerrou o governo socialista e democrático de Salvador Allende. O país se juntava, então, a outros vizinhos latino-americanos que estavam sob o controle de governos autoritários, como era o caso do próprio Brasil desde 1964. Foram 17 anos até que o Chile voltasse a ter eleições presidenciais e as Forças Armadas deixassem o poder. Mas as heranças sombrias desse período continuam a se fazer presentes na sociedade chilena. Enquanto alguns lutam há décadas para achar os corpos dos familiares desaparecidos na ditadura, ressurgem forças de extrema-direita e negacionismos, e o país têm dificuldades para substituir uma Constituição criada no governo Pinochet vigente até hoje. Relembrar o golpe e a ditadura, nesse contexto atual, é um exercício importante de memória e de resistência contra um passado que insiste em não ir embora. Seja no Chile, no Brasil ou no restante do mundo. Salvador Allende e Unidad Popular Formado em medicina, Salvador Allende construiu uma carreira ativa na política. Integrou o Partido Socialista tão logo este foi fundado em 1933, deputado por Valparaíso e Quillota e ocupou o cargo de ministro de Saúde, Previdência e Assistência Social entre 1938 e 1941. A partir de 1945, se manteve no cargo de senador durante 25 anos. Durante esse período, concorreu à presidência da República quatro vezes. Foi apenas na última, em 1970, que conseguiu ser eleito. Apoiado por uma coligação de partidos de esquerda chamada Unidad Popular, Allende teve 36% dos votos. Uma vitória apertada em relação ao segundo colocado, Jorge Alessandri, da coligação de direita, com 34,9%; e 27,8% do terceiro, Radomiro Tomic. Pela primeira vez na história, um político socialista e marxista chegava ao governo de um país por meio de votação popular. O projeto político ficou conhecido como a “experiência chilena”, que significava a via democrática até o socialismo, sem uma ruptura revolucionária. Apesar do começo promissor, o governo Allende teve que lidar com um país ideologicamente polarizado, com um contexto internacional desfavorável de Guerra Fria e com as próprias disputas internas da esquerda. Uma ala grande da Unidad Popular era favorável a seguir o caminho de Cuba, que em 1959 havia se tornado um país socialista pela via armada. “Principalmente no primeiro ano de governo, vai se criar uma sensação mais ou menos geral de bem-estar. As primeiras deliberações são de elevação salarial, o que vai gerar um consumo desenfreado de bens duráveis e não duráveis, especialmente domésticos. Então isso faz com que haja uma sensação de bonança e apoio a um governo que se mostra exitoso. Já no ano seguinte, começam os problemas com inflação, bloqueio norte-americano e isolamento do Chile em relação à social-democracia europeia, à União Soviética e à China. Isso agrava os problemas econômicos o governo começa a entrar em um movimento declinante”, diz o historiador Alberto Aggio, da Universidade Estadual Paulista (Unesp). Ele lançou em junho desse ano o livro 50 anos do Chile de Allende: Uma leitura crítica. Crescia, dessa forma, a oposição interna ao governo e o apoio dos Estados Unidos à derrubada de Allende. No dia 11 de setembro de 1973, os militares decidem bombardear o Palacio de La Moneda, sede presidencial. Allende comete suicídio e tem início longos 17 anos de ditadura. Pinochet e a ditadura Augusto Pinochet era o Comandante do Exército do Chile quando aconteceu o golpe. Com o fim do governo Allende, uma Junta Militar assumiu o poder no país. Pinochet foi nomeado Chefe Supremo da Nação em junho de 1974 e, em setembro, presidente da República. Posição em que se manteria até 1990. A ditadura militar se caracterizou por destruir o sistema democrático, encerrar os partidos políticos, dissolver o Congresso Nacional, restringir o quanto pode os direitos civis e políticos e por violar direitos humanos básicos. No plano internacional, ficou marcada por integrar a Operação Condor, uma aliança entre ditaduras da América do Sul para reprimir opositores políticos, e pelo alinhamento com os Estados Unidos no contexto da Guerra Fria. Apesar das semelhanças, as ditaduras chilena e argentina colecionaram tensões, principalmente por causa de conflitos sobre a delimitação de fronteiras. A disputa pelo Canal de Beagle, na Patagônia, quase levou os dois países a uma guerra em 1978 e só foi apaziguada por uma mediação do papa João Paulo II. Para os que viveram a ditadura chilena, talvez nenhuma memória seja mais traumática do que a constante violação de direitos humanos. Relatórios oficiais dão conta de que mais de 40 mil pessoas foram vítimas dos militares, o que inclui torturados, mortos e desaparecidos. Os principais afetados foram políticos de esquerda, dirigentes sindicais, militantes e simpatizantes de partidos socialistas. Por meio de uma base ideológica chamada de Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, três órgãos de Estado colocaram em prática o projeto de destruição dos que consideravam inimigos do regime: Forças Armadas, Carabineros de Chile e Polícia de Investigações. Outros departamentos foram criados especialmente para a repressão: Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA, 1974-1977), Comando Conjunto (1975-1977) e Central Nacional de Informaciones (CNI, 1977-1990, sucessora da DINA). Uma série de lugares foi transformada em centros de tortura ou campos de concentração, como o Estadio Nacional (1973), Estadio Chile (1973), o navio-escola Esmeralda (1973), Academia de Guerra Aérea (1973-1975) e a Isla Quriquina (1973-1975). O fotojornalista brasileiro Evandro Teixeira foi enviado, pelo Jornal do Brasil, ao Chile em 1973 para cobrir o golpe militar e lembra de um ambiente permanentemente hostil. Mesmo sob constante vigilância, ele conseguiu registrar o tratamento violento contra presos políticos no Estádio Nacional e ser o primeiro a fotografar Pablo Neruda morto, ainda no hospital. O poeta chileno foi vítima de envenenamento, segundo resultado de uma perícia internacional feita em 2023. Mas foi um acontecimento, em tese mais simples do que os anteriores, que levou Evandro a passar uma noite na prisão. "Faltava carne de vaca para a população, que só comia galinha e porco. Eu estava andando pela cidade e passei em frente ao Ministério da Defesa. Vi um carro de açougueiro parado e um cidadão entrar com um boi inteiro nas costas para o pessoal do quartel. Achei uma sacanagem e fiz a foto", lembra Evandro. "Não olhei para trás. Tinha uma patrulha passando e me levou preso. Eu tive de tentar enrolar o capitão que me interrogou, fingir que tinha tirado a foto por acaso e dizer que eu era contra os comunistas. Como tinha um toque de recolher todo dia a partir das 18 horas, passei a noite lá, com medo de ser fuzilado na rua, e ele me liberou no dia seguinte". Chicago Boys e Neoliberalismo Assim que tomaram o governo, os militares decidiram implementar um conjunto de medidas para abrir a economia chilena ao capital privado e estrangeiro. Eles entendiam que o Estado deveria diminuir sua participação em alguns setores. Adotou-se, principalmente entre 1974 e 1982, de forma ortodoxa, os postulados neoliberais dos Chicago boys. Foram chamados assim os economistas chilenos que seguiram os estudos de pós-graduação na Universidade de Chicago, nos Estados Unidos, e, ao regressarem, passaram a influenciar as políticas econômicas do Chile centradas em privatizações, redução do gasto público, abertura ao mercado externo e reforma trabalhista. Indicadores macroeconômicos, como o Produto Interno Bruto (PIB), tiveram variação positiva na maior parte do tempo em que durou a ditadura. Mas as classes altas foram as principais beneficiadas. Não houve distribuição de renda e a desigualdade social foi uma das marcas desse período. Somaram-se a isso índices altos de desemprego, diminuição de salários, aposentadorias e quebras de empresas. Movimentos sociais e redemocratização Uma nova Constituição nacional foi aprovada em 1980, por meio da qual Pinochet estendia em pelo menos mais oito anos o cargo de presidente. Mesmo diante desse reforço de poder, do crescente autoritarismo e dos mecanismos de repressão, os movimentos de oposição conseguiram se reorganizar durante a ditadura militar. Os primeiros dez anos da ditadura são conhecidos por dificuldades maiores de mobilização. Mas a partir de 1983, uma série de protestos começou a tomar conta do país. “É preciso destacar a reorganização subterrânea levada a cabo por variados e distintos atores sociais e instituições. Entre eles, integrantes de alas da Igreja Católica; movimentos por direitos humanos, com articulações no exterior; as universidades e a ação dos estudantes para retomar as organizações estudantis; além de uma rede solidária e política constituída no interior dos bairros periféricos de Santiago. Esses últimos lugares dariam aos protestos muitos de seus atores, como os jovens desempregados, sem perspectiva e sob vigilância violenta”, diz a historiadora Fernanda Fredrigo, da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG). Diante da pressão social crescente, a ditadura se viu obrigada a convocar um plebiscito em 1988, para que a população decidisse sobre a continuidade do regime militar. Mesmo que não tenham sido apresentados prazos concretos para isso, o processo teve adesão grande da população, com mais de 92% dos habilitados para votar indo às urnas. As opções eram o “Sim” pela continuidade e o “Não” pelo término do regime. O “Não” venceu. Em 1989, foram realizadas as primeiras eleições presidenciais. O vencedor foi o candidato da coligação Concertación, o democrata cristão Patricio Aylwin Azócar. “As mobilizações sociais foram fundamentais na superação do medo, o que não é pouco; no abalo da crença quanto à despolitização total da sociedade; na retomada da ação política conjunta, fazendo emergir grupos políticos num contexto em que as agremiações pareciam apenas fragmentadas; na experiência de 'unidade' da esquerda; na reinvenção das formas de luta cotidianas; e na associação das diferentes formas de luta: greves, paralisações, trabalho lento”, analisa Fernanda Fredrigo. A democracia estava de volta em 1990, mesmo que sob profundos questionamentos. Afinal, Augusto Pinochet deixara a presidência, mas continuava como líder das Forças Armadas. Em 1998, voltaria à política oficial para assumir o posto de senador vitalício. No mesmo ano, seria detido durante uma viagem a Londres para tratamento médico. Sobre ele pesava um mandado de busca e apreensão, e pedido de extradição para a Espanha, onde era acusado por violação aos direitos humanos. Ficou mais de 500 dias em prisão domiciliar, mas contou com a ajuda do governo britânico, que o extraditou de volta para o Chile. Em 2002, renunciou ao cargo de senador vitalício. Em 2004, investigações no Senado dos Estados Unidos apontaram que ele tinha contas secretas fora do Chile, no valor de quase US$ 30 milhões, frutos de corrupção enquanto era ditador. Pinochet morreu em 2006, sem nunca ter sido julgado oficialmente pelos crimes que cometeu. Questões mal resolvidas do passado Durante quatro mandatos, de 1990 a 2010, a coligação Concertación dominou a presidência do Chile. Nos três primeiros, foi mantido o modelo neoliberal de economia. E apesar de terem dado ênfase nesse período aos gastos públicos nas áreas sociais e terem conseguido taxas altas de crescimento econômico, os governos não conseguiram resolver os problemas históricos de distribuição de renda. Entre 2006 e 2022, o país alternou entre as presidências da socialista Michelle Bachelet e do direitista Sebastián Piñera. No período, destacam-se a “Revolução dos Pinguins”, em maio de 2006, o maior protesto de estudantes da história do país, com mais de 600 mil pessoas exigindo reformas educacionais. E os protestos de outubro de 2019, cujo estopim foi o reajuste de passagens do transporte público, e que envolveram mais de um milhão de pessoas. O resultado foi a convocação de um plebiscito em 2020, em que 78,27% dos votos decidiram pela criação de uma nova Constituição. Em 2021, Gabriel Boric, do partido de esquerda Convergência Social, venceu as eleições presidenciais e iniciou o mandato em 2022. Para os defensores de um país mais progressista e comprometido com a igualdade social, a eleição representou um momento de esperança. Para alguns analistas, Boric se tornou símbolo de um modelo de renovação para as forças de esquerda. “Boric é uma figura importante para a esquerda mundial. O Chile é um país pequeno, mas que sempre teve uma posição distinta. A esquerda, em lugares como a Nicarágua ou a Venezuela, é completamente anacrônica: só tem um ponto de apoio que é a China. Em outros casos, a esquerda democrática está na política latino-americana e pode ser dito que ele é progressista. Mas precisa avançar do ponto de vista das relações sociais e culturais, porque mantém alguns vícios conservadores”, analisa o historiador Alberto Aggio. Em setembro do ano passado, o texto da nova Constituição, considerada progressista, foi votado e rejeitado por 62% da população. O que colocou o país em um novo impasse: ao se manter preso em normas e direitos definidos em 1980 na ditadura militar, não resolve entraves históricos que bloqueiam o desenvolvimento social. Simbolicamente, também não consegue dar um passo importante para enterrar os vestígios da ditadura que assolou o país durante 17 anos. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/malhete-podcast/message

