Podcasts about Korea

This week on the Sinica Podcast, I chat with well-known author and public intellectual Yascha Mounk about his recent fascination with China, his approach to learning about the country and learning Chinese, and his thoughts on how China fits into the current crisis of Western liberal democracy.7:15 – Yascha's experience of living in China and learning Chinese12:18 – Yascha's perspective on China's strengths and weaknesses20:12 – China in a global comparative perspective: Generational aspirations and demographic decline29:45 – China's Soft Power vs. Japan, Korea, and the U.S.45:30 – Media narratives on China: have they shifted?54:20 – Western Liberalism confronts China01:07:07 – Backlash & criticism01:11:35 - Polarization and “China as enemy” narrativesRecommendations: Yascha: The Leopard by Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa (book), The Leopard (1963) (movie)Kaiser: A Thousand Small Sanities: The Moral Adventure of Liberalism by Adam Gopnik (book)See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Korea 24 is a daily current affairs show that covers all the biggest stories coming out of South Korea. Every weekday, Korea 24 brings you the latest news updates, as well as in-depth analysis on the most important issues with experts and special guests, providing comprehensive insight into the events on the peninsula.

Catch Michael Yo on is ISSA TRU! Tour! For dates, tickets and more go to http://michaelyo.com/tourPLEASE DO THIS - Give the podcast 5 stars and leave a comment, if you listen on apple click here https://shorturl.at/yhDpyJoin comedian Michael Yo and Rudy Pavich as they dive into everything from the grind of stand-up comedy to the Emmys, Hulk Hogan's family drama, nepo babies in entertainment, and even Paris Hilton's overlooked pop hit. Michael opens up about a vulnerable moment on stage in Houston, the pressure of selling tickets, and balancing heartfelt stories with comedy. Plus: Nate Bargatze's $100k Emmys twist, Brooke Hogan being left out of Hulk Hogan's will, Josh Wolf's son learning comedy the hard way, and Michael's upcoming Dry Bar special and trip to Korea.

In this episode of Summoning Insight, we dive deep into one of the wildest weeks in competitive League of Legends across LCK, LPL, LEC, and LTA/LCS. If you love in-depth League of Legends esports analysis covering LCK playoffs, League of Legends analysis, T1 vs Gen.G, BLG vs TES, and LEC playoffs — this episode is a must-watch! Visit https://www.Kalshi.com and use promo code LFN. Make your first $100 worth of trades and you'll automatically receive a $10 bonus! Sign up for your $1 per month trial and start selling today at https://shopify.com/summoning  Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Korea 24 is a daily current affairs show that covers all the biggest stories coming out of South Korea. Every weekday, Korea 24 brings you the latest news updates, as well as in-depth analysis on the most important issues with experts and special guests, providing comprehensive insight into the events on the peninsula.

Hello Youtube Members, Patreons and Pacific War week by week listeners. Yes this was intended to be an exclusive episode to join the 29 others over on my Youtube Membership and Patreon, but since we are drawing to the end of the Pacific War week by week series, I felt compelled to make some special episodes to answer some of the bigger questions. Why did Japan, or better said, why did Emperor Hirohito decide to finally surrender? It seems obvious on the face of it, but there is actually a lot more to it than bombs or Soviet invasions. I guess you can call this episode a teaser or a shameless plug for going over to my Youtube Membership or Patreon. There's honestly a lot of interesting subjects such as ‘why was the japanese army so brutal”, “Hirohito's war time responsibility”, “the 4 part Kanji Ishiwara series”. Thus if you liked this one please show some love and check out my other stuff on my Youtube Membership or over at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.   Stating all of that lets just jump right into it.   We first need to start off briefly looking at Emperor Hirohito.    Upon taking the throne, Emperor Hirohito in 1926 Hirohito inherited a financial crisis and a military that was increasingly seizing control of governmental policies. From the beginning, despite what many of you older audience members may have been told, Hirohito intensely followed all military decisions. Hirohito chose when to act and when not to. When the Kwantung Army assassinated Zhang Zuolin, he indulged their insubordination. This emboldened them to invade Manchuria in 1931, whereupon Hirohito was furious and demanded they be reigned in. Attempts were made, but they were heavily undermined by radicals. Hirohito could have put his foot down, but he chose not to. On September 22nd, at 4:20pm Hirohito said to the IJA Chief of General staff, Kanaya Hanzo “although this time it couldn't be helped, the army had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito again acquiesced to the military, despite wanting them to stop or at least localize the conflict. The military had disregarded his wishes, they should have been severely punished. Why did Hirohito not take a firmer stance?    Again for older audience members you may have heard, “hirohito was a hostage at the whim of his own military”. This narrative made it seem he was some sort of hostage emperor, but this is not the case at all. In fact Hirohito was instrumental in many military decisions from 1931-1945. The reason this, I will call it “myth” , went on was because after Japan's surrender, the US basically rewrote the Japanese constitution and covered up the Emperor's involvement in all the nasty stuff, to maintain control over Japan. Yeah it sounds a bit conspiracy esque, but I assure you it was indeed the case. This narrative held firm all the way until Hirohito's death, when finally meeting notes and personal accounts from those close to him came out, illuminating a lot. Though to this day, many records are still red -tapped.   The reason Hirohito did not stamp his foot down has to do with the Kokutai.    The Kokutai   So before I carry on, I have to explain what exactly is the Kokutai.    The Kokutai, loosely translated as "national essence," refers to the qualities that distinguish the Japanese identity. However, this concept is remarkably vague and poorly defined; even Japanese historians acknowledge this ambiguity. In contrast to Kokutai is seitai, or "form of government." While the Kokutai embodies the eternal and immutable aspects of Japanese polity—rooted in history, traditions, and customs centered around the Emperor—Japan's seitai has evolved significantly throughout its extensive history. For instance, shoguns governed for over 700 years until 1868, when the Meiji Restoration reinstated direct imperial rule.   Nevertheless, Emperor Meiji's direct authority came to an end with the adoption of the Meiji Constitution in 1889, which established a constitutional monarchy, introducing significant complexities into the governance system.   Article 4 of the constitution declares: “The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, uniting the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, although subject to the consent of the Imperial Diet.” Under this framework, the Emperor alone possessed the power to appoint or dismiss ministers of state, declare war, negotiate peace, conclude treaties, direct national administration, and command the army and navy.   A glaring flaw in this arrangement is the inherent ambiguity of the Meiji Constitution. While it established a democratic parliament, it simultaneously afforded the Emperor absolute authority to usurp it. The document failed to clearly define the relationships between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, and its language was intentionally vague. Most critically, the military—the army and navy—were not directly accountable to the civilian government.    So with the kokutai, the Emperor is a divine figure who embodies the state's sovereignty. It was not necessarily the Emperor's job to surrender on behalf of the official government of Japan, but he most certainly could do so, given the Japanese people still remained faithful to the kokutai.    Now Hirohito did not live an ordinary life. According to the imperial custom, Japanese royals were raised apart from their parents, at the age of 3 he was placed in the care of the Kwamura family who vowed to raise him to be unselfish, persevering in the face of difficulties, respectful of the views of others and immune to fear. One thing that was absolutely indoctrinated into him was to defend the kokutai. It became his top mission as a monarch, it was the only mission in many ways. At the very core of how he saw the world and how he acted, it was always to protect the kokutai.    So when the Japanese military began these insubordinate acts, Hirohito's primary concern was to the kokutai, ie: anything that threatened his imperial authority and the imperial institution itself. Although the military usurped his authority, the operations had been successful. Hirohito was not at all opposed to seeing his empire expand. He understood the value of manchuria, he was fully onboard with the military plans to eventually seize control over it, but these radicals were accelerating things to quickly for everyone's liking. He turned a blind eye, dished light punishments and carried on. However the local conflict escalated. It traveled to Shanghai by 1932 and here Hirohito took action. He understood Shanghai was full of western powers. Nations like Britain and America could place economic sanctions on Japan if things were allowed to get out of hand here. So he ordered General Yoshinori Shirakawa to bring the Shanghai expedition to a close.    During this period, two factions emerged within the Japanese military: the Kodoha, or “Imperial Way,” and the Toseiha, or “Control” faction. The Kodoha was founded by General Sadao Araki and his protégé, Jinzaburo Masaki. Their primary objective was a Shōwa Restoration aimed at purging Japan of corrupt politicians and businessmen, especially those associated with the zaibatsu. Composed mainly of young army officers, the Kodoha espoused a romanticized and radical interpretation of Bushido, idealizing pre-industrial Japan, which Araki believed had been tainted by Western influences. To achieve their goals, they resorted to assassinations and planned a coup d'état.   In response, the Toseiha faction was formed, initially led by Lt. General Tetsuzan Nagata and later by Hideki Tojo. Like the Kodoha, the Toseiha sought a Shōwa Restoration but adopted a more moderate and conservative approach. They recognized the importance of preserving traditional values while integrating Western ideals, advocating for a balanced perspective. The Toseiha promoted pragmatic military strategies to navigate the complexities of modern warfare. Although they acknowledged the existence of corrupt politicians and zaibatsu, they preferred to work within the existing political system, anticipating that future total wars would necessitate a strengthened industrial and military capacity. Their ranks primarily included promising graduates from the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) Academy, Army Staff College, and select naval members. The most significant distinction between the two factions was that the Toseiha explicitly rejected the use of a coup d'état in pursuit of their goals.   Between 1932-1936 radical officers, mostly of the Kodoha faction assassinated politicians and military leaders trying to usher in a showa restoration. You might be led to believe this was in the interest of Hirohito, you would be mistaken. Hirohito did not want a military dictatorship at the whim of the cult of the emperor. Ironic to say, given how WW2 turns out mind you. This really would have been a hostage situation. Hirohito wanted to maintain the exact ambiguous situation that was Showa Era Japan pre 1945. He saw this as the most ideal structure to defend the kokutai, because blame could not be placed solely upon his shoulders. He always maintained a get out of jail free card one could say.    The February 26 incident of 1936, was the climax of the Kodoha faction. They performed a mutiny trying to usher in a SHowa restoration. They assumed when their messenger came to the emperor he would join them and take direct rule. Instead Hirohito was furious. His first thought was the mutineers were trying to enlist his brother Chichibu to overthrow him. He dragged his brother who was a fraternizer amongst the kodoha members mind you, into a meeting, demanding he never associate with them again nor attempt to challenge him. Then Hirohito furious demanded the mutineers be dealt with. At one point he even threatened to lead the imperial guards to put them down. The coup failed, the kodoha faction was destroyed. Ironically the toseiha faction were the ones to do it and thus they became the defacto ruling clique.    The military, especially the kwantung army did not stop with their insubordination.    On July 8th of 1937 the Kwangtung army performed the Marco Polo Bridge incident, ushering in the second sino-japanese war. This was one of many false flag operations they had pulled off over the years. Upon being told about this Hirohito's first response was whether the USSR would invade Manchukuo over the matter. This is what he said to Prime Minister Konoe and army minister Sugiyama “What will you do if the Soviets attack us from the rear?” he asked the prince. Kan'in answered, “I believe the army will rise to the occasion.” The emperor repeated his question: “That's no more than army dogma. What will you actually do in the unlikely event that Soviet [forces] attack?” The prince said only, “We will have no choice.” His Majesty seemed very dissatisfied. Hirohito furious demanded to know what contingency plans existed and his advisors told him before he gave his red seal of approval to invade northern china.   Henceforth he micromanaged a lot of the military decisions going forward and he oversaw the forming and dissolving of numerous cabinets and positions when things went his way or did not in the military and political scene.  Emperor Hirohito was presented with several opportunities to cause cease-fires or peace settlements during the war years. One of the best possible moments to end it all came during the attack on Nanking when Chiang Kai-sheks military were in disarray. On July 11 of 1938, the commander of the 19th division fought a border clash with the USSR known to us in the west as the battle of Lake Khasan. It was a costly defeat for Japan and in the diary of Harada Kumao he noted Hirohito scolded Army minister Itagaki “Hereafter not a single soldier is to be moved without my permission.” When it looked like the USSR would not press for a counter attack across the border, Hirohito gave the order for offensives in China to recommence, again an example of him deciding when to lay down the hammer.   By 1939 the US began threatening sanctions for what Japan was doing in China. Hirohito complained to his chief aide de camp Hata Shunroku on August 5th “It could be a great blow to scrap metal and oil”. Hirohito was livid and scolded many of his top officials and forced the appointment of General Abe to prime minister and demanded of him “to cooperate with the US and Britain and preserve internal order”.   Fast forward a bit, with war raging in Europe Hirohito, on June 19th of 1940 Hirohito asked if chief of staff Prince Kan'in and Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” This question highlighted Hirohito's belief at that time that Germany was close to achieving victory, which led him to gradually consider deploying troops to French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies since neither of those parent nations was in a position to protect their territories and vital resources. Regarding the war in China, the Japanese aimed to stop the flow of materials entering China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicating that Britain would not agree to block the shipment of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military recognized that an invasion of Hong Kong might be necessary, which would mean declaring war on Britain. When this was communicated to him, Hirohito responded, “If that occurs, I'm sure America will enforce an embargo, don't you think?” In response, Kido, the lord of the privy seal, reassured him by stating, “The nation must be fully prepared to resist, proceeding with caution and avoiding being drawn into events instigated by foreign interests.”   Hirohito went through countless meetings, but eventually signed order number 458 authorizing the invasion of French Indochina, knowing full well the consequences. The US,UK and Netherlands began embargoes of oil, rubber and iron. In the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.   On October 13th Hirohito told his closest advisor Koichi Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.”   The reason I am bringing up all this stuff is to solidify, Hirohito had agency, he was micromanaging and forming decisions. After the war broke out with the west, Hirohito did have the ability to stamp his foot down. Of course there could have been wild repercussions, his military could have usurped him with Chichibu, it was definitely possible. But you need to keep this mind set, as far as why Hirohito acts or doesn't, its always to protect the Kokutai. Thus one of the levers for peace, solely rested on Hirohito's perception if the kokutai could be retained or not.    From the outset of the Pacific War, Hirohito believed Germany was going to defeat the USSR. In line with his military leaders, they all believed Japan had to seize everything they could in the asia-pacific and thwart off the US until a negotiated peace could be met. Hirohito committed himself to overseeing the war, determined to achieve victory at any cost. He was a very cautious leader, he meticulously analyzed each campaign, anticipating potential setbacks and crafting worst-case scenario predictions. He maintained a skeptical view of the reports from his senior officials and was often harshly critical of high commanders.   While he did not frequently visit the front lines like other commanders in chief, Hirohito wielded significant influence over theater operations, shaping both planning and execution whenever he deemed necessary. Similar to his approach during the war in China, he issued the highest military orders from the Imperial Headquarters, conducted audited conferences, and made decisions communicated under his name. He regularly welcomed generals and admirals to the imperial palace for detailed briefings on the battlefront and visited various military bases, battleships, and army and naval headquarters. His inspections encompassed military schools and other significant military institutions, adding to his comprehensive involvement in the war effort.   