El 11 de septiembre de 1973 Chile vivió uno de los episodios más oscuros de su historia. El general Augusto Pinochet, instigado por la cúpula militar chilena, la oligarquía empresarial, las fuerzas políticas conservadoras y el gobierno de Estados Unidos, decidió dar un golpe de Estado contra el gobierno del izquierdista Salvador Allende, quien al verse acorralado por las tropas decidió suicidarse ese mismo día. Un evento violento que provocaría miles de muertes y torturas y sumergiría al país en una cruenta dictadura que duró hasta 1990.Durante su dictadura, e inspirado en la teoría de libre mercado de los “Chicago Boys”, Pinochet aplicó el modelo privatizador neoliberal bajo el cual Chile vivió años de estabilidad económica y una aparente prosperidad, que después de su muerte y al pasar los años se vio que era un espejismo que escondía grandes desigualdades económicas.En este episodio, en medio de las conmemoraciones por los 50 años de ese hecho trascendental para la izquierda latinoamericana, analizamos el crecimiento de la derecha y ultraderecha chilenas cuando, paradójicamente, gobierna la izquierda heredera de Allende, así como el crecimiento en el último año de las voces que justifican o de plano niegan la violencia de la dictadura y reivindican sus supuestos logros, en medio de un Chile polarizado que puja por hacer memoria.Visita la sección de Mundo de El Sol de México para no perderte las noticias internacionales. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Gustavo Campana recordó cómo el socialismo chileno décadas atrás encendió la "primera alarma roja en la Casablanca" y en 1970 Salvador Allende se convertía en el primer presidente socialista de la historia. "Fue el primero que llegó al poder de la mano del voto popular", expresó.  Pero el 11 de septiembre de 1973 un grupo de militares encabezó un golpe de Estado contra el presidente socialista chileno que instauró en ese país una sangrienta dictadura cívico-militar de 17 años. "La sociedad Nixon-Kissinger decidió que el final de la experiencia tenía que ser tan traumático como aleccionador, y acordaron que el futuro tenía que llegar de la mano de la contrarevolución cultural que impulsaba el neoliberalismo de los Chicago Boys. En los años 70 la multiplicación de dictaduras fue una necesidad capital, importar productos elaborados y matar la industria nacional. Era una jugada que solo se garantizaba con represión al servicio del control social", agregó.   Pase lo que pase, lunes a viernes de 7.00 a 10.00 Con Darío Villarruel, Florencia Ibáñez, Santiago Paz, Gustavo Campana, Nidia Aguirre, Fernando Pedernera y Andrea Baldivieso

Is there a fundamental tension between democratic freedom, economic growth, and social equality?Chilean economist and UCLA Professor Sebastian Edwards joins Bethany and Luigi to discuss his recent book, "The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism." The Chicago Boys were a group of free-market economists trained at the University of Chicago who shaped economic policy and reforms in Chile during General Augusto Pinochet's rule. In the book, Edwards (who also received his Ph.D. in economics from the University of Chicago in 1981) outlines the complexities of implementing market-oriented policies in a society undergoing rapid change. With him, Bethany and Luigi discuss: Could the Chilean experience offer lessons for other nations grappling with similar policy choices?Show Notes:Read an excerpt from Edwards' book on ProMarket.In conversation with Sebastian Edwards, Arnold C. Harberger reflects on his time at the Department of Economics at the University of Chicago.Also read "The Complicated Legacy of the "Chicago Boys" in Chile," by Chilean journalist and former Stigler Center Journalist in Residence, Daniel Matamala.

I think that the most important reform is openness. Once the country is open, really open to the rest of the world, the rest follows.Sebastian EdwardsAccess Bonus Episodes on PatreonMake a one-time Donation to Democracy Paradox.A full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com.Sebastian Edwards is the Henry Ford II Professor of International Economics at the University of California, Los Angeles. He was the former Chief Economist for Latin America at the World Bank where from 1993 until 1996. His most recent book is The Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism.Key HighlightsIntroduction - 0:46Pinochet and the Origin of the Chicago Boys - 3:17Neoliberalism Under Democracy - 22:35Personal Background of Sebastian Edwards - 30:18Future of Chile - 38:35Key LinksThe Chile Project: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism by Sebastian EdwardsLearn More About Sebastian EdwardsWatch the film Chicago Boys by Carola Fuentes and Rafael ValdeavellanoDemocracy Paradox PodcastJennifer Piscopo on the Constitutional Chaos in ChileAldo Madariaga on Neoliberalism, Democratic Deficits, and ChileMore Episodes from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadox, Facebook, Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show

Sebastian Edwards talks about his book "The Chile Project: The story of the Chicago Boys and the downfall of Neoliberalism." (00:10)Utah Tech's Provost and Vice President of Academic Affairs Dr. Michael Lacourse shares highlights from the 2023 Global Polytechnic Summit last week at Utah Tech University. (24:35)

EPISODE 1531: In this KEEN ON show, Andrew talks to the author of THE CHILE PROJECT, Sebastian Edwards, about  the story of the Chicago Boys and the downfall of neoliberalism Sebastian Edwards is the Henry Ford II Professor of International Economics at the University of California, Los Angeles. He is the Co-Director of the National Bureau of Economic Research's "Africa Project" and previously served as the Chief Economist for Latin America at the World Bank. His research interests include emerging markets, currency crises, capital markets, Latin America, monetary policy, and the Federal Reserve. His latest book is THE CHILE PROJECT: The Story of the Chicago Boys and the Downfall of Neoliberalism (2023) Named as one of the "100 most connected men" by GQ magazine, Andrew Keen is amongst the world's best known broadcasters and commentators. In addition to presenting KEEN ON, he is the host of the long-running How To Fix Democracy show. He is also the author of four prescient books about digital technology: CULT OF THE AMATEUR, DIGITAL VERTIGO, THE INTERNET IS NOT THE ANSWER and HOW TO FIX THE FUTURE. Andrew lives in San Francisco, is married to Cassandra Knight, Google's VP of Litigation & Discovery, and has two grown children. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Gustavo Campana habló de la llegada del neoliberalismo a América Latina, y las teorías econ{omicas que se quisieron instalar a partir de 1975 en la región. "Había llegado el 11 de septiembre de 1973 a través del golpe que terminó con la vida y el gobierno del cada vez más grande Salvador Allende, y ahí Milton Friedman, la teoría de la Universidad de Chicago y  de ahí eso de los Chicago Boys, y a entender que solamente se podía llevar adelante si se contaba con una dictadura que terminara con  todos los derechos políticos y civiles de una sociedad", expresó.       Pase lo que pase, lunes a viernes de 7.00 a 10.00 Con Darío Villarruel, Florencia Ibáñez, Santiago Paz, Gustavo Campana, Nidia Aguirre, Fernando Pedernera y Andrea Baldivieso

Bienvenidos a las Pastillas de Nación Combi. Aquí volvemos a colgar segmentos de programas pasados que consideramos que siguen vigentes. . Alguna vez hubo los Chicago Boys y después los chilenos aplicaron políticas liberales y después los peruanos imitaron algunas. Y muchos años después, un presidente corrupto e inepto vino a arruinarlo todo. . Si desean escuchar los episodios enteros, búsquenlos en nuestra cuenta en Ivoox o en la de Spotify.

David Díaz Arias sobre Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000), Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021. Mi charla con David Díaz Arias lo presenta de modo incompleto, pues nos concentramos en sus trabajos como historiador y dejamos de lado su amor por la ficción especulativa. La conversación sobre su libro Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000) (Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021) retrocede y avanza en el tiempo: hablamos de cómo su tutor de doctorado lo emboscó para que investigara el siglo XX de su país, de su interés por la historia y los imaginarios sociales, de cómo ya no puede renunciar a su necesidad de destruir mitos y revelar hechos. Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000), empieza en abril de 1965, con la visita del economista y pensador neoliberal austriaco Friedrich A. von Hayek (1899-1992) para impartir cuatro conferencias con el título “Los fundamentos éticos y políticos de la economía”. Termina en el año 2000, con Miguel Ángel Rodríguez Echeverría como presidente de la república y lo que Díaz Arias afirma es el fin de la primera era neoliberal costarricense. Es mucho tiempo, pero se resuelve en poco más de doscientas páginas -después que restamos los paratextos del volumen. La historia es narrada como una aventura, como un vasto drama histórico donde los personajes parecen irse, pero regresan, y la trama nunca deja de sorprender. El título, Chicago boys del trópico, no es solo un guiño al desarrollo del pensamiento neoliberal en la Universidad de Chicago. A lo largo del libro se ve un esfuerzo por contextualizar las acciones de promoción del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica como mucho más que tecnocracia o debate de teoría económica: es un movimiento político que se esfuerza en implementar políticas públicas para construir su idea del Estado ideal. En el epílogo del libro, el autor insiste en la permanencia, a veces parece que omnipresencia, del discurso o las ideas neoliberales también en la Costa Rica del siglo XXI. David Díaz Arias recibió su doctorado en Historia de la Indiana University Bloomington (Estados Unidos). Es profesor catedrático y director del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de América Central de la Universidad de Costa Rica. Ha ganado el Premio Nacional Luis Ferrero a la Investigación Cultural (2015) concedido por el Ministerio de Cultura de Costa Rica y el Premio Cleto González Víquez conferido por la Academia de Geografía e Historia de Costa Rica. Ha publicado decenas de artículos sobre historia política, historia de la memoria, ritos y rituales estatales, naciones y nacionalismos, guerra civil, instituciones, caudillos, procesos de paz, construcción del Estado y otra diversidad de temas en la historia de Centroamérica en general y Costa Rica en particular. Tiene seis libros hasta ahora, todos con sellos editoriales de San José de Costa Rica: Historia del 11 de abril: Juan Santamaría entre el pasado y el presente, 1914-2006 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2006). Historia de la Caja de ANDE 1944-2004 (San José de Costa Rica, Imprenta Segura Hermanos, 2007). La Fiesta de la Independencia en Costa Rica, 1821-1921 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2008). Crisis Social y Memorias en Lucha: Guerra Civil en Costa Rica, 1940-1948 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2015). La independencia de Costa Rica. Historia, debate y conmemoración, 1821-2021 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 2021) Chicago Boys del Trópico: historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000) (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021). Presenta Yasmín Portales Machado, escritora de ciencia ficción, activista LGBTQ, curiosa sobre las relaciones entre consumo cultural y política en Cuba. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

David Díaz Arias sobre Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000), Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021. Mi charla con David Díaz Arias lo presenta de modo incompleto, pues nos concentramos en sus trabajos como historiador y dejamos de lado su amor por la ficción especulativa. La conversación sobre su libro Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000) (Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021) retrocede y avanza en el tiempo: hablamos de cómo su tutor de doctorado lo emboscó para que investigara el siglo XX de su país, de su interés por la historia y los imaginarios sociales, de cómo ya no puede renunciar a su necesidad de destruir mitos y revelar hechos. Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000), empieza en abril de 1965, con la visita del economista y pensador neoliberal austriaco Friedrich A. von Hayek (1899-1992) para impartir cuatro conferencias con el título “Los fundamentos éticos y políticos de la economía”. Termina en el año 2000, con Miguel Ángel Rodríguez Echeverría como presidente de la república y lo que Díaz Arias afirma es el fin de la primera era neoliberal costarricense. Es mucho tiempo, pero se resuelve en poco más de doscientas páginas -después que restamos los paratextos del volumen. La historia es narrada como una aventura, como un vasto drama histórico donde los personajes parecen irse, pero regresan, y la trama nunca deja de sorprender. El título, Chicago boys del trópico, no es solo un guiño al desarrollo del pensamiento neoliberal en la Universidad de Chicago. A lo largo del libro se ve un esfuerzo por contextualizar las acciones de promoción del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica como mucho más que tecnocracia o debate de teoría económica: es un movimiento político que se esfuerza en implementar políticas públicas para construir su idea del Estado ideal. En el epílogo del libro, el autor insiste en la permanencia, a veces parece que omnipresencia, del discurso o las ideas neoliberales también en la Costa Rica del siglo XXI. David Díaz Arias recibió su doctorado en Historia de la Indiana University Bloomington (Estados Unidos). Es profesor catedrático y director del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de América Central de la Universidad de Costa Rica. Ha ganado el Premio Nacional Luis Ferrero a la Investigación Cultural (2015) concedido por el Ministerio de Cultura de Costa Rica y el Premio Cleto González Víquez conferido por la Academia de Geografía e Historia de Costa Rica. Ha publicado decenas de artículos sobre historia política, historia de la memoria, ritos y rituales estatales, naciones y nacionalismos, guerra civil, instituciones, caudillos, procesos de paz, construcción del Estado y otra diversidad de temas en la historia de Centroamérica en general y Costa Rica en particular. Tiene seis libros hasta ahora, todos con sellos editoriales de San José de Costa Rica: Historia del 11 de abril: Juan Santamaría entre el pasado y el presente, 1914-2006 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2006). Historia de la Caja de ANDE 1944-2004 (San José de Costa Rica, Imprenta Segura Hermanos, 2007). La Fiesta de la Independencia en Costa Rica, 1821-1921 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2008). Crisis Social y Memorias en Lucha: Guerra Civil en Costa Rica, 1940-1948 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2015). La independencia de Costa Rica. Historia, debate y conmemoración, 1821-2021 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 2021) Chicago Boys del Trópico: historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000) (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021). Presenta Yasmín Portales Machado, escritora de ciencia ficción, activista LGBTQ, curiosa sobre las relaciones entre consumo cultural y política en Cuba. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

David Díaz Arias sobre Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000), Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021. Mi charla con David Díaz Arias lo presenta de modo incompleto, pues nos concentramos en sus trabajos como historiador y dejamos de lado su amor por la ficción especulativa. La conversación sobre su libro Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000) (Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021) retrocede y avanza en el tiempo: hablamos de cómo su tutor de doctorado lo emboscó para que investigara el siglo XX de su país, de su interés por la historia y los imaginarios sociales, de cómo ya no puede renunciar a su necesidad de destruir mitos y revelar hechos. Chicago boys del trópico: Historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000), empieza en abril de 1965, con la visita del economista y pensador neoliberal austriaco Friedrich A. von Hayek (1899-1992) para impartir cuatro conferencias con el título “Los fundamentos éticos y políticos de la economía”. Termina en el año 2000, con Miguel Ángel Rodríguez Echeverría como presidente de la república y lo que Díaz Arias afirma es el fin de la primera era neoliberal costarricense. Es mucho tiempo, pero se resuelve en poco más de doscientas páginas -después que restamos los paratextos del volumen. La historia es narrada como una aventura, como un vasto drama histórico donde los personajes parecen irse, pero regresan, y la trama nunca deja de sorprender. El título, Chicago boys del trópico, no es solo un guiño al desarrollo del pensamiento neoliberal en la Universidad de Chicago. A lo largo del libro se ve un esfuerzo por contextualizar las acciones de promoción del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica como mucho más que tecnocracia o debate de teoría económica: es un movimiento político que se esfuerza en implementar políticas públicas para construir su idea del Estado ideal. En el epílogo del libro, el autor insiste en la permanencia, a veces parece que omnipresencia, del discurso o las ideas neoliberales también en la Costa Rica del siglo XXI. David Díaz Arias recibió su doctorado en Historia de la Indiana University Bloomington (Estados Unidos). Es profesor catedrático y director del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de América Central de la Universidad de Costa Rica. Ha ganado el Premio Nacional Luis Ferrero a la Investigación Cultural (2015) concedido por el Ministerio de Cultura de Costa Rica y el Premio Cleto González Víquez conferido por la Academia de Geografía e Historia de Costa Rica. Ha publicado decenas de artículos sobre historia política, historia de la memoria, ritos y rituales estatales, naciones y nacionalismos, guerra civil, instituciones, caudillos, procesos de paz, construcción del Estado y otra diversidad de temas en la historia de Centroamérica en general y Costa Rica en particular. Tiene seis libros hasta ahora, todos con sellos editoriales de San José de Costa Rica: Historia del 11 de abril: Juan Santamaría entre el pasado y el presente, 1914-2006 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2006). Historia de la Caja de ANDE 1944-2004 (San José de Costa Rica, Imprenta Segura Hermanos, 2007). La Fiesta de la Independencia en Costa Rica, 1821-1921 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2008). Crisis Social y Memorias en Lucha: Guerra Civil en Costa Rica, 1940-1948 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2015). La independencia de Costa Rica. Historia, debate y conmemoración, 1821-2021 (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 2021) Chicago Boys del Trópico: historia del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica (1965-2000) (San José de Costa Rica, Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2021). Presenta Yasmín Portales Machado, escritora de ciencia ficción, activista LGBTQ, curiosa sobre las relaciones entre consumo cultural y política en Cuba. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Hello Interactors,Winter break is drawing to a close for my two kids who just wrapped up their first semester at college on the east coast. We've had a lot of conversations about what it's like living in a new city. My daughter is particularly impacted having moved to New York City from a relatively small town near Seattle. But she's not alone. More and more people are moving to urban areas, but does it necessarily make them happier?As interactors, you're special individuals self-selected to be a part of an evolutionary journey. You're also members of an attentive community so I welcome your participation.Please leave your comments below or email me directly.Now let's go…BIG CITY, LITTLE PRETTYStepping out our front door with my daughter who was just home from New York she proclaimed, “It's nice just walking out the door and seeing trees. No twenty-story elevator trip, no concrete, no noise, no high rises, no pollution…just easy, calm, and quiet nature. It's beautiful.”She loves the city; she hates the city. I asked her what New York could do to make it more pleasing, she recommends more green spaces. More Central Parks. Humans do need nature; some more than others.I'm reminded of my philosophy professor at UC Santa Barbara for an aesthetics class. It was his first-year teaching and first-time outside of New York. There he was on one of the most beautiful coastline campuses in the world buttressed by green foothill mountains. He was shocked to learn his student's thought nature was ‘beautiful'. He didn't get it. Or so he claimed. He kept quoting Woody Allen who complained about not being able to sleep in the country because it was too quiet. Allen once quipped, “I am two with nature.”Some proclaim “cities; can't live with them, can't live without them” while others groan, “Nature; can't live with it, can't live without it.” More and more people are choosing to live with cities, not nature. The United Nations estimates 55% of the world's population live in urban areas. It's estimated that number will grow to 75% by 2050.The rate of growth varies by country or region as does the share of the total population. Japan is the most urbanized, United States is number two, followed by Europe. But number four has the fastest urbanization growth rate – China.But what constitutes an urban area? Don't ask me. I screwed up my poll last week by providing widely inconsistent ranges of population size. It turns out I'm not the only one confused about quantifying urban areas. Despite the U.N. making claims and predictions about urbanization, there is no agreed upon definition of an urban area. Japan says it's 50,000 people or more while Sweden says it's 200. Singapore's entire population is considered urban while Uruguay leaves it up to the city to decide whether it's ‘urban'.Either way, the trend is clear. More people are moving to urban areas than ever before. Even my ill-formed poll of Interactors shows most live in bigger and the biggest metropolitan areas. And I just dropped my daughter off at the airport where she'll soon be back in the city and away from nature.Why are so many people choosing to live in large cities? Are they happier? Most of the 36 Interactors responding to my poll report being happy. And most have moved to seek happiness. About half of the 36 responders still live in the country in which they were born (47% or about 17 people), a few live in the same state or similar (17% or about six people), and even fewer live in the same city (11% or about four people). Another 25%, or about nine people, have moved to a different country all together.People move. It's a defining characteristic of our species. We move to satisfy our basic human needs. However, there's also disagreement over what constitutes ‘human needs.' What explanations do exist are largely defined and propagated from a Western perspective from the study of WEIRD people (Western (mostly White) Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic).One of the most popular and enduring needs models comes from a simple pyramid drawn by the American psychologist, Abraham Maslow. His ‘hierarchy of needs' posits that human needs are built on top of one another going from ‘physiological' needs like breathing, food, and water to ‘safety' then ‘love and belonging' to ‘esteem' and finally ‘self-actualization.' But is this an oversimplification? Is it just an easy-to-understand graphic that puts the lofty concepts of ‘morality', ‘creativity', ‘spontaneity', ‘problem solving', and ‘acceptance of facts' at the top of a mountain of over-achievers? Is the hierarchical path to happiness achieved only by those with ‘confidence', ‘respect of others', and high ‘self-esteem'?Does one really need ‘security', ‘employment', and ‘property' to have a happy life filled with loving ‘friendship' and ‘family'. Some families moving to cities risk physical and psychological security, induce precarity by change jobs, and pay rent on the most affordable apartment they can find – all to satisfy basic physiological needs. But are they not creative, spontaneous, problem solvers who may indeed be happier than before their move? Must everyone earn ‘achievement' awards or the ‘respect of others'? Must they exude ‘confidence' to be happy?It seems Maslow treated needs as a series of hierarchical problems to conquer. One must climb a particular ladder of self-actualization rung by rung. It's a convenient pseudo-psychological symbol to American idioms like ‘climbing the corporate ladder', ‘upper class', or ‘keeping up with the Jones's'.A NEED FOR A BETTER CREEDLike the word ‘urban', there is not one definition of ‘human need'. But with so many people flocking to cities, the running assumption among most, including researchers, is that people do so to become wealthier, healthier, and happier. But are these still biased toward climbing some kind of economic ladder? Are they held up by surrounding socio-political systems, structures, and norms largely fueled by Western capitalistic ambitions? Yes, certain amounts of wealth accumulation are needed to satisfy basic needs, but are there hidden assumptions that more money buys more happiness? Were the Beatles wrong? Does money really buy love? What is required to satisfy our needs?Experts generally agree on these four categories of human need: personal, economic, social, and political. We all require certain physical and psychological safety in pursuit of our goals and happiness. How we interact with people and place plays a vital role and is dictated by the social and economic systems influenced by politics. Increasingly, it appears more and more people seek places that most complicate these requirements – cities. So, is widespread urbanization making people safer, healthier, richer, and happier?It varies, but in the aggregate, more humans are safer, healthier, wealthier, and presumably happier than in the known history of civilization. And as countries become richer, they also become more urbanized. As cities increase in scale, as with biological systems, naturally occurring scaling laws dictate they also become more efficient. When an animal doubles in size, it's operating efficiency more than doubles – about 15% more. When a city doubles in size, it also gains from scaling efficiencies. Wages, innovation, and infrastructure, for example, all more than double with population size. These efficiencies tend cities toward better sanitation, water quality, cleaner fuels for cooking, and better nutrition – all requirements to fulfill basic human needs.However, these positive effects are not evenly distributed, and the wealth correlations found in the aggregate may be due to inequalities. Large cities can yield and attract extreme wealth giving the illusion bigger is better and wealthier is healthier. As most everyone witnesses, if not endure, urban areas are also home to extreme poverty, accentuated inequalities, and politicians in search of a cure.Indeed, those same geometric power laws that can more than double the positive effects of cities can also more than double crime, garbage, illness, and disease. Which has people yearning for quiet, natural spaces inside and outside the city, just like my daughter.Access to nature seems to be a basic human need hidden from the surface of Maslow's pyramid. It sits under a category of needs my old philosophy professor may have an issue with – aesthetics. Nature features more prominently on a competing model of basic human needs made by the Chilean economist Manfred Max-Neef.He was Frustrated by the negative social effects influenced by the U.S. backed conservative economic policies of the so-called “Chicago Boys”. This was a group of Chilean economists trained at the University of Chicago under Milton Friedman on conservative neo-liberal philosophies and policies. They went on to hold prominent positions under the military dictatorships of Chile in the 1970s and 80s. Max-Neef lived with and studied those stricken by failed attempts at fashioning the Chilean economy after American neoliberal forms of capitalism. He observed the negative effects of debt and ecological destruction brought on by privatized economic and social systems modeled after and funded by the United States and top U.S. corporations.After decades of experience and research living and traveling around South America in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, he wrote a book in 1989 on Human Scale Development. It centers on the organic and messy human needs diagnosed at street level in contrast to the clean, mechanistic, and abstracted top-down, state and/or corporate led approach. Max-Neef's findings became foundational to what we might now call ‘urban sustainability'. In 1992, in the publication Real-Life Economics: Understanding Wealth Creation, he published a human needs framework that shuns the strict hierarchical structure of Maslow's while adhering to those needs scholars largely agree exist among humans.Max-Neef identifies nine needs: subsistence, protection, affection, understanding, participation, leisure, creation, identity, and freedom. These fall under these four categories that define our existence: being in psychological state, having assets, doing actions, and interacting with and in places with or without other people. Because cities increase chances of social interaction, offer more opportunities for doing actions in exchange for money, the opportunities to have assets increases, leading to a desired state of being.WINGS OF A BUTTERFLYMax-Neef observed that while human needs are universal, getting them satisfied is contingent on particularities of a given city and how it functions. For example, a well equipped and staffed police force may satisfy the fundamental human need to feel safe, but it can also limit freedoms, perpetuate unfair power inequities, or dissuade community interactions.But for Max-Neef, community engagement and participation between the powerful and the powerless was at the heart of satisfying the needs of all humans. He was interested in practical solutions to problems at scales ranging from neighborhoods to cities and regions to countries. Thus he devised his model to be flexible and adaptable to unique situations at the micro and macro level – each dependent on the other.A group of Dutch urban studies researchers recently published a paper calling for planners and elected officials to consider the Max-Neef model as a guide. They reveal how it's uniquely suited to better plan and shape or reshape cities toward a more just, equitable, and environmentally sound future. This is due mostly to the synergies between fundamental human needs and the elements of cities that can satisfy them.But it would be wrong to say these associations and synergies necessarily guarantee the satisfaction of needs. Simply moving to a city, with all it's social potential for interactions, does not automatically lead to a better life. Max-Neef says,“The articulation between the personal and social dimensions of development may be achieved through increasing levels of self-reliance. At a personal level, self-reliance stimulates our sense of identity, our creative capacity, our self-confidence and our need for freedom. At the social level, self-reliance strengthens the capacity for subsistence, provides protection against exogenous hazards, enhances endogenous cultural identity and develops the capacity to generate greater spaces of collective freedom. The necessary combination of both the personal and the social in Human Scale Development compels us, then, to encourage self-reliance at the different levels: individual, local, regional and national.”But he also warns it is not his “intention to suggest that self-reliance is achieved simply by social and economic interaction in small physical spaces. Such an assumption would do nothing but replicate a mechanistic perception which has already been very harmful in terms of development policies.”Instead, he calls for “Complementary relationships between the macro and the micro, and among the various microspaces, [that] may facilitate the mutual empowering of processes of socio-cultural identity, political autonomy and economic self-reliance.” This requires government systems to flexibly empower individuals and local communities so they may satisfy their basic human needs as they see fit. Instead of a rigid top-down, mechanistic, hierarchical system geared toward economic growth and private wealth accumulation, a more flexible system spanning many nested hierarchies is required that fosters personal growth in the pursuit of human needs. A system that is resilient to the variability of external forces. Like a pandemic.The pandemic appears to have changed all the historic economic, cultural, and political assumptions surrounding the physical social interaction of people in cities. With more and more people working, socializing, and shopping online what are the implications for the social aspects of human needs? Last summer, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics published the results of their 2021 American Time Use Survey. On days “employed persons” worked, 38 percent did some or all their work at home and 68 percent did some or all their work at their workplace. In 2019, before the pandemic, workers were 24 percent less likely to work at home and 82 percent more likely to work at their workplace.Workers 25 years old and older with an advanced degree were more likely to work at home than those without. Sixty-seven percent of those with an advanced degree worked at home versus 19 percent with a high school diploma and no college degree. Will those advanced degree earners get their human needs fulfilled working from home? Is online social interaction better or worse at fulfilling basic social needs or are those getting fulfilled outside of work hours? Will those without college degrees find that interacting physically offers more opportunities for doing? Will they find the necessary opportunities to have the necessary assets needed for a desired state of being?My daughter goes to school in the center of one of the biggest cities in the world and my son in a sparsely populated wooded suburb. As they finish their first year of college, I wonder what they'll face a few years from now as they seek to fulfill basic human needs on their own. Will cities and governments morph to meet to what appears to be one of the most transformative moments in the history of urbanization? How much adapting and compromising of their desires will be required to satisfy their basic human needs?One thing is clear, and Max-Neef seems to have gotten this right. While macro-scale political and economic systems may appear to muster control over people, it took a pandemic to reveal the power of individual micro-scale behavior. It seems when most of those individuals with the means to chose how to work, to do, to have, to satisfy their needs differently, they acted. They chose how to interact with society in a new way that indeed forced large-scale macro changes to worldwide economic, social, and political systems.What would happen if instead of blindly following the course set by centuries of a particular socio-economic construct, of which increased urbanization is a biproduct, we all chose to act differently? What if instead of feeling the need for speed, we all slowed down to succeed? What if in pursuit of a basic need, we shun the allure of greed? Surety is not decreed and only uncertainty is guaranteed. So, let's be what we want to be, have what we want to have, do what we want to do, and interact with the world. After all, small acts by a few ripple through and through bringing changes to a world anew. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit interplace.io