Now the war went extremely well for Japan until the battle of Midway. This was as major setback, but Japan retained the initiative. Then the Guadalcanal campaign saw Japan lose the initiative to the Americans. Upon receiving the initial report of the Ichiki detachment's destruction, Hirohito remarked, “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” Despite the numerous reports detailing the devastating effects of tropical diseases and starvation on his troops, he persistently demanded greater efforts from them. Hirohito exerted continuous pressure on his naval and land commanders to retake the island. On September 15th, November 5th, and November 11th, he requested additional Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) troops and aircraft to be allocated to the cause.   General Sugiyama expressed concerns about dispatching more IJA pilots due to their inexperience in transoceanic combat, preferring to reinforce the North China Army for an attack on Chongqing instead. Hirohito pressed the issue again, but Sugiyama responded that the IJA had diverted its air resources to New Guinea and Rabaul. Undeterred by the objections from senior commanders, Hirohito persisted in his demands. By late November, it became evident that Guadalcanal was a lost cause.   At an Imperial Headquarters conference on December 31st, 1942, the chiefs of staff proposed canceling the attempts to recapture Guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned this decision but stated, “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” He insisted on this point, leading to the selection of new strategic targets in the Solomons, north of New Georgia, and in the Stanley Range on New Guinea. Hirohito even threatened to withhold authorization for withdrawing troops from Guadalcanal until a new plan was established. He later opposed the withdrawal from Munda Airfield, as it contradicted the newly defined defensive line.   As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern Solomons began to crumble, Hirohito continued to insist that the navy engage in decisive battles to regain the initiative, allowing for the transport of supplies to the many soldiers trapped on various islands. When he learned of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd, he asked, “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for a while.” The phrase “Do this for me” would come to be his signature rallying cry.   After Guadal canal, it was loss after loss for Japan. By February of 1944, Hirohito forced Sugiyama to resign so Hideki Tojo could take his position as chief of the general staff, note Tojo was prime minister and army minister at this point. Hirohito worked alongside Tojo to plan some last ditch efforts to change the war situation. The most significant one was Operation Ichi-Go. As much damage as they did to China with that, Chiang Kai-Shek's government survived. Hirohito watched as island by island fell to the Americans. When the Americans were poised to take Saipan he warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” Saipan fell, so Hirohito stopped supporting Tojo and allowed his rivals to take down his cabinet by june 18th of 1944.    Hirohito remained resolute in his determination to wrest victory from the Allies. On October 18th, the Imperial Headquarters ordered a decisive naval engagement, leading to the Battle of Leyte Gulf. After the war, Hirohito publicly stated, "Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I consented to the showdown battle at Leyte, believing that if we launched an attack and America hesitated, we might find an opportunity to negotiate." Leyte Gulf didnt work. The military began the kamikaze program. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?” On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    The Surrender time   Now we come to the time period where Japan seriously began looking for ways to surrender. In Europe Germany was heading to its defeat and Japan knew this. As for Japan, their army in Burma had been annihilated. Their forces in China were faring better after Operation Ichi-go, having opened up a land corridor along the main railway from Beiping to Wuhan and from throughout Guangdong but still stuck in a deadlock stalemate, facing a guerrilla war that was costing them 64% of their military expenditures. They deeply feared once the Soviets finished up with Germany, they would undoubtedly turn east against Manchuria. With the Soviets attacking from the north, the US would attack from the south, perhaps landing in Shanghai and the home islands. The Kamikaze tactics were proving formidable, but not nearly enough. By 1945, 43% of the IJA were now stationed in Japan, Korea and Formosa, bracing for the final stand. Former prime minister Reijiro Wakatsuki came out of retirement in may of 1945, having heard Germany collapsed, to urge Hirohito and the Prime Minister Kantaro Suzuki to open negotiations with the US as soon as possible. However he also said “the enemy must first be made to see the disadvantages of continuing the war”. To this Hirohito's chief counselor Makino Nobuaki said that “the ultimate priority is to develop an advantageous war situation.” Advisor admiral Kesiuke Okada said Japan should wait for “a moment favorable for us,” then make peace. Advisors Kiichiro Hiranuma and Koki Hirota advised the emperor to fight on until the end.   Now I want to bring in a key player to the surrender decision, that of Prince Konoe. Konoe was very close to Hirohito and understood the emperors mentality, especially how he viewed things in relation to the kokutai.    The senior statesman Prince Konoe had been consulting with Hirohito for over 18 months at this point trying to convey the message that if the war continued it would threaten the kokutai. Many months prior, he confided in the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, that the army was suffering from “a cancer” in the form of the Toseiha faction. However, he noted that “Kido and others” did not share his perspective, while “his Majesty is relatively unconcerned with ideological issues.” For the past four years, he continued, the emperor had been advised and still believed that “the true extremists are the Kodoha faction.” In reality, the greater threat to the kokutai arose from the Toseiha faction. Konoe further asserted that if the war escalated, they would attempt to alter the kokutai.   Konoe speculated that whether the threat originated from communists within the nation, primarily referring to left-wing radicals in the Toseiha faction, or from the “Anglo-American enemy,” both would seek to preserve the emperor while pushing towards the country's communization.In his written report to the emperor on February 14, which Kido listened to attentively, Konoe elaborated on his conspiracy theory. He asserted that the Soviet Union regarded Japan as its primary threat in East Asia. The Soviets had allied with the Chinese Communists, the largest and most formidable Communist party in Asia, and were collaborating with the United States and Britain to drive Japan out of China. He warned that they would enter the war when the opportunity arose.   Defeat, he cautioned the emperor, was inevitable if the conflict persisted. However, he emphasized that a far greater fear was the potential destruction of the kokutai. The ongoing war was eroding the domestic status quo, unleashing forces that threatened Japan and its imperial institution from within as much as from external adversaries. The real danger lay in the emperor's and Kido's trust in the generals of the Toseiha faction, who were unintentionally facilitating the communization of Japan. Konoe implored for a swift peace settlement before a Communist revolution emerged, making the preservation of the kokutai impossible. Hirohito agreed with Konoe but stated “ To end the war would be “very difficult unless we make one more military gain.” Konoe allegedly replied, “Is that possible? It must happen soon. If we have to wait much longer, . . . [a mere battle victory] will mean nothing.” Hirohito replied “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.”   On February 15th of 1945, Hirohito's intelligence warned the Soviet Union would likely abrogate its Neutrality Pact with Japan. Even Tojo conceded there was a 50/50 chance the USSR would invade Manchuria. In March, the US began B-29 incendiary bombing raids over Tokyo, turning 40% of the capital into ash. On March 18th, Hirohito with some aides drove around the capital to witness the devastation. The civilians looked exhausted and bewildered to Hirohito. Factory production was collapsing, absenteeism was rising, instances of lese majeste were running rampant. For the next 5 months imperial family members and senior statesmen all began speaking to Hirohito about the “crises of the kokutai”. The threat Konoe had warned about for months was becoming the main talking point. It seemed like the Japanese people within the countryside and urban areas remained steadfast in the resolve to obey their leaders, work and sacrifice for their nation, but for how long would they feel so?    It was only after the battle for Okinawa was lost and 60 Japanese cities had been leveled by American incendiary bombs that Hirohito openly indicated he wanted to negotiate a surrender.   