Es imposible hablar de la nueva constitución chilena sin pensar en cómo se inscribe dentro de un largo proceso de lucha por la justicia social. Porque, cuando en 1980 se aprobó, dentro del régimen de Augusto Pinochet, una constitución fundamentada en la doctrina neoliberal impartida por los llamados Chicago Boys, se privilegió la privatización de derechos fundamentales como a la educación, a la salud y el agua. A lo largo de la dictadura de Pinochet un grupo de periodistas se dedicó a combatir la desinformación causada por el régimen y a denunciar la corrupción de grupos económicos que se veían beneficiados por una constitución que protegía al empresario y dejaba desprotegido al ciudadano. Hoy, cuando la derecha hace una campaña de desinformación frente al plebiscito para aprobar la nueva constitución, nos parece necesario recordar la historia de Chile y la manera en la que los periodistas hicieron un trabajo incansable por hablar sobre la injusticia y la violencia. ¿De qué manera el periodismo es y ha sido una herramienta para descubrir la verdad detrás de los crímenes de lesa humanidad impartidos por la dictadura? ¿Cómo el periodismo puede ser una herramienta para comunicarlos hechos develados por las comisiones de verdad? ¿Cómo es posible hacer periodismo en medio de un ambiente represivo, como es el caso de la dictadura chilena? ¿Cuál es el compromiso del periodismo con la defensa de la vida?

Es imposible hablar de la nueva constitución chilena sin pensar en cómo se inscribe dentro de un largo proceso de lucha por la justicia social. Porque, cuando en 1980 se aprobó, dentro del régimen de Augusto Pinochet, una constitución fundamentada en la doctrina neoliberal impartida por los llamados Chicago Boys, se privilegió la privatización de derechos fundamentales como a la educación, a la salud y el agua. A lo largo de la dictadura de Pinochet un grupo de periodistas se dedicó a combatir la desinformación causada por el régimen y a denunciar la corrupción de grupos económicos que se veían beneficiados por una constitución que protegía al empresario y dejaba desprotegido al ciudadano. Hoy, cuando la derecha hace una campaña de desinformación frente al plebiscito para aprobar la nueva constitución, nos parece necesario recordar la historia de Chile y la manera en la que los periodistas hicieron un trabajo incansable por hablar sobre la injusticia y la violencia. ¿De qué manera el periodismo es y ha sido una herramienta para descubrir la verdad detrás de los crímenes de lesa humanidad impartidos por la dictadura? ¿Cómo el periodismo puede ser una herramienta para comunicarlos hechos develados por las comisiones de verdad? ¿Cómo es posible hacer periodismo en medio de un ambiente represivo, como es el caso de la dictadura chilena? ¿Cuál es el compromiso del periodismo con la defensa de la vida?

In 1973, the democratically elected socialist government of Chile under Salvador Allende was toppled by a far-right coup. What followed was 17 years of oppression under a reactionary, sadistic military dictatorship. Through decades of investigations, court cases, and declassification of records, we know now how the Pinochet regime came to power: through the CIA and the U.S. State Department. SOURCES: The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability by Peter Kornbluh https://thenewpress.com/books/pinochet-file The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism by Naomi Klein https://naomiklein.org/the-shock-doctrine/ The True Verdict on Allende by E. Bradford Burns https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/true-verdict-allende/ The ‘Chicago Boys' in Chile: Economic Freedom's Awful Toll by Orlando Letelier https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/the-chicago-boys-in-chile-economic-freedoms-awful-toll/ Giant Rally Marks Allende Anniversary by Jonathan Kandell https://www.nytimes.com/1973/09/05/archives/giant-rally-marks-allende-anniversary-professional-workers-strike.html

20 de junio | Nueva YorkLeer esta newsletter te llevará 7 minutos y 34 segundos.📬 En esta entrega, presentamos una nueva entrega de El juego de Megan, el podcast sobre la industria de Hollywood que Emilio Doménech y Pablo Moloco presentan desde 2016. Si te gusta esta versión especial hollywoodiense de La Wikly, ¡háznoslo saber!Más abajo tienes titulares sobre las elecciones de Colombia y la nueva estrategia tiktoker de Meta Platforms.Si te gusta lo que lees y quieres mantenerte informado cada día con estos formatos fáciles e informativos, hazte Premium:Niuyork, Niuyork. Bienvenido a La Wikly.📽 Un despido sorpresaPor Emilio DoménechLo importante: Bob Chapek, consejero delegado de The Walt Disney Company, anunció hace un par de semanas el despido sorpresa de Peter Rice, quien hasta ese momento había encabezado la división de contenido televisivo de la compañía.Como presidente de Disney General Entertainment Content, Rice supervisaba la producción anual de cientos de proyectos para plataformas como Disney+, Hulu, Disney Channel, y las cadenas ABC y FX, entre otras.Explícamelo: el despido es un bombazo en Hollywood, donde son pocas las instancias en las que ejecutivos con la carrera y la reputación de Rice salen por la puerta sin motivo aparente.La versión oficial: que no encajaba con la cultura de Disney, una explicación que ha dado pie a una variedad muy amplia de teorías.La más extendida de ellas: que Chapek se estaba protegiendo de un ejecutivo que le podía relevar en el puesto tras una serie de decisiones del consejero delegado muy criticadas dentro y fuera de la compañía.Contexto: Rice era un ejecutivo con una trayectoria muy exitosa en Fox, donde durante años encabezó divisiones de cine y televisión de la casa de los Murdoch hasta presidir todo con 21st Century Fox.Junto a él estaba Dana Walden, la ejecutiva que le releva en el puesto en Disney. Ambos dieron el salto al estudio de Mickey cuando Disney compró Fox.Chapek es el consejero delegado de Disney desde primeros de 2020, cuando sustituyó a Bob Iger, el ejecutivo que logró casi dos décadas de éxitos que encumbraron a Disney como el estudio más poderoso de Hollywood.Bajo la dirección de Iger, Disney compró Pixar, Marvel, LucasFilm y Fox, marcas que ahora permiten que la compañía tenga franquicias populares y consolidadas, además de estudios de sobra para armar sus plataformas de streaming que le permiten competir con Netflix y cía.Chapek llegaba al puesto de Iger después de más de 20 años en la compañía, presidiendo durante un tiempo la división de parques temáticos y cruceros de Disney.Su designación como CEO de la compañía sorprendió porque ejecutivos como Tom Staggs (ex-director de operaciones) y Kevin Mayer (que supervisó el exitoso lanzamiento de Disney+) siempre sonaron como más favoritos antes de ser descartados.En el podcast, Emilio y Pablo analizan los vaivenes que se han vivido en Hollywood en los últimos días, dando contexto al universo de pasillos de Disney y desgranando la decisión de echar a uno de los ejecutivos más admirados de Tinsletown.¿Desea saber más? Desde 2016, Emilio y Pablo han repasado algunos de los mayores acontecimientos que se han vivido dentro de Disney. Este podcast de 2016 sobre la salida de Tom Staggs aporta mucho contexto histórico sobre los ejecutivos de la compañía. Y en este otro de 2019, analizan el probable triunfo que Disney tenía previsto apuntarse con el desembarco de Disney+.🇨🇴 Gana la izquierdaBy Anita PereyraLo importante: Gustavo Petro y Francia Márquez salieron vencedores en la segunda vuelta de las elecciones de Colombia que se celebraron este domingo, lo que supone la primera victoria de la izquierda en la tercera potencia económica de Latinoamérica.Petro y Márquez vencieron a Rodolfo Hernández y Marelen Castillo, que pasaron a la segunda vuelta como representantes del espectro conservador, aunque con un mensaje anticorrucpión que los desmarcaba del establishment oficialista que lleva gobernando Colombia desde hace generaciones.Explícamelo: el domingo votó el 58,09 por ciento del padrón, un aumento de más de tres puntos porcentuales con respecto de la participación registrada en primera vuelta. Petro y Márquez lograron más de 11,2 millones de votos contra los poco más de 10,5 de Hernández y Castillo.La fórmula de Pacto Histórico ganó en Bogotá, Bolívar, Atlántico y Valle, cuatro de los cinco departamentos que contienen los mayores núcleos poblacionales del país. “Hoy es día de fiesta para el pueblo. Que festeje la primera victoria popular. Que tantos sufrimientos se amortiguen en la alegría que hoy inunda el corazón de la Patria. Esta victoria es para Dios y para el Pueblo y su historia. Hoy es el día de las calles y las plazas”, publicó Petro en redes sociales tras conocer los resultados de la votación.¿Y ahora? La investidura presidencial de Petro será el próximo 7 de agosto, pero queda mucha tela que cortar hasta entonces. Te esperamos en el Twitch de Emilio esta noche a las 20:00 hora peninsular de España para analizar los resultados con Andrea Aldana—y también en la edición especial de La Wikly Electoral con sorpresa que saldrá este miércoles.Más información en Página 12.🎬 Una recomendaciónCon la colaboración de FilminPor Anita PereyraChicago Boys es un documental chileno de 2015 escrito y dirigido por Carola Fuentes y Rafael Valdeavellano. Lleva el nombre del término usado para referirse a un grupo de economistas chilenos que se formaron en la Universidad de Chicago durante la década del 70.La formación económica neoliberal que recibieron en Estados Unidos los condujo a desempeñarse como funcionarios en algunos de los regímenes autoritarios de Latinoamérica, particularmente el que se impuso en Chile tras el golpe de estado al entonces presidente Salvador Allende en 1973.Su trabajo también influyó después en otros países latinoamericanos como Perú y Colombia, donde la economía liberal dejó una imprenta que reverbera hasta hoy.El trabajo de Fuentes y Valdeavellano reconstruye la participación de este grupo de economistas en el diseño del plan económico que se aplicó durante la dictadura militar, con una particularidad brillante: está narrado desde la perspectiva de algunos de sus miembros.Sergio de Castro, ministro de Economía y Hacienda desde 1975 a 1982; y Arnold Haberger, economista estadounidense y profesor de la Universidad de Chicago, son algunos de los entrevistados durante el largometraje.En poco más de 80 minutos, Chicago Boys consigue ilustrar una década crucial para la historia chilena que alberga una crítica inflexible a la impunidad con la que el régimen dictatorial ignoró las necesidades y demandas del pueblo.Chicago Boys está disponible en Filmin.📱 Facebook quiere cambiosPor Marina EnrichLo importante: Facebook envió una nota a sus empleados este abril estableciendo su nueva prioridad: hacer que sus reels, los vídeos cortos de Facebook e Instagram que tanto parecido tienen con los tiktoks, funcionen.Su segunda prioridad: ofrecer las mejores recomendaciones de contenido, no necesariamente las que estén ligadas a las redes personales de familiares y amigos de sus usuarios, que es lo que sobre todo Facebook es desde su concepción.En conclusión, Facebook quiere convertirse en TikTok. Ya lo hemos visto en Instagram con su prioridad por los vídeos cortos en detrimento de las fotos, pero ahora Facebook también quiere sumarse al carro para hacer frente a una base de usuarios cada vez mayor en edad.¿Y qué quiere ser TikTok? La plataforma de ByteDance se define como una plataforma de entretenimiento. Dicen que, a diferencia de Facebook, ellos no son una plataforma social. Y tiene sentido. Cada vez, las plataformas en internet van más sobre el contenido y menos sobre lo social.El otro día, un amigo de mis padres me decía que él no quería tener redes sociales porque quería enterarse de lo que hacían sus amigos cuando quedara con ellos y no a través de una pantalla. Yo le dije que tenía una visión errónea sobre las redes sociales, ya que la mayor parte del contenido que consumimos no es de nuestros familiares y amigos.Entre las generaciones más jóvenes, las redes sociales son las que están reemplazando a la televisión, ya que cada vez abarcan un abanico de contenido más amplio.Ya no es una cuestión de ver qué hicieron ayer tus amigos, sino de entretenerse con vídeos de géneros que van desde los memes hasta la cocina y la salud mental, pasando por la información.De hecho, un 39 por ciento de los jóvenes entre 18 y 24 años se informan de la actualidad a través de las redes sociales.En este sentido, se entiende perfectamente que aplicaciones como BeReal de la que te hablé la semana pasada funcionen entre la gente joven. Los usuarios se ponen rápido al día sobre qué están haciendo sus amigos para después volver al resto de apps que les ofrecen entretenimiento.Y las elecciones de los más jóvenes son relevantes: suelen ser los primeros en detectar tendencias (y en encabezar nuevas). Quizá BeReal sea pasajero, pero sin duda serán ellos los que decidan si el cambio de rumbo de Facebook hace mella.Y tú, ¿cómo ves el futuro de estas guerras de apps que compiten por tu atención?En otro orden de cosas, hoy vuelve Lunes por el mundo con los resultados electorales de Colombia. Para ello, contaremos con la participación de la periodista Andrea Aldana, periodista y columnista en el diario colombiano El Espectador que nos ofrecerá todas las claves sobre la victoria de Gustavo Petro.Podrás seguir el directo a partir de las 20:00 hora peninsular de España en Twitch.Feliz semana, This is a public episode. If you’d like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.lawikly.com/subscribe

Am 11. September 1973 putschte das Militär gegen den demokratisch gewählten sozialistischen Präsidenten Salvador Allende. Nach dem erfolgreichen Putsch wurde unter der Führung von Augusto Pinochet eine Militärdiktatur eingerichtet. Die chilenische Volkswirtschaft würde zum Experimentlabor der neoliberalen "Chicago Boys", Professoren aus Chicago. Ein Interview mit Robert Kohl Parra.

Hello Interactors,I ran into a friend last week who shared a bit of neighborly news. A border dispute is brewing in our neighborhood and you can bet maps are soon to be weaponized. It’s nothing new in border disputes around the world, but do maps really lead to a shared understanding of people and their interaction with place? It may be time cartography gets radical. As interactors, you’re special individuals self-selected to be a part of an evolutionary journey. You’re also members of an attentive community so I welcome your participation.Please leave your comments below or email me directly.Now let’s go…COMMUNITIES DEMANDING IMPUNITIESI step quietly as I near the end of the private lane. Ahead there’s a beige colored fence, barely six feet high, blocking the pathway. It’s attached adjacently to a fence bordering the owner’s yard. As I gently approach the fence I see a dingy string innocently dangling from a small hole in the upper right corner near the fence post. A slight tug on the string and I hear a metal latch release on the other side. It’s not a fence after all, but a secret gate.I push it open and slither through sheepishly looking around to see if I’d been caught. I’m careful to lift the cold black metal latch to silence it as I gently close the gate behind me. I scurry past the driveway glancing at the house. My pace quickens down the remainder of the private lane before me. I self-consciously scurry by neighboring homes and scamper up a steep hill before triumphantly stepping onto the territory of public domain: a city street.This secret passage along a private drive is known to longtime locals in the neighborhood like me. The gate sits on private property connecting two private lanes that connect two public parks at each end. Adventurous out-of-towners looking to walk or bike from one park to the other usually see the gate masquerading as a fence and turn around. But for as long as these roads have existed, locals have hastily snuck through the graciously placed gate.But the fate of this gate is a question as of late. Do they have the right to block a pedestrian route that connects public parks even though it’s on private land? Or do they have the duty to honor the traditions of a community that has relied on this path for decades if not centuries? To answer these questions, governments, corporations, and individuals turn to legally binding property maps. Instead of arming themselves with their own maps in a race to the court, perhaps they should join arms around one map seeking mutual support.The word map is a shortened version of the 14th century middle English word, mapemounde. That’s a compound word combining latin’s mappa, “napkin or cloth”, and mundi “of the world” and was used to describe a map of the world that was most likely drawn on an ancient cloth or papyrus.This etymology resembles cartography from latin’s carta "leaf of paper or a writing tablet" and graphia "to scrape or scratch" (on clay tablets with a stylus)”.Given modern cartography’s reliance on coordinates, the word cartography easily could have emerged from the word cartesian. That word is derived from the latin word cartesius which is the Latin spelling of descartes – the last name of the French mathematician, René Descartes. Descartes merged the fields of geometry and algebra to form coordinate geometry. It was a discovery that, as Joel L. Morrison writes in the History of Cartography, formed the”foundation of analytic geometry and provided geometric interpretations for many other branches of mathematics, such as linear algebra, complex analysis, differential geometry, multivariate calculus, and group theory, and, of course, for cartography.”This two dimensional rectangular coordinate system made it easy for 17th century land barons and imperial governments to more easily and accurately calculate distance and area on a curved earth and communicate them on a flat piece of paper. The increased expediency, accuracy, durability, and portability of paper allowed Cartesian maps to accelerate territorial expansionism and colonization around the world.But rectangular mapping of property, Cadastral Mapping, dates back to the Romans in the first century A.D. Cartography historian, O. A. W. Dilke writes,“One of the main advantages of a detailed map of Rome was to improve the efficiency of the city's administration...”Even as Descartes was inventing analytical geometry in the 1600s, European colonizers in the Americas were using rectilinear maps in attempts to negotiate land rights with Indigenous people. For example, between 1666 and 1668 a land deed clerk filed a copy of a map detailing a coastal area in what is now as Massachusetts near Buzzards Bay. The original map was drawn by a Harvard educated Indigenous man named John Sassamon who was also a member of the Massachusett tribe.Sassamon was respected by colonizers because he represented the ideal of an assimilated native but he was also held in high regard by local tribes…including the Wampanoag for which this map served as a legal document. He was an asset to both populations and served as an interpreter in a wide range of negotiations between tribes and colonizers.This map was used by the Plymouth colonists to negotiate terms over Wampanoag land with their leader Metacom (or as he was also known as, King Phillip). It shows a rectangle featuring a river on the left side of the map labeled, “This is a river”, a line drawn at the top and the bottom labeled, “This line is a path”, and on the right side is a vertical line that encloses the rectangle. Surrounding the area are names of tribes and a body of text at the bottom describing the terms of the deal.Herein lies a controversy, the intention of the map, and the fate of the mapped land. The text can be read one of two ways:“Wee are now willing should be sold” or “Wee are not willing should be sold”.The full statement in the records reads:“This may informe the honor Court that I Phillip arne willing to sell the Land within this draught…I haue set downe all the principal! names of the land wee are not willing should be sold. ffrom Pacanaukett the 24th of the 12th month 1668PHILLIP [his mark]”Nine years later, in January of 1675, Sassamon warned the governor of the Plymouth Colony, Josiah Winslow, that Metacom (King Phillip) was planning an attack. The Wampanaog, and other tribes, had become frustrated and threatened by encroaching colonists. Days later Sassamon’s body was found in a pond.At first many thought he had drowned fishing, but further evidence revealed his neck had been violently broken. A witness came forth claiming to have seen three Wampanoag men attack Sassamon. The three men were tried before the first mixed jury of Indigenous people and European settlers. They ruled guilty and all three men were hung.This created increased tensions and mistrust between Metacom and the Puritans leading to the King Phillips War in the summer of 1675. The battle lasted three years, most of which was without Metacom. In August of 1676 he was hunted down and shot by another Indigenous man who had converted, forcibly or voluntarily, to Puritan ways. Metacom’s wife and children were captured and sold as slaves in Bermuda. Metacom was cut into quarters and his limbs were hung from trees. His head was put on a post at the entrance to the Plymouth colony where it remained for two decades.LABORERS MAPPING WITH NEIGHBORSViolence against and dispossession of Indigenous people by colonists and industrialists usually involves a map. That’s as true today as it has been at least since the Romans. But it hasn’t stunted attempts over the years to reduce or eliminate these injustices. For example, at the end of World War I, while U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and his Inquiry team were remapping Europe at the Paris Peace Conference, the League of Nations was born.Out of this organization came the International Labor Organization (ILO) with representatives from Belgium, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, France, Italy, Japan, Poland, the United Kingdom and the United States. It was chaired by the head of the American Federation of Labor (AFL), Samuel Gompers. Founding members were made of representatives from government, employers, and workers. In the interest of creating a peaceful, safe, and just world, they intended to establish fair labor practices around the world, including fair pay for women – a provision Gompers brought to the table himself. Two lines of their founding preamble stand out amidst today’s international social disorder,“Whereas universal and lasting peace can be established only if it is based upon social justice…Whereas also the failure of any nation to adopt humane conditions of labour is an obstacle in the way of other nations which desire to improve the conditions in their own countries.”Social justice and historic income inequality are conditions that need improved among most countries today as they did in 1918. But when it came time to ratify the permanent ILO members, the U.S. Congress voted to deny Gompers a seat at the ILO table. U.S. politicians were suspect of the League of Nations and many feared these international labor rights may interfere with privatized labor in the United States. It wasn’t until 1934 that the U.S., with the urging of FDR, was allowed to take a seat at the ILO by the U.S. Congress.Nonetheless, during the 1920s the ILO conducted several studies concerning labor conditions around the world. That including the subjugation of Indigenous Peoples as a result of widespread colonization. In 1930 ILO 29 was passed drawing much needed attention on forced labor of Indigenous and Afro-descendant people.For the next two decades the ILO continued to conduct research and create programs throughout their conventions. In 1951 the ILO Committee of Experts on Indigenous Labour devised a 20 year blueprint that addressed land and labor rights of Indigenous populations. They brought together various UN organizations like the World Health Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organization, and UN Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization. It culminated in the publishing of a 1953 report on the core social and economic conditions facing Indigenous Peoples in the Americas.Four years later this work made its way into the passing of ILO 170 as part of the Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention of 1957. The preamble includes language that admits there exists,“in various independent countries indigenous and other tribal and semi-tribal populations which are not yet integrated into the national community and whose social, economic or cultural situation hinders them from benefiting fully from the rights and advantages enjoyed by other elements of the population…”This was the world’s first attempt to codify Indigenous rights into international law through a binding convention. These conventions included government made maps that were used as legally binding documents. Up to this point in history almost all legally binding maps were produced by governments. But with the spread of neoliberalism around the globe in the 1950s, mapping efforts began to be outsourced from governments to private firms and corporations. This shift was amplified by U.S. President Harry S. Truman’s Point Four Program that offered technical assistance to developing countries, especially Latin America, and was largely funded by private institutions like the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations.Neoliberal economists out of the University of Chicago, Chicago Boys, were also embedded in Latin American governments in hopes of spreading neoliberal policies that favored U.S. industries. Conservative politicians, emboldened by the Cold War, also feared these countries may turn to socialism or communism; especially given the majority of the founding members of the ILO and the League of Nations favored social programs as a means of protecting and providing social justice and stability. The U.S. stood alone in opposition to these principles and policies, but remained influential nonetheless given the U.S. military and monetary domination.But the privatization of legal and technical documents by neoliberals, including maps, resulted in unintended consequences. If within the ILO trifecta of “government, employers, and workers” governments and employers could provide legally binding maps and documents, so could workers. This opened an opportunity for Indigenous communities, and their advocates, to provide their own maps that countered centuries-old border claims and land rights made by expansionist governments and industrialists, both of which are inextricably linked.The language in ILO 170, while groundbreaking, was still drenched in paternalistic chauvinism and assumed assimilation of Indigenous Peoples as the binding element. One example is shown in the preamble above, “not yet integrated into the national community.” Over the course of the following 40 years Indigenous Peoples worked with the international community to revise the language. In 1989 the ILO passed ILO 169 which “takes the approach of respect for the cultures, ways of life, traditions and customary laws of Indigenous and tribal Peoples who are covered by it. It presumes that they will continue to exist as parts of national societies with their own identity, their own structures and their own traditions. The Convention presumes that these structures and ways of life have a value that needs to be protected.”However, the word Indigenous Peoples was footnoted. In a compromise to include language of Indigenous self-determination, the ILO asked that the United Nations take up the matter on self-determination claiming it was beyond the scope of the ILO.Indigenous people continue to advocate for their rights as “workers” through labor organizations in the ILO trio of “government, employers, and workers.” Only 23 of the 187 countries in the ILO have ratified ILO 169 and the United States and Canada are not among them. Most all are in Latin America and one of the most lethal legal weapon Indigenous people have continue to be counter-maps – maps that counter centuries of exploitive hegemonic colonialism.FROM FALLABLE MAPS TO TANGIBLE RAPS After decades at successful attempts at counter-mapping, it may have run its course. Governments and corporations have come to use maps to gain further legal control over Indigenous lands through abundant resources and political maneuvering. If the courtrooms of international law were a knife fight, governments and corporations show up with laser guided missiles. Labor unions in those 23 countries that ratified ILO 169 struggle for leverage, representation, and a voice – especially unions representing Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. And if they’re suffering, imagine the masses of unrepresented workers in the remaining 164 countries who have not ratified ILO 169.Meanwhile more and more natural resources are sought in increasingly sensitive environmental areas, like the Amazon forests, where the majority of biodiversity and CO2 sucking vegetation is protected by Indigenous communities and their way of life. And as global warming increases, their living conditions will likely lead to more dispossession and even extinction.Mapping technologies since 1989 have also become progressively democratized. They’ve empowered even more people to take to cartography to get their voices heard, claim their land, and their way of life. There has also been a steady increase in members of these Indigenous populations earning degrees in science, social science, technology, and law. They’ve also found increasing numbers of likeminded scholars, intellectuals, activists, and practitioners from the around the world to help.Bjørn Sletto, Joe Bryan, Alfredo Wagner, and Charles Hale are four such examples. They are editors of a recent book called Radical cartographies : participatory mapmaking from Latin America published by the University of Texas Press. It “sheds light on the innovative uses of participatory mapping emerging from Latin America’s marginalized communities”. It’s a “diverse collection” of maps and mapping techniques that “reconceptualize what maps mean”. They argue what is missing, even in counter-mapping, are “representations of identity and place”.The lead editor, Bjørn Sletto, is a native of Norway, was educated in the United States, and has lived and researched in Indigenous communities and border cities in Latin America. He writes in the introduction that“Beyond making claims on the state, Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities appropriate participatory mapping technologies to strengthen self-determination, local governance, and resource management within their own territories…”What he’s found over decades of experience is that,“This fundamental rethinking of the role of maps and the different ways they can be created, analyzed, and remade is driven in large part by inhabitants of the territories themselves, rather than by Western scholars or NGOs.”These scholars have compiled a book that gives these Ingenious people voice and representation through their own methods of cartography. They’ve been allowed to describe geographies “in their own language and on their own terms.” By “describing and depicting the natural and built environments emerging from Indigenous, Black, and other traditional groups in Latin America” they are able to “demonstrate that these radical mapping practices are as varied as the communities in which they take place”.María Laura Nahuel is one contributor in the book. She is a resident of the Mapuce Lof (Community) Newen Mapu, Neuquén, Argentina and received her undergraduate degree in geography from the Department of Humanities at the National University of Comahue, Argentina. She writes that,“the current political, economic, cultural, and judicial context of our work has led us to think carefully about how the state’s historic monopoly over cartography has served to subjugate the ancestral and millenary wisdom of our people, the Mapuce. In particular, new multinational resource extraction projects, which are endorsed by the Argentine government, threaten our livelihood and subject us to a constant state of tension and uncertainty. This reality has led us to develop territorial defense strategies as well as plans for achieving kvme felen, or a state of good living. Mapuce participatory cultural mapping plays a key role in this process.”Co-editor Joe Bryan is another contributor in the book. He is the associate professor in geography at the University of Colorado, Boulder where he focuses on Indigenous politics in the Americas, human rights, and critical cartography. He asks in the book’s concluding commentary:“What is a territory? The question pops up repeatedly across the chapters in this volume. After all, what are mapping projects if not attempts to define territory? The problem, as several of the authors suggest, is that mapping affords a partial understanding of territory at best. At worst, mapping runs completely counter to Black and Indigenous concepts of territory with potentially devastating results. That outcome makes the question of what a territory is all the more pressing...”He goes on to observe that,“We are used to thinking of territory as a closed object, a thing that can be mapped, recognized, and demarcated. The dominance of this concept is reinforced by mapping, beginning with the use of GPS units and other cartographic technologies to locate material instances of use and occupancy... Legal developments reinforce this approach, pushing titling and demarcation as a remedy to the lack of protection…”The owner of the property on which that gate I sometimes sneak through wants to build a new home. Their plans don’t leave room for a gate nor are they particularly interested in maintaining a right of way for the public. It’s caused a kerfuffle in the neighborhood. Home owners on this private lane want their privacy while their neighbors want to maintain access between parks.It’s a battle of territory and maps are the weapon. Individual home owners show title maps that reveal there is no public easement on the private lane. The city acknowledges there is no easement in their maps either, but are acting in the interest of the majority and asking owners to grant easements so the path may remain. It may come down to the courts to decide and you can bet maps will be involved. But as Joe Bryan says, maps afford only a partial understanding of territory.I’m not suggesting the problems of affluent suburban property owners are of equal consequence to the existence and rights of Indigenous and Black communities or the protection of vanishing natural resources. But what they do have in common is the insufficiency of traditional Cartesian maps to adequately represent interests of governments, corporations, and individuals in battles over borders and territories. Especially when their weaponized.A primary trigger of the King Phillip War in 1675 was the encroachment of European colonizers. This led to misrepresentation, misunderstanding, and miscommunication of territory use and rights on a Cartesian map drawn by an Indigenous member of the Massachusett tribe supposedly seeking shared understanding between cultures. Here we are in 2022 where technology and enlightened cultural sensitivity abounds, and rigid Cartesian maps are still leading to dispossession and violence of under-represented and vulnerable communities.But like the Europeans that colonized these lands over 500 years ago, we are turning to Indigenous people for guidance on how best to map and understand territories. We are again asking them to use maps as a way to best interact with people and place through what the editors of that book call radical cartography. Perhaps it’s time we put down our weapons of maps destruction and draw a map together. It just may draw us all closer together. How radical is that? This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit interplace.io