Kido's diary reveals the first clear indication that the emperor might be urged to consider an early peace on June 8, 1945, when Kido drafted his “Draft Plan for Controlling the Crisis Situation.” This marked a pivotal moment. It followed the unintentional bombing of the Imperial Palace, the complete loss of hope for saving Okinawa, and coincided with the day the Supreme War Leadership Council adopted the “Basic Policy for the Future Direction of the War.” With the fighting in Europe concluded, Japan found itself entirely isolated. Kido's plan, although vague, proposed seeking the Soviet Union's assistance as an intermediary to help Japan gain leverage in negotiations with its adversaries. By drafting this plan, Kido signaled the end of his long alliance with the military hard-liners. Hirohito's acceptance of it indicated his readiness for an early peace.   Hirohito was moved to an underground bunker in the mountains of Matsushiro in Nagano prefecture where upon those around him noted he fell into a deep depression. On June 22nd  Hirohito informed the Supreme War Leadership Council he wanted them to open diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. In early July Soviet Ambassador Jacob Malik broke off inconclusive talks with Hirota. Hirohito stepped in immediately and ordered a new special envoy be sent to Moscow. However Hirohito nor the Suzuki government had concrete plans on how to mediate a surrender through the Soviets. The only things they did prioritize was a guarantee of the emperors political position and retainment of the imperial system, ie the kokutai. This was taken into consideration rather than ending the war as quickly as possible to save the lives of millions.    From April 8, 1945, until Japan's capitulation, the Suzuki government's chief war policy was “Ketsugo,” an advanced iteration of the “Shosango” (Victory Number 3) plan for defending the homeland. The hallmark of this strategy was a heavy reliance on suicide tactics, including deploying a massive number of kamikaze “special attack” planes, human torpedoes launched from submarines, dynamite-stuffed “crash boats” powered by truck engines, human rocket bombs carried by aircraft, and suicide assaults by specially trained ground units.   While preparations for Operation Ketsu progressed, the Imperial Diet convened on June 9 to pass a Wartime Emergency Measures Law, along with five additional measures aimed at mobilizing the entire nation for this final battle. On the same day, the emperor, who had yet to initiate efforts to end the war, issued another imperial rescript in conjunction with the Diet's convocation, instructing the nation to “smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations” and “achieve the goals of the war.” Concurrently, the controlled press launched a daily die-for-the-emperor campaign to foster gratitude for the imperial benevolence and, from around mid-July onward, initiated a campaign to “protect the kokutai.”   The Americans countered with their own propaganda aimed at breaking Japan's will to fight. B-29 bombers dropped millions of leaflets written in Japanese, announcing the next scheduled targets for bombing raids and urging surrender, while using the emperor to challenge the militarists. Leaflets bearing the chrysanthemum crest criticized the “military cliques” for “forcing the entire nation to commit suicide” and called on “everyone” to “exercise their constitutional right to make direct appeals [for peace] to the Emperor.” They asserted that “even the powerful military cliques cannot stop the mighty march for peace of the Emperor and the people.” One notable batch of seven million leaflets conveyed the terms of the “joint declaration” issued by the United States, Great Britain, and China. “Today we come not to bomb you,” they stated. “We are dropping this leaflet to inform you of the response from the United States government to your government's request for conditions of surrender.... Whether the war stops immediately depends on your government. You will understand how to end the war if you read these two official notifications.”   Amid pressures from imperial edicts to continue preparations for a final battle and focus solely on victory, the Japanese people were also subjected to an intense American psychological warfare campaign in addition to aerial bombardment. During late July and August, prefectural governors, police chiefs, and officers of the “special higher police” submitted reports to the Home Ministry detailing the rapidly deteriorating national morale.    Now on the other side, Roosevelt made it known back in January of 1943 at the Casablanca conference, the allies would only accept unconditional surrender. By 1945, the allies understood the predicament this left Japan with. On May 8th of 1945, Truman added “Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people” trying to indicate a non vindictive spirit. However the Kokutai question always remained ambiguous. State Department Joseph Grew, the former ambassador to Japan, began arguing to Truman they needed to make public a clear definition of the terms to persuade Japan to surrender. As he argued to Truman: Emperor Hirohito was seen as the key figure in Japan's surrender, likened to a "queen bee in a hive... surrounded by the attentions of the hive." Throughout the war, he was characterized in various ways—as a “puppet” of the militarists, a constitutional monarch, and a pacifist. Grew had immense faith in the influence exerted by what he referred to as the “moderates” surrounding the Japanese throne.    However many of Grew's colleagues argued the future existence of the monarchy was intolerable as it was akin to fascism. Many wanted to punish the emperor. Truman was in a tug of war. The Potsdam declaration issued on July 26th of 1945 came in the form of a ultimatum aiming to quicken japans surrender. Truman clarified the terms for the unconditional surrender at the end of its terms: "We call upon the government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction." Zero mention of the emperor. Grew had argued to add “this may include a constitutional monarchy under the present dynasty.” But it was deleted from the article. The status of the emperor was not guaranteed, the kokutai was thus up in the air.    The next day, the Suzuki cabinet rejected the terms. The Japanese leadership and Hirohito were still banking and awaiting Soviet replies to their terms.    Lets talk about the Soviet talks now   Back on July 12th ambassador Naotake Satō sent this message to the Soviets: “His Majesty the Emperor, mindful of the fact that the present war daily brings greater evil and sacrifice upon the peoples of all the belligerent powers, desires from his heart that it may be quickly terminated. But so long as England and the United States insist upon unconditional surrender, the Japanese Empire has no alternative but to fight on with all its strength for the honor and existence of the Motherland”.  However the Soviets had made commitments to their allies, promising in fact to invade Japan to aid them.    As for the Soviets their primary objective was to ensure unrestricted access to the Pacific Ocean. The year-round ice-free areas of the Soviet Pacific coastline, particularly Vladivostok, could be blockaded by air and sea from Sakhalin Island and the Kurile Islands. Securing these territories to guarantee free access to the Soya Strait was their main goal. Secondary objectives included acquiring leases for the Chinese Eastern Railway, the Southern Manchuria Railway, as well as gaining control over Dairen and Port Arthur.   To achieve these aims, Stalin and Molotov prolonged negotiations with the Japanese, creating a false sense of hope for a Soviet-mediated peace. Simultaneously, in their discussions with the United States and Britain, the Soviets insisted on strict adherence to the Cairo Declaration, which had been reaffirmed at the Yalta Conference. This declaration stipulated that the Allies would not accept a separate or conditional peace with Japan; thus, the Japanese would need to surrender unconditionally to all the Allies. The Soviets aimed to prolong the war by opposing any efforts to dilute this requirement. This approach would provide the Soviets with the necessary time to complete the transfer of their troops from the Western Front to the Far East and to conquer Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, northern Korea, South Sakhalin, the Kuriles, and potentially Hokkaidō, starting with an assault on Rumoi. AUGUST 1945   Thus we come to at last the critical point, August of 1945.    The Americans prepared for the deployment of atomic bombs and for an invasion of southern Kyushu, known as Operation Olympic, scheduled to commence on November 1. At 8:15 A.M. on August 6, a single B-29 bomber, the Enola Gay dropped little boy, devastating much of the undefended city of Hiroshima, instantly killing an estimated 100,000 to 140,000 people and leading to the deaths of possibly another 100,000 over the next five years. At the epicenter of the explosion, “a light appeared 3,000 times brighter than the sun,” creating a fireball that emitted thermal radiation capable of “instantly scorching humans, trees, and houses.” As the air heated and rushed upward, cold air surged in to ignite a firestorm. Hours later, a whirlwind escalated the flames to their peak until more than eight square miles were virtually reduced to cinders. Subsequently, black, muddy rain filled with radioactive fallout began to fall. Two days later, using Japan's rejection of the Potsdam Declaration as a pretext, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan. Then on August 9, the United States dropped a second atomic bomb on Nagasaki, resulting in the immediate deaths of approximately 35,000 to 40,000 people and injuring more than 60,000.   Meanwhile, in Tokyo, during the critical period between the Potsdam Declaration and the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Emperor Hirohito remained silent about accepting the Potsdam terms. However, on July 25 and 31, he explicitly conveyed to Kido that the imperial regalia must be defended at all costs. The three sacred objects—a mirror, a curved jewel, and a sword—symbolized the legitimacy of his rule through the northern court and were integral to his identity as the divine sovereign. Hirohito's focus was on protecting these symbols of office, as he insisted on having them brought to the palace. This fixation on maintaining his symbols occurred during a pivotal moment when the pressing issue was whether to accept immediate capitulation. Reflecting on this, he was unprepared to seize the opportunity to end the war himself.   Prime Minister Suzuki, following his initial rejection of the Potsdam ultimatum, also saw no need for further action. His Cabinet Advisory Council, which included the president of Asano Cement, the founder of the Nissan consortium, the vice president of the Bank of Japan, and other representatives from the nation's leading business interests that had profited significantly from the war, convened on the morning of August 3. They recommended accepting the Potsdam terms, arguing that the United States would permit Japan to retain its non-military industries and continue participating in world trade.    Here are some reactions to the two bombs and invasion of Manchuria.    Yonai Mitsumasa said to admiral Takagi Sokichi, on August 12, that “I think the term is perhaps inappropriate, but the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war are, in a sense, gifts from the gods [tenyu, also “heaven-sent blessings”]. This way we don't have to say that we quit the war because of domestic circumstances. I've long been advocating control of our crisis, but neither from fear of an enemy attack nor because of the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war. The main reason is my anxiety over the domestic situation. So, it is rather fortunate that we can now control matters without revealing the domestic situation”.    Konoe's characterized the Soviet involvement in the war as “a godsend for controlling the army,”. Kido viewed of both the atomic bombings and the Soviet entry into the conflict as “useful” elements for ensuring a smooth transition. A nascent power struggle was unfolding, rendering the potential death toll—whether one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand—immaterial to those involved, as long as their desired outcome was achieved: an end to the war that would leave the monarchy intact and capable of managing the discontent that defeat would inevitably provoke. Throughout the final acts of this wartime drama, the Japanese “moderates” found it easier to capitulate to external pressures than to take decisive action on their own to conclude the war.   Another illuminating looks at Japan's elite's perspective on surrender terms was the document titled “Essentials of Peace Negotiations” (wahei kosho no yoryo). Drafted by Konoe and his adviser, retired Lt. Gen. Sakai Koji, after Konoe had reluctantly accepted a mission to Moscow, this document, stipulated the preservation of the emperor system, along with most of the imperial prerogatives, as the absolute minimum condition for peace. It defined the “original” or “essential homeland” as including the southern half of the Kurile Islands but showed a willingness to concede all overseas territories to the enemy, including Okinawa and the American-occupied Bonin Islands, as well as the southern half of Sakhalin. The “Essentials” also accepted complete disarmament for an unspecified period, thereby compromising on the issues of demobilizing and disarming the armed forces. More significantly, an “explanation” attached to the “Essentials” emphasized that “the main aim is to secure the imperial line and maintain the political role of the emperor.”    Why Japan surrendered   We come to it atleast after a long podcast. Why did Japan ultimately surrender?   The twin psychological shocks of the first atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war, combined with Kido's and the emperor's concern over escalating public criticism of the throne and its occupant, fueled an almost paranoid fear that, sooner or later, the populace would react violently against their leaders if the war persisted much longer. These factors ultimately led Hirohito to accept, in principle, the terms of the Potsdam Declaration.   At the first meeting of the six member constituents of the Supreme War Leadership Council, held from 10:30 A.M. to 1:00 P.M. on August 9, Army Minister Anami Korechika, Chiefs of Staff Umezu Yoshijiro, representing the army, and Yonai, representing the navy, along with Tōgō, from the Foreign Ministry, were expected to discuss the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. Instead, the conversation revolved around whether to attempt a conditional surrender—specifically, should they insist on one condition, the preservation of the kokutai, or four?   After Suzuki addressed the assembly regarding the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and the Soviet attack, Yonai, as recounted by Navy Chief of Staff Toyoda, was the first to speak, framing the issue in terms of four conditions. “Let's start to talk, Do we accept the Potsdam Declaration with no conditions? If not, and we wish to insist on attaching hopes and conditions, we may do so this way. First, preservation of the kokutai; then for the rest, the main items in the Potsdam Declaration: treatment of war criminals, method of disarmament, and the matter of sending in an army of occupation.” Thus, the participants identified what they perceived to be the ambiguous points within the Potsdam Declaration and used them as the foundation for their discussions.   The army insisted on four conditions: First, the preservation of the kokutai, which they considered distinct from the Potsdam Declaration itself. The other conditions proposed were, second, that the Imperial Headquarters assume responsibility for disarmament and demobilization; third, a prohibition on occupation; and fourth, the delegation of the punishment of war criminals to the Japanese government. The army equated the kokutai with the emperor's right of supreme command. Their self-serving desire for autonomous war crimes trials was based on the belief that the Allies would use such trials to politically indict the military. Consequently, army leaders aimed to preempt the activities of any international tribunal by conducting their own trials—similar to the approach taken by the uninvaded and unrepentant Germans after World War I.   Supporting the military's views during cabinet meetings that day were three civilian members of the Suzuki cabinet: Justice Minister Matsuzaka Hiromasa, Home Minister Yasui Toji, and Minister of Health Okada Tadahiko. At the imperial conference that night, which extended into the early hours of the tenth, Foreign Minister Tōgō's interpretation of the “preservation of the kokutai” referred solely to the safeguarding of the Imperial House or dynasty, rather than the continuation of Hirohito's reign.   Hiranuma, another advocate for the single condition, interpreted the kokutai as the “emperor's sovereign right to rule the state [not] deriving from national law. Even if the entire nation is sacrificed to the war, we must preserve both the kokutai and the security of the imperial house.” This discrepancy illustrated that there was no completely unified understanding of what the kokutai entailed; the debate over one condition versus four represented conflicting visions for the future of the Japanese state and masked the competition for political power that was already unfolding.   It remains doubtful whether the emperor and Kido initially sided with Tōgō against the four conditions proposed by the senior military leaders. A more likely inference is that both men retained sympathies for the hardliners, both military and civilian, who preferred to continue the futile war rather than surrender immediately and unconditionally. This may explain why, on August 9, Konoe had Hosokawa Morisada approach Navy General Headquarters to urge the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, to pressure Hirohito (through Kido) to accept the Potsdam terms. Later that afternoon, Konoe enlisted the help of diplomat Shigemitsu Mamoru to persuade Kido to reconsider his stance on the four conditions. Ultimately, at the urging of Takamatsu and Shigemitsu, Kido did shift to support Tōgō's position.   At the end of the war, as at its beginning and throughout every stage of its progression, Emperor Hirohito played a highly active role in supporting the actions carried out in his name. From the very beginning of the Asia-Pacific war, the emperor played a significant role in the unfolding events around him. Prior to the Battle of Okinawa, he consistently advocated for a decisive victory. Afterward, he acknowledged the necessity of pursuing an early peace, although he did not favor an immediate cessation of hostilities. Instead, he wavered, steering Japan toward ongoing warfare rather than direct negotiations with the Allies. When the final crisis fully unfolded, the only option left was unconditional surrender. Even then, he continued to procrastinate until the atomic bomb was dropped and the Soviets launched their attack. The wartime emperor ideology that once sustained morale made it exceedingly difficult for Japan's leaders to accept the act of surrender. Aware of their objective defeat, yet indifferent to the suffering the war inflicted on their own people—as well as on the populations of Asia, the Pacific, and the West whose lives they had disrupted—the emperor and his military leaders sought a means to lose without appearing to lose. They aimed to mitigate domestic criticism following surrender while preserving their power structure.   Blinded by their fixation on the fate of the imperial house and committed to an overly optimistic diplomacy toward the Soviet Union, Japan's leaders missed several opportunities to end their lost war. Would Japan's leaders have surrendered more promptly if the Truman administration had “clarified” the status of the emperor before the cataclysmic double shocks of the atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war? Probably not. However, it is likely they would have surrendered to prevent the kokutai from being destroyed from within. The evidence suggests that the first atomic bomb and the Soviet declaration of war led Hirohito, Kido, and other members of the court to believe that continuing the war would inevitably result in that destruction. They recognized that the populace was war-weary and despondent, with rising hostility toward the military and the government, accompanied by increasing criticism of the emperor himself. More specifically, Kido and Hirohito were privy to Home Ministry reports, which contained information from governors and police chiefs nationwide. These reports indicated that citizens were beginning to label the emperor as an incompetent leader responsible for the deteriorating war situation.   This is the third variable, never spoken about. Many first look at the atomic bombs. Bigger brain people turn to the Soviet Invasion of Manchuria. But hardly anyone reads about how the collapse of Japan's social fabric, scared the shit out of the Emperor and his closest advisors. You can't have a kokutai, without a populace that worshiped you.    When the emperor expressed in February, “What worries me is whether the nation [could] endure” long enough to achieve victory, he was not merely voicing concern for the suffering of his subjects; rather, he feared that such suffering could lead to social upheaval—in short, revolution. At that time, he referred to the ordinary, war-related hardships of food shortages, air raids, devastated cities, destruction of homes, and the omnipresent grief from the loss of loved ones. The atomic bomb escalated death, pain, and suffering to unimaginably higher levels, intensifying the threat from within. After the bombings of Japan and two atomic bombs, Hirohito was in a dark way, given a golden get out of jail free card. Hirohito could now save his suffering people from further anguish by surrendering, allowing him to deflect responsibility for leading them into misery while adopting an air of benevolence and care. Indeed, Hirohito did care—though not primarily for the Japanese people, but rather for the survival of his own imperial house and throne.   After the bombing of Hiroshima, Hirohito delayed for a full two days before instructing Kido, shortly before 10 A.M. on August 9, to “quickly control the situation” because “the Soviet [Union]” had declared war. Kido immediately communicated with Prime Minister Suzuki, who began arrangements for an Imperial Conference scheduled for later that night. Following the seidan of August 10, Chief Cabinet Secretary Sakomizu took charge of drafting the “Imperial Rescript Ending the War” based on Hirohito's directives. Assisted by two scholars of the Chinese classics, Kawada Mizuho and Yasuoka Masahiro, Sakomizu worked tirelessly for over three days before submitting a version of the rescript to the Suzuki cabinet. After six hours of contentious discussion on the night of August 14, the cabinet modified and approved the document. Hirohito promptly signed it, and Shimomura and Kido persuaded him to record a suitably opaque final version for broadcast to the nation.   On the night of August 14, the Suzuki government notified the United States and other Allied nations that it had accepted both the Potsdam Declaration and the Byrnes letter of August 11. Accelerating the emperor's actions during this climactic moment of the unconditional surrender drama was the American psychological warfare campaign. When a leaflet dropped from B-29 bombers came into Kido's possession on the night of August 13 or the morning of the fourteenth, he conferred with the emperor and explained the gravity of the situation. The latest enemy leaflets were informing the Japanese people of the government's notification of surrender under one condition, along with the full text of Byrnes's response. If this continued, it would undermine the imperial government's reliance on secrecy to obscure the true nature of the lost war and the reasons for the prolonged surrender delay.   Given Kido's and the emperor's concerns about rising signs of defeatism, including criticism of the throne, immediate action was necessary to prevent the populace from acting on their own initiative. Thus, the second seidan was convened. At noon on August 15, the Japanese people gathered around their radio receivers and heard, for the first time, the high-pitched voice of their emperor telling them:    “After pondering deeply the general trends of the world and the actual conditions obtaining in Our Empire today, We have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered Our Government to communicate to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union that Our Empire accepts the provisions of their Joint Declaration. To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations as well as the security and well-being of Our subjects is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by Our Imperial Ancestors and which lies close to Our heart. Indeed, We declared war on America and Britain out of Our sincere desire to ensure Japan's self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from Our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement. But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Despite the best that has been done by everyone—the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of Our servants of the State, and the devoted service of Our one hundred million people—the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan's advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interest. Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable”.   Clearly Hirohito sought to justify his decision to surrender by citing the dropping of the atomic bombs. He wanted to become the saviour of the Japanese people. Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai.  Interestingly, the surrender declaration to the civilian population was not the same one sent to the military. On August 17th Hirohito issued a second “rescript to soldiers and sailors” throughout the asia-pacific.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The lesser-known August 17 rescript to the army and navy specified Soviet participation as the sole reason for surrender, while maintaining the kokutai as the primary aim. Dissembling until the end—and even beyond—it was noted that the emperor presented two different justifications for his delayed surrender. Both statements were likely true.   Months later Hirohito's said this about his decision to surrender “The main motive behind my decision at that time was that if we . . . did not act, the Japanese race would perish and I would be unable to protect my loyal subjects [sekishi—literally, “children”]. Second, Kido agreed with me on the matter of defending the kokutai. If the enemy landed near Ise Bay, both Ise and Atsuta Shrines would immediately come under their control. There would be no time to transfer the sacred treasures [regalia] of the imperial family and no hope of protecting them. Under these circumstances, protection of the kokutai would be difficult. For these reasons, I thought at the time that I must make peace even at the sacrifice of myself.”    There exists this sort of childish argument today whether it was the atomic bombs or the Soviet Invasion that caused Japan to surrender. However, this overlooks as I think I've explained in 9000 words jeez, the influence of the kokutai. Defending the kokutai was Hirohito's number one priority. The Soviets threatened it. Communism threatened it. What Japan perceived to be “democracy” threatened it. American victory threatened it. And the destruction of Japan's social fabric threatened it. I love this one piece of history, that I have only come across in one book, that being the main one I am using here.   On August 12th, Hirohito came to the imperial family to tell them he had made the decision to surrender. His uncle Prince Yasuhiko Asaka asked him whether the war would be continued if the kokutai could not be preserved. Hirohito replied “of course”.

In episode 217, host Galit Friedlander and guest Ana Rokafella Garcia (legendary b-girl, co-founder of Full Circle Productions, choreographer, filmmaker, and adjunct professor at The New School), dive into the history, evolution, and impact of hip-hop. From growing up in New York City during the fires, crack epidemic, and AIDS crisis to discovering her voice in cyphers and clubs, Rokafella shares how dance carved out a future for her. She reflects on commercialization, gender dynamics, and visibility in the scene, while urging today's dancers to stay grounded in the culture's foundations. The conversation also touches on breaking at the Olympics, the tension between competition and community, and why hip-hop's resilience continues to guide her work. Follow Galit: Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/gogalit Website - https://www.gogalit.com/ On-Demand Fitness Courses - https://galit-s-school-0397.thinkific.com/collections Follow Rokafella: Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/larokafella Website - https://larokasoul.com/ Full Circle: https://www.instagram.com/fullcirclesouljahs Behind the Groove: https://www.instagram.com/behindthegroovenyc/ All the Ladies Say: https://www.instagram.com/alltheladiessay Listen to DanceSpeak on Apple Podcasts and Spotify.

We complete the holy trinity of Maxwells Trading by sitting down with their Executive Chef, Chris Jung. Born in Korea, raised across Alaska, Jersey, and Virginia, he ditched pre-law for the kitchen and never looked back -- and we're lucky he did, because his food plays a major role in defining Maxwells' compelling identity. He tells us all about that journey, from grueling training in Japan and celebrity-filled nights at Mataro to building Maxwells from the ground up with Erling and Josh. This one's a ride -- we're talking his grind as a workhorse in a Japanese restaurant, bidet destroyers, almost getting a law degree, and so much more.

Welcome to Season 5, Episode 37! Today we continue with the second part of The History of The Secret War in Laos. We highly recommend going back to listen to Part 1. That's where you'll hear about the Cold War motivations behind U.S. involvement in Laos, the rise of General Vang Pao and the Hmong Secret Army, and the massive bombing campaign that made Laos the most heavily bombed country per capita in history. In this episode, we'll talk about the aftermath once the war ended… from re-education camps for the Lao and Hmong soldiers who fought on the side of the Americans, to the massive amount of UXO clean-up, to the refugee crisis. We also share some of the challenges with the current administrations policy of revoking temporary refugee status for many in the community. To learn more about some of the organizations helping with clean-up and education, checkout Legacies of War, Mines Advisory Group, or the Southeast Asia Resource Action Center. You can learn about all three and support them through donations. For our recurring segment, we talk about Netflix's most popular show ever… Kpop Demon Hunters. Kpop now goes beyond Korea, and with several prominent Korean American voice actors, this show definitely resonated with people who find relevance with the “third culture” experience. Whether you watch it for the story, action, music, or Kpop scenes, it's a show that is resonating with a lot of people! If you like what we do, please share, follow, and like us in your podcast directory of choice or on Instagram @AAHistory101. For previous episodes and resources, please visit our site at https://asianamericanhistory101.libsyn.com or our links at http://castpie.com/AAHistory101. If you have any questions, comments or suggestions, email us at info@aahistory101.com. Segments 00:25 Intro and Catching Up 06:36 The History of The Secret War in Laos Part 2 15:14 What Are We Watching? Kpop Demon Hunters!!!

Korea 24 is a daily current affairs show that covers all the biggest stories coming out of South Korea. Every weekday, Korea 24 brings you the latest news updates, as well as in-depth analysis on the most important issues with experts and special guests, providing comprehensive insight into the events on the peninsula.

We're live from Korea to review one of the most talked-about Korean action-thrillers of the year, Project Wolf Hunting. Director Kim Hong-sun's latest film is a visceral, non-stop gore-fest that's perfect for fans of extreme cinema.Join us as we talk about the film's brutal plot and its place in the world of South Korean horror and action. Whether you've already seen it or are looking for your next bloody obsession, this episode is a must-listen for anyone interested in new Korean movies, action thrillers, and extreme cinema.Music:Redline by Creatormix.comAll additional  music provided by Groove Witness - ⁠www.groovewitness.usCreate your ⁠podcast⁠ today! #madeonzencasterRead our companion written reviews - imgur.com/user/trojaSpaceBandit

“There's a really good chance that a young person's parents—or even their friends—don't even know that this individual is building a relationship with these chatbots. And that's where the danger exists.” Tech expert Amber Mac is on the advisory board of Rally, a new tech festival in Toronto dedicated to digital wellness for teens. She desperately wants parents to know the reasons why their kids are talking to AI, and the dangers of manipulative chatbots pretending to be their friends. -- The BetaKit Podcast is presented by K-GLOBE 2025: Be part of the global innovation exchange. Meet 18 of Korea's top startups in AI, Deep Tech, Smart City, and ESS as they land in Toronto for K-GLOBE 2025. Featured at the Elevate Festival and an exclusive investor showcase, this is your chance to connect with the next wave of world-changing companies. Learn more and register today at thewaycompany.ca. -- Related Links: AI companion apps are incredibly effective emotional manipulators Report: one-third of US teens have used AI companions for emotional and mental health support More Ontario school boards file suits against social media giants Parents of teenager who took his own life sue OpenAI Meta is struggling to rein in its AI chatbots OpenAI announces parental controls for ChatGPT  

Flare's FAssets, XDC's Surge, and the Battle for Free Speech Flare continues its momentum with overcollateralized FAssets and the launch of Flamix, giving users new ways to trade perps with any token as collateral. At the same time, XDC has outpaced Bitcoin and Ethereum in growth, fueled by billions in real-world assets coming on-chain. We also cover the week's biggest geopolitical and cultural flashpoints: tensions in Poland and Korea, debates on free speech from Oxford to Stephen King, and the Hodgetwins' explosive commentary. From crypto innovation to global politics colliding, join us for another unfiltered discussion on On The Chain. SUPPORT ON THE CHAIN GRAB A BADASS YETIS COFFEE – Fuel your crypto grind! ☕ Visit: otc.one/BadassYetisBrew MINT YOUR BADASS YETIS NFT – Own a piece of the legend! Visit: otc.one/mint OTC MERCH IS HERE! – Represent the community in style! Visit: onthechain.shop BUY US A COFFEE – Help keep the content flowing! Visit: otc.one/buy-us-a-coffee JOIN THE CHANNEL – Get exclusive perks & behind-the-scenes content! Visit: otc.one/join ********** ON THE CHAIN – CONNECT WITH US! Listen to the OTC Podcast – Never miss an update! Visit: otc.one/podcast Visit Our Website – The home of crypto insights! Visit: onthechain.io Follow OTC on Twitter – Stay updated in real time! Visit: otc.one/otc Join the OTC Community on Twitter – Be part of the discussion! Visit: twitter.com/i/communities/1599435678995062788 ********** FOLLOW THE OTC TEAM Follow Jeff on Twitter:

Donald Trump is imposing tariffs and unequal treaties on longtime allies in Europe, Japan, and South Korea, forcing them to pay and move their factories to the US. Meanwhile, BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) are building a new multipolar world order based on mutually beneficial trade and investment. Ben Norton is joined by economist Michael Hudson to discuss. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wpYgXMkzWc8 Read Michael's article on Trump's attacks on Europe, Korea, and Japan: https://www.geopoliticaleconomy.report/p/michael-hudson-trump-europe-korea-japan You can support Michael on Patreon at https://Patreon.com/MichaelHudson Topics 0:00 Trump attacks US allies 0:35 Exploitative US deal imposed on Japan 3:04 ICE detains South Korean workers 5:46 Trump to abolish Education Department 6:29 Angering US allies 7:19 US trade deal imposed on Europe 8:37 BRICS & SCO build multipolar order 10:20 Intro to Michael Hudson 10:46 Highlights of Michael Hudson 13:58 Interview starts 15:03 The BRICS alternative 18:54 US strategy of economic colonialism 26:01 Europe 33:06 India and Eurasia 35:15 Trump's tariff trap 37:28 Energy 41:03 Backlash in Europe 43:43 EU did not negotiate 46:48 European capital flows into US 49:40 BRICS sells US Treasuries 53:24 South Korea 56:59 Attacks on immigrants 1:05:37 Class politics 1:11:13 Japan 1:20:08 Latin America 1:21:48 Middle East (West Asia) 1:22:41 Dedollarization 1:24:18 Outro

"The real magic lies at the intersection between eating, moving, and sleeping. If you can do all three well, it will improve your daily energy and your odds of living a long, healthy life,"  That's a quote from Tom Rath, author of Eat Move Sleep. The three most important factors in you becoming more productive, focused and motivated each day. You can subscribe to this podcast on:  Podbean | Apple Podcasts | Stitcher | Spotify | TUNEIN Links: Email Me | Twitter | Facebook | Website | Linkedin The Time-Based Productivity Course Get Your Copy Of Your Time, Your Way: Time Well Managed, Life Well Lived The Time Sector System 5th Year Anniversary The Working With… Weekly Newsletter Carl Pullein Learning Centre Carl's YouTube Channel Carl Pullein Coaching Programmes Subscribe to my Substack  The Working With… Podcast Previous episodes page Script | 385 Hello, and welcome to episode 385 of the Your Time, Your Way Podcast. A podcast to answer all your questions about productivity, time management, self-development, and goal planning. My name is Carl Pullein, and I am your host of this show.  Don't skip the basics. For me, this was a hard lesson to learn. I used to stay up late to finish work or watch TV. I'd skip my exercise or allow myself to get involved in meetings I didn't really need to attend—just to feel a part of something.  And I would eat rubbish—cereal for breakfast, sandwiches and rice or fries for lunch and pizza for dinner.  And I felt it. I was tired, unproductive, and did not know where I was going. My weight kept going up and up, and every day felt like a drudge. I would wake up, feel horrible, go to work, come home, collapse onto the sofa, turn on the TV, and escape the real world.  It was easy to blame everyone else. My boss, my colleagues, my customers, the weather, where I lived, the company, etc.  Yet, it wasn't anyone else's fault. It was mine.  I had allowed myself to wallow in self-pity. That was a choice.  I cannot say there was a particular moment that changed me. It was more a gradual change.  What I learned, though, was that creating an enjoyable, exciting, and fulfilling life started with getting the basics right.  And that is what this week' question is all about. What are the basics, and why do they matter? So, with that said, let me hand you over to the Mystery Podcast Voice for this week's question. This week's question comes from Ali. Ali asks, hi Carl, my life's a mess. I stay up all night watching TV or YouTube videos, and then wake up late and have to rush to get to work. Then at work I feel tired and unmotivated all day. What can I do to have some better habits?  Hi Ali, thank you for your question.  The first step would be to read James Clear's Atomic Habits. It's a brilliant book, that explains how habits work, how to create your own and does all that in a simple step by step approach.  The next step is to understand some time tested basics. One of the many reasons why anyone would feel demotivated about the day is they are not clear on what is important to them.  Not everyone wants to be supremely fit and sporty and that's fine. You don't have to be. But it's equally true no one wants to die prematurely.  As Steve Jobs said in his famous commencement address in 2006 "No one wants to die... even people who want to go to heaven don't want to die to get there" To find your purpose, or simply the motivation to jump out of bed each morning go through the Areas of Focus workbook. It's free and you can download it from my website.  This will give you the eight areas of life that should be in balance.  Those eight are: Family and relationships Career or business Health and fitness Finance Lifestyle and life experiences Self development Spirituality Life's purpose Now, when I say in balance, it means defining what each one means to you. For example, for your finances area of focus could be something as simple as “I live within my means and not over spend on trivial things” or your lifestyle and life experiences could be “I live in a clean and tidy home”. Getting these eight basics of life in balance will give you some purpose each day. Living in a clean and tidy home may mean that before you leave to go to work, you make your bed and wash the dishes.  To keep your finances in check, you may decide to do a weekly or monthly budget to track how you are spending your money.  That becomes a habit. It's a must-do.  None of these takes a lot of time, but they help to keep your areas of focus in balance.  Now onto another important factor. One of the things I've noticed about highly motivated and successful people is they have some structure in their lives.  They wake up at the same time each day, they follow a morning routine and have some structure for the rest of the day. That could be exercising at the same time each day or just going for a walk at the end of the day to decompress. Apple's Tim Cook, for example, starts his day with an extremely early wake-up, around 3:45 AM, to read emails from customers and employees before heading to the gym for an hour of exercise. He eats a healthy breakfast, gets coffee, and then begins his workday. I recently wrote about Hercule Poirot, the Agatha Christie detective in many of her novels in my weekly newsletter.  Poirot was obsessive, it's true. He was immaculately turned out at all times. Yet he had structure to his days. Breakfast was at the same time each day and he had his famous tisane (a kind of herbal drink) served in the same glass.  What draws me to Poirot is that fastidiousness. Nothing was rushed. The only things that ever bothered him was if his routines were interrupted. Perhaps not a good thing, but it did enable him to have a purpose each day. If he was taking a holiday, he refused to entertain any work. He was resting his “little grey cells” and that was the purpose of the holiday.  When he was working he was engaged completely. He actions were methodical and deliberate. I know Poirot is a fictional character, but in fictional characters there's always a grain of truth somewhere.  Perhaps Poirot's obsessiveness for order and structure, was motivated by someone somewhere.  The one thing I've learned is if you're not getting the basics right, then everything else falls apart. The basics are your daily routines. Your sleep schedule, what and when you eat and stepping away from screens and moving.  They are not difficult to do, but without one essential ingredient, you won't do them. That ingredient is self-discipline.  You need discipline to get out of bed on a cold, wet morning. You need discipline to say no to that plate of unhealthy food, and you need discipline to turn off the TV and go to bed at the right time.  I often shy away from advising people to develop their self-discipline because it's hard to do. And these days I find many people have simply given up and just tell themselves they have no self-discipline and that they never have had.  They will look back in their lives to find examples and use that to prove it to themselves. Ignoring the fact that there will also have been examples of them being disciplined.  It's complete rubbish for anyone to say they lack self-discipline. It's innate and inside all of us. But, like a muscle, if you don't use it, it will weaken. But never disappear entirely.  Strengthening your self-discipline isn't particularly difficult. As Admiral McRaven said in his Texas University Commencement address—begin the day by making your bed. Is that so difficult? It's one thing, but it's the start of strengthening your self discipline.  Now you mentioned that you want better habits. What would you consider to be “better habits”?  That would be the place to start.  I've never been a good sleeper—as a consequence I fell into the trap of believing it was “just the way I was wired”. Of course, that's not true.  In January I made a commitment to myself I would be in bed no later than midnight. It was a struggle, but I persisted. Now