Hello Interactors,This post is part three of my three week experiment. I’ve divided my topic into three parts each taking a bit less time for you to read or listen to. They each can stand on their own, but hopefully come together to form a bigger picture. Please let me know what you think.Maps are such a big part of our daily lives that it’s easy to let them wash over us. But they’re also very powerful forms of communication that require our attention and scrutiny. If we don’t, we run the risk of being hypnotized and even deluded.As interactors, you’re special individuals self-selected to be a part of an evolutionary journey. You’re also members of an attentive community so I welcome your participation.Please leave your comments below or email me directly.Now let’s go…THE GIPPER AND CAP MAKE A MAPOn the top of the geography building at the University of California Santa Barbara (UCSB) was a high security floor the CIA helped to fund…or so I heard. I never set foot in there, but I know both the CIA and the FBI routinely recruited geography students when I was there in the late 80s. They still do. The geography department was, and still is, buzzing with research in cartography, satellite imaging, and Geographic Information Science (GIS). I remember learning how to detect a hidden nuclear missile silo camouflaged in the Russian landscape using stereoscopic glasses pointed at two LANDSAT images produced from orbiting satellites. Special imaging software was also being developed at the university to better filter and detect these patterns, and more, in remote sensing imagery.But the kind of mapping I was most interested in was thematic mapping. I was mostly interested in computer graphics and animation, but I could also see the allure of bending cartography to serve creative means. For my senior project I converted a digital USGS topographic map of Santa Barbara into a 3D model so I could fly a camera over the terrain as a logo rose from behind the foothills. It was used as an intro animation for videos made for the newly formed National Center for Geographic Information and Analysis (NCGIA). This was, after all, the real focus of the geography department – and the U.S. government.The influential chief geographer for the U.S. State Department from the 1920s through the 1940s, Samuel Whittemore Boggs, had settled on this cartographic dichotomy I was experiencing as a student. He surmised maps could be either rhetorical tools of delusion and propaganda (like fancy 3D animated video bumpers) or scientific instruments of knowledge and understanding (like Geographical Information Science). These two sides of a single coin were present 40-odd years later as I was studying geography at UCSB.By the time I was studying cartography as an undergrad the Cold War was well embedded into the culture of all Americans, including institutions and universities. Some of my youngest memories as a kid were nuclear fallout drills at school. They weren’t all that different from tornado drills common to Iowa kids, but the films they showed us of the effects of nuclear blasts made me wish tornados were our only worry.I also have memories of propaganda making its way into our school work as well. I remember math problems that compared missile lengthy between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. – a nod to male anatomical one-upmanship. Our culture was infused with geopolitical agendas and competitions pitting Americans against Soviets. I recall the ‘Miracle on Ice’ when the U.S. hockey team unexpectedly beat the U.S.S.R. in the 1980 Olympics. That was when the U-S-A chant was popularized. I was 15 and remember having a basketball game that day. The gym was electric with pride.We all lived under constant fear and threat that the Soviet government could launch an intercontinental ballistic missile at any minute, so anything that felt like a victory was celebrated. The fear was all well communicated and orchestrated using cartohypnotic techniques Boggs had warned of. This fear mongering wasn’t unique to the United States. University of Richmond professor Timothy Barney writes, “An ominous arrow-filled 1970 map forecasts the logistics of a Greece and Turkey invasion, while another encircles Denmark and Northern Europe. The secret Warsaw Pact exercise ‘Seven Days Over the River Rhine’ from 1979 used cartography extensively to chart, complete with red mushroom clouds strewn about the continent, an all-too probable nuclear clash between Cold War powers.”The United States has a long history and practice of thematic political cartography dating back to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. This inspired the formation of a thematic mapping division in the State Department. After World War II, in concert with the Department of Defense, Cold War propaganda elevated to a new level — including in cartography. It was cartohypnosis through government sponsored osmosis that created widespread prognosis of Soviet-American neurosis.When Ronald Reagan became president in 1980, he had campaigned on increased military spending to ward off what he believed to be encroaching communism and military threat from the U.S.S.R. Reagan’s Secretary of Defense was his California friend, businessman, and politician Casper Weinberger, or ‘Cap’ as he was called. Weinberger shared the same fear Reagan did over evidence that cash-starved Russia was pouring much of their GDP into military spending.To convince the American public that Reagan’s so-called ‘small government’ required ‘big spending’ on defense, he pulled a page from the 1918 State Department assembling a team of researchers, artists, illustrators, and cartographers to build his own ‘Inquiry’ into Soviet military weaponry and strategies. They produced a 100-page pamphlet called ‘Soviet Military Power’ out of the U.S. Defense Department that was intended to ‘alert’ the public to the ‘threat’ of the Soviet Union and the Soviet Armed Forces.  The first publications were distributed in 1981 across the country and were sold in Post Offices for $6.50 or $20 today. These were printed every year from 1981 to 1991 as what some government officials refer to as ‘public diplomacy’. However, scholars use ‘public diplomacy’ and ‘propaganda’ interchangeably because it’s often hard to discern which is which.The fact is, these publications worked. They were a perfect compliment to Reagan’s public speeches that routinely referred to his Reagan Doctrine which was “to defy Soviet-supported aggression and secure rights which have been ours from birth.” This included funding overt and covert anti-communist resistance groups around the world – many of which illegally used acts of terror.The Iran–Contra affair provided ample evidence of the malicious intents and actions behind Reagan’s Doctrine – funneling money from Iranian missile sales to fund militant guerilla fighters overthrowing the government in Nicaragua. Fourteen people in Reagan’s administration were indicted. Weinberger was indicted on five felony charges including accusations he lied to Congress and obstruction of investigation. Another four charges were brought against him but his cases were never tried. He was pardoned by then President George H. W. Bush, Reagan’s former Vice President.Many of these sovereign nations the United States involved themselves in were seeking independence from reliance on foreign powers like the U.S. and the Soviet Union. However, because their forms of government often leaned toward social and communal inspired governments, Reagan assumed they’d fall under the control of the communist Soviet Union. It also meant Western corporations could lose out to state sponsored corporations.The U.S. State Department had been attempting to spread Western economic and political propaganda around the world from at least the 1950s. President Truman’s Point Four Program (funded by the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations) and the Chicago Boys (programs involving neoliberal University of Chicago economists, including Milton Friedman) were efforts to spread right-wing libertarianism around the world. That included backing a military dictatorship in Chile.REVERSING CARTOHYPNOSISBy the 1980s these strategies helped instill fear in Americans that the Soviet Union could one day envelope the world. Decades of claims that communism spreads like a disease – Latin America today, Anglo America tomorrow – laid the groundwork in the 1980s for the ‘Soviet Military Power’ propaganda publications to have maximum impact. The fear in many is still there to this day and is heightened by Putin’s aggression via the Kremlin. Another example of an imperialist state department aggressively meddling in the business of a sovereign nation seeking their independence from an all-powerful overlord.Author Tom Gervasi spent years in the late 80s researching the government’s claims made in these publications. He read the CIA’s annual reports to Congress, Military Posture Statements of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, sworn testimony from chiefs of the military services and Defense Department officials before the Armed Services and Appropriations Committees of Congress, as well as documents provided by NATO governments. He also consulted the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, the Union of Concerned Scientists, the Federation of American Scientists, and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.In 1988 he republished the 1987 issue of Weinberger’s ‘Soviet Military Power’ with annotations in the margins debunking many claims made by the U.S. State and Defense Departments. He also highlighted salient examples and techniques of propaganda, including cartohypnotic maps.One shows the land mass connecting Europe with the former Soviet Union. The Soviet territory is covered with a blue blob overlaying its boundaries. Flowing south into Europe are massive arrows encroaching on Europe. The map gives the impression the U.S.S.R. not only has the opportunity to expand by land into all of Europe but that they also have the means to do so and a plan to do it.Gervasi comments in the margins asking us to “Imagine opening a book and seeing the arrows going the other way, thrusting deep into the Soviet Union. The average American or West European reader would feel surprised and quite possibly indignant, finding it a complete misrepresentation of our intentions. That is how the average Soviet citizen would feel opening this book to this page. But this is powerful propaganda, immediately imprinting on our memory the vision of one possibility, without imprinting the reverse possibility, and so reinforcing allegations of Soviet intent made repeatedly, without any evidence to support them.”And in echoes of Boggs’ suggestion that cartohypnosis can be reversed, Gervasi reminds us that “Indeed, images like the ones below are so deeply ingrained in the American psyche that if the propagandists can ever be silenced, it will take several decades of raising clear-sighted new generations to erase all our artificial fears and suspicions of the USSR.”Another map shows the entirety of the former U.S.S.R. in a simple outline with radiant cones stretched in every direction emanating from Moscow and other major cities. The title of the map is Ballistic Missile Early Warning, Target-Tracking, and Battle Management Radars. It suggests the U.S.S.R. had advanced radar systems ready to defend against attack.Gervasi notes, “This may give the impression that only the Soviets have such radars. A splendid map could be drawn of the U.S. radar system, stretching from Scotland to Hawaii, including the 12 large phased-array radars of our Ballistic Missile Early Warning System, the four large phased-array radars of our PAVE, PAWS system, the 75 radars of our DEW Line and North Warning System, our Perimeter Acquisition Radar Attack Characterization System, the three radars of our Navy’s Space Surveillance System, the 16 radars of our Air Force Spacetrack and other systems, and of course, our over-the-horizon backscatter radars. All of these are already fully operational, whereas the Soviet system shown here, as the text below acknowledges, will not be operational until the mid-1990s at the earliest.”Gervasi isn’t the only one to critique claims made in these publications. Even the conservative think-tank, The National Interest, debunks the ‘Pentagon’s exaggerations’ made in the these publications. In 2016 they took aim at what became Reagan and Weinberger’s pride and joy, the Strategic Defense Initiative – or as its was commonly referred to as, Star Wars. This was a space and ground-based laser program envisioned to obliterate threatening Soviet nuclear missiles. They write that Weinberger’s,“Soviet Military Power made ominous predictions about Soviet lasers, lasers powerful enough to shoot down incoming nuclear missiles, or disable satellites in orbit…[the publication stated] ‘in the late 1980s, (the Soviet Union) could have prototype space-based laser weapons for use against satellites.’ It went on to imply that there were working anti-satellite lasers at [a] Soviet research complex…”In 1989 a group of Americans, including engineers and physicists, visited this research site. They concluded the Soviets could only produce a two-kilowatt laser beam. For comparison, experts claim 250 kilowatts are needed to destroy a weapon. It took until last year, 2021, for the U.S. to demonstrate a 300 kilowatt laser weapon. But means to consistently control this device keep it from being deployed.The representative from Virginia, Jim Olin, a former electrical engineer at GE was on that tour in 1989 and said, “It seems to me it pretty clearly is not a power laser and doesn’t represent any threat as a weapon.”In 1942, the librarian at the American Geographical Society, John Kirtland Wright, who is an authority on the history of geography, wrote on the power of maps: “Like bombers and submarines, maps are indispensable instruments of war. In the light of the information they provide, momentous strategic decisions are being made today: ships and planes, men and munitions, are being moved. Maps help to form public opinion and build public morale. When the war is over, they will contribute to shaping the thought and action of those responsible for the reconstruction of a shattered world. Hence it is important in these times that the nature of the information they set forth should be well understood.”We live in a time when someone can go to their favorite search engine, type ‘map of Bering Straight’, copy and paste the image into an image editor, type in big red letters “RUSSIA” on one side of the maritime border and “USA” on the other, and voila…a map made to persuade public opinion. They can then feed it into the social media mass distribution machine and off it goes through a global network to be seen by more eyeballs than Casper Weinberger and Ronald Reagan could ever have imagined. If Boggs thought maps could be weaponized as hypnotic mind benders in the 1940s, imagine what he’d say now?We’ve reached a point where making your own map has never been more accessible. And it’s only going to get easier. I’ve dwelled on the negative aspects of maps as propaganda, but I’m inspired by Boggs’ notion of reverse cartohypnosis. The threat of physical war has never been more real than it is today as the West continues to push an unpredictable dictator into a corner. A corner defined on territorial maps drawn in 1919 by American’s that defined boundaries between Russia and Ukraine. Maps that were made to persuade. Putin is a man deluded by attachments to past maps that drew borders around a union of socialist republics. He has grown hateful of those who challenge that past, him, or his beliefs. His delusions are so grand that he may only be satisfied when he ‘wins’ or everyone else ‘looses’.Like Biden and most presidents before him, he is both a victim of and an contributor to decades of cartohypnotism and through waring propaganda between two super powers seeking imperial domination.With maps as weapons of war in an global battle for information superiority, I ask that we check our own delusions, aversions, and desires before becoming entranced by the seduction of a map. Arm our self-made mental radar and defense systems that warn us of intentions to exaggerate, placate, and sedate our vulnerability to bombs of persuasion. And should we decide to become a cartographer and make our own map one day, make sure we’re doing our best to reverse the effect of cartohypnosis. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit interplace.io

Our tour around the globe starts in South America. Chile has been seen in retirement circles as an early pioneer in reforming their retirement system in the late 1970's.  While studied and admired by many, there are many more layers to the story when viewed from historical and current events.  Host Josh Cohen talks to two individuals who have played a meaningful role in shaping the system.  University of Chicago educated Martin Costabal led efforts in the Chilean government to implement the new system in the midst of the Cold War.  Cristian Rodriguez has led the largest retirement plan provider in the country, and is making the case for the systems long term survival. Travel with us to Chile to hear about their unique history and hopefully learn from their creative retirement solutions.    Key Takeaways: [:21] Josh Cohen, your host, states the main objective of Season 2: to explore how other countries around the world organized their retirement systems to accommodate a work force that is living longer and working much differently than what the previous generation did.   [3:50] Other countries looked up to Chile since they had updated and reformed their retirement system and it used to be viewed as a success. Josh talks about the wider political circumstances in Chile.   [5:03] Josh begins to explore the current state of the Chilean system by starting with its beginnings; that is why he talks with Martin Costabal who participated in its creation within the Chilean government.   [6:21] Martin shares how he got an offer from the University of Chicago that changed his life; he explains his personal and professional reasons for moving to the United States.   [10:30] General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte was self-declared president in Chile after a coup, while Martin was studying abroad.   [11:13] In August, 1974, Martin acquired an MBA from the University of Chicago and goes back to Chile to work in the Ministry of Economics with the purpose of instituting policies to reprivatize many industries and battling out of control inflation. He found that an economic blueprint called “The Brick” was already in place with those same goals.   [16:17] Martin focused on creating a new retirement system for Chile along with a group of 20 people, based on some foundations from “The Brick.”   [19:20] Cristian Rodriguez, Chairman of the Board of AFP Habitat, speaks about the organization and its role in managing pensions. Cristian has been working with Habitat for the past 23 years in several positions, he gives an overview of its evolution over the years.   [22:04] The Chilean retirement system lays on three pillars: 1. The government-backed foundational pillar (The solidarity pillar), 2. The employment based pillar (The contribution pillar), and 3. A voluntary saving system (similar to the IRA in the USA). Cristian talks about the pros and cons of each.   [34:47] One challenge for the system in Chile is that not all workers save the same. That is why there is a need to modernize the first pillar to include the informal and independent kinds of work that are becoming more and more prevalent worldwide. People also need to achieve a better understanding of the retirement system and the outcomes they will be generating.   [38:20] Josh talks about four main factors of any retirement system: Access, Adequacy, Alignment of Interest, and Innovation. He also shares his insights in regards to the Chilean retirement system.

11 settembre 1973, con un violento colpo di stato il colonnello Augusto Pinochet prende il potere in Cile, inaugurando la prima dittatura “neoliberista”. Infatti, se sono ormai note le intromissioni della CIA nell'organizzazione del golpe, meno nota è la vicenda dei cosiddetti Chicago boys. Si tratta di un gruppo di giovani intellettuali, discepoli dell'economista americano Milton Friedman, che occuparono posizioni di spicco all'interno del regime cileno e guidarono le riforme in campo economico che fecero rapidamente precipitare in una profonda crisi l'economia più florida del continente sudamericano.

In Hungry for Revolution: The Politics of Food and the Making of Modern Chile (University of California Press, 2021), Joshua Frens-String explores the modern history and political economy of food in Chile, from World War I to the rise and fall of the Allende socialist regime in the 1970s. Drawing together a diverse cast of characters and weaving together a wide range of sources, Frens-String demonstrates that the struggles to create a more just food system shaped modern Chile and its expansive social welfare state prior to the Pinochet's coup d'état and the implementation of the Chicago Boys' economic neoliberalization policies. In addition to the dynamics of class and gender in the consumption politics of Chile, Hungry for Revolution is particularly attentive to the different problematics of feeding the urban working classes and dismantling rural estates, and of creating durable socialist regimes and systems of food justice. Nathan Hopson is an associate professor of Japanese language and history in the University of Bergen's Department of Foreign Languages. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In Hungry for Revolution: The Politics of Food and the Making of Modern Chile (University of California Press, 2021), Joshua Frens-String explores the modern history and political economy of food in Chile, from World War I to the rise and fall of the Allende socialist regime in the 1970s. Drawing together a diverse cast of characters and weaving together a wide range of sources, Frens-String demonstrates that the struggles to create a more just food system shaped modern Chile and its expansive social welfare state prior to the Pinochet's coup d'état and the implementation of the Chicago Boys' economic neoliberalization policies. In addition to the dynamics of class and gender in the consumption politics of Chile, Hungry for Revolution is particularly attentive to the different problematics of feeding the urban working classes and dismantling rural estates, and of creating durable socialist regimes and systems of food justice. Nathan Hopson is an associate professor of Japanese language and history in the University of Bergen's Department of Foreign Languages. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

In Hungry for Revolution: The Politics of Food and the Making of Modern Chile (University of California Press, 2021), Joshua Frens-String explores the modern history and political economy of food in Chile, from World War I to the rise and fall of the Allende socialist regime in the 1970s. Drawing together a diverse cast of characters and weaving together a wide range of sources, Frens-String demonstrates that the struggles to create a more just food system shaped modern Chile and its expansive social welfare state prior to the Pinochet's coup d'état and the implementation of the Chicago Boys' economic neoliberalization policies. In addition to the dynamics of class and gender in the consumption politics of Chile, Hungry for Revolution is particularly attentive to the different problematics of feeding the urban working classes and dismantling rural estates, and of creating durable socialist regimes and systems of food justice. Nathan Hopson is an associate professor of Japanese language and history in the University of Bergen's Department of Foreign Languages. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latin-american-studies

In Hungry for Revolution: The Politics of Food and the Making of Modern Chile (University of California Press, 2021), Joshua Frens-String explores the modern history and political economy of food in Chile, from World War I to the rise and fall of the Allende socialist regime in the 1970s. Drawing together a diverse cast of characters and weaving together a wide range of sources, Frens-String demonstrates that the struggles to create a more just food system shaped modern Chile and its expansive social welfare state prior to the Pinochet's coup d'état and the implementation of the Chicago Boys' economic neoliberalization policies. In addition to the dynamics of class and gender in the consumption politics of Chile, Hungry for Revolution is particularly attentive to the different problematics of feeding the urban working classes and dismantling rural estates, and of creating durable socialist regimes and systems of food justice. Nathan Hopson is an associate professor of Japanese language and history in the University of Bergen's Department of Foreign Languages. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/food

In Hungry for Revolution: The Politics of Food and the Making of Modern Chile (University of California Press, 2021), Joshua Frens-String explores the modern history and political economy of food in Chile, from World War I to the rise and fall of the Allende socialist regime in the 1970s. Drawing together a diverse cast of characters and weaving together a wide range of sources, Frens-String demonstrates that the struggles to create a more just food system shaped modern Chile and its expansive social welfare state prior to the Pinochet's coup d'état and the implementation of the Chicago Boys' economic neoliberalization policies. In addition to the dynamics of class and gender in the consumption politics of Chile, Hungry for Revolution is particularly attentive to the different problematics of feeding the urban working classes and dismantling rural estates, and of creating durable socialist regimes and systems of food justice. Nathan Hopson is an associate professor of Japanese language and history in the University of Bergen's Department of Foreign Languages. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Chicago Boys es un termino aparecido en los años setentas que hace referencia a un grupo de economistas chilenos, la mayoría formados en el Departamento de Economía de la Universidad de Chicago, que siguiendo las ideas de Milton Friedman y Arnold Harberger. A su regreso a América Latina, adoptaron posiciones en diversos gobiernos y regímenes totalitarios de América del Sur. Estos economistas influyeron profundamente durante la dictadura militar liderada por Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990). Fueron los artífices de reformas económicas y sociales que llevaron a la creación de una política económica neoliberal de mercado además de la descentralización del control de la economía. Conoce la historia en este podcast. Para ver más videos, tips, cursos de educación financiera e información útil me encuentras en: https://www.facebook.com/DeMedinaMau https://twitter.com/DeMedinaMau https://www.instagram.com/demedinamau https://www.linkedin.com/in/mauricio-de-medina O visita: https://www.mauriciodemedina.com Aprende, ahorra e invierte.

No Chile desenha-se uma segunda volta polarizada, depois de o candidato de extrema-direita, José António Kast, ter ultrapassado, com 27,95% dos votos, o candidato de esquerda, Gabriel Boric, que arrecadou 25,71%. Ana Figueiredo, docente universitária e investigadora em psicologia política, na capital chilena, refere que este resultado não era expectável e mostra um país profundamente fracturado.  "Não era uma votação esperada. As pessoas acreditavam que Boric ia ganhar sobretudo porque, durante o dia, os resultados que iam chegando do estrangeiro davam vantagem, com uma maioria muito forte, ao candidato Gabriel Boric. (...) Creio que havia muita confiança de que Kast não passasse à segunda volta. Passar à segunda volta em primeiro lugar é mostrar um país de direita, muito mais de direita do que o próprio país acredita". Neto de um oficial nazi e filho de um ministro da ditadura, Miguel Kast, um dos denominados Chicago Boys, que impôs o modelo ultraliberal no país, José Antonio Kast, 55 anos, obteve 27,95% dos votos na primeira volta e surge como favorito. A investigadora reconhece que o programa político do candidato de extrema-direita representa um retrocesso enorme para o Chile. "Ele quer eliminar leis de protecção das dissidências sexuais, leis de protecção dos animais e tem uma proposta de fazer listas de perseguição política contra activistas de esquerda. Ele não fala de direita, fala de um governo autoritário, fala do seu general. Ele quer dar imunidade a todos os que foram condenados por crimes de lesa-humanidade durante a ditadura. É anti-imigração, quer construir valas junto à fronteira para impedir a entrada de imigrantes no país, quer dar mais direitos às forças de ordem e às forças armadas. No Chile temos o ministério da Mulher e dos Direitos, ele já disse que vai abolir esse ministério. Vai abolir a lei do aborto, impulsionado pelo governo de Michel Bachelet, que é o aborto em três causas: violação; risco de vida para a mulher; ou inviabilidade do feto. É um retrocesso enorme", detalhou. O seu principal adversário é o candidato de esquerda, próximo do partido socialista, que arrecadou 25,71%. Gabriel Boric, 35 anos, que ficou conhecido durante o movimento estudantil nos protestos de 2009 e 2011, promete um Chile mais inclusivo com a instauração dos direitos sociais. Ana Figueiredo admite que o projecto político de Gabriel Boric pode ficar pelo caminho. "Historicamente no Chile quem ganha à primeira volta, ganha na segunda volta. Ontem os candidatos de direita/centro direita disseram que não vão apoiar Boric vão negociar com Kast. Gabriel Boric é muito jovem, foi líder estudantil e chegou a deputado. Boric enquanto foi deputado teve problemas de saúde mental, teve uma baixa psiquiátrica e isso tudo foi usado contra ele", explicou.  Nesta eleição está também em jogo o futuro da Assembleia Constituinte que está a redigir a nova Constituição chilena, devendo ser submetida a referendo em 2023. A esquerda que apoia Boric é a mesma que tem maioria na Assembleia, enquanto que a extrema-direita de Kast é conivente com os crimes da ditadura. Este domingo os chilenos não votaram apenas nas eleições presidenciais, houve eleições para o parlamento, senado e para governadores regionais. Ana Figueiredo reconhece que não há consistência de voto, lembrando que "a pessoa mais votada no senado é uma das vítimas das manifestações que ficou cega, devido à actuação da polícia, e do outro lado surge Kast”. Outra surpresa destas eleições foi o candidato que chegou em terceiro lugar, Franco Parisi, que obteve 12,8%. Franco Parisi conduziu uma campanha a partir dos Estados Unidos , sem nunca colocar os pés no Chile. A docente universitária diz que os eleitores de Parisi poderão determinar o desfecho da segunda volta "Ninguém tem muita informação sobre o programa dele, mas os votantes de Franco Parisi podem decidir a segunda volta. Franco Parisi é anti-imigração, mas nunca deu sinais de anti-narcotráfico. Um tema muito sensível no Chile. É muito difícil saber qual será o passo dele na segunda volta, pois por um lado a agenda anti-imigração dá força a Kast, no entanto algumas das suas promessas eleitorais aproximam-se mais da esquerda”, admite  No próximo dia 19 de Dezembro, José António Kast e Gabriel Bric, defrontam-se na segunda volta. Os chilenos devem escolher entre o regresso aos ideais de Augusto Pinochet ou a recuperação dos valores de Salvador Allende.  "Eu creio que o Chile está a entrar numa situação tão divisória como essa. Se ganha Kast reafirma-se tudo o que é o seu general, a sua Constituição e mais peso para as forças armadas e forças de ordem. Boric tenta dar um país de direitos, mais social. O Chile não é um país de direitos sociais. Sem dúvida, chega a ser fracturante assim", conclui. 

El episodio 1, Busca la conexión de como un personaje importante de la historia de Chile fue el causante de la música como la conocemos hoy en día, y como hubiera afectado el uso regular de los método anticonceptivos en la historia que conocemos, la cual es narrada por 3 personas inmaduras. FUENTES: Documental: la doctrina del shock (Nahomi Klein) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nt44ivcC9rg Neoliberalismo y educación superior en Chile: una mirada crítica al rol desempeñado por el Banco Mundial y los “Chicago Boys” (Oscar Espinoza) Neoliberalismo y educación superior en Chile: una mirada crítica al rol desempeñado por el Banco Mundial y los “Chicago Boys” (redalyc.org) Documental: Pinochet, el otoño de un patriarca https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rNU7wpG4sfQ&t=3753s Pinochet, biografía militar y política (Mario Amoros), ediciones B, 2019 Pinochet. Biografía militar y política - MARIO AMOROS - Google Libros Documental "PINOCHET" // Documentary "Pinochet" //"Пиночет" Документальные - YouTube La falta de educación sexual en Chile. Reflexiones desde una perspectiva de los derechos de la infancia. http://trabajosocial.uahurtado.cl/wp-content/uploads/sites/14/2021/05/La-falta-de-educaci%C3%B3n-sexual-en-Chile.-Reflexiones-desde-perspectiva-de-derechos-de-la-infancia.pdf MODIFICACIÓN A LA LEY N° 20.418. EDUCACIÓN SEXUAL EN CHILE https://www.bcn.cl/delibera/show_iniciativa?id_colegio=2635&idnac=2&patro=0&nro_torneo=2018 70% de los mexicanos están a favor de la educación sexual obligatoria en escuelas públicas: Parametría. https://www.animalpolitico.com/2016/03/70-de-los-mexicanos-a-favor-de-educacion-sexual-obligatoria-en-escuelas-publicas-parametria/ Historia del Condon. https://www.elnuevodiario.com.ni/suplementos/hombre/379366-historia-condon/ La dictadura y la música popular en Chile: los primeros años de plomo. http://resonancias.uc.cl/pt/N%C2%BA-45/la-dictadura-y-la-musica-popular-en-chile-los-primeros-anos-de-plomo-pt.html

"Hay serias dudas si es una medida más de cosmética que no realmente abordar la vulneración" sobre campamentos, migración y derechos conversamos con Isaac Ravetllat, Profesor Asociado de la de la Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales de la Universidad de Talca; "Chicago boys" es un documental de la periodista Carola Fuentes, hoy conversa sobre la publicación del libro que revela más detalles de la historia que comienza en 1955. Conduce Paula Molina.

The Boys are United in Chicago for our first ever Live Episode!

Best known as Chik to his friends, we welcome veteran Chicago firefighter Deputy District Chief Steve Chikerotis to the show as we discuss life, leadership, and the importance of mentoring in the fire service. Chik also shares his work in the motion picture industry, where he started as a consultant during the filming of Backdraft, and today, as a producer, writer, and actor on the hit NBC show Chicago Fire. We thank Chik for taking the time to come on the show and are already planning a second episode dedicated to expanding on the mentoring process and the mental health and wellness issues we face as a profession. Check out his book "Firefighters from the Heart" available from Amazon: https://www.amazon.com/Firefighters-Heart-Stories-Lessons-Learned/dp/1418014230 Chicago Fire will return for its 9th season this Novemer on NBC.

Las amikas están de regreso y debido a la contingencia, decidieron hacer un capítulo lleno de referencias que explican cómo llegamos a las protestas en Chile. La película elegida es "Brazil" del director Terry Gilliam y los documentales "Chicago Boys" y "The Square".

In this Episode, we discuss the major Economic and Political transition that Chile went through during the 70s and 80s, driven by Milton Friedman and the so-called "Chicago Boys".

Brazil's new president Jair Bolsonaro says he doesn't know anything about the economy, so he's delegated economic reforms to a man called Paulo Guedes. Who is he? We ask the BBC's Daniel Gallas in Sao Paulo and speak to Gabriel Ulyssea, Brazilian economist and associate professor in development economics at Oxford University. And Chilean journalist Carola Fuentes tells us the story of the "Chicago Boys" - the free market economists who transformed Chile's economy under military dictatorship.(Photo: Supporters of Jair Bolsonaro celebrate in Brasilia, Credit: Getty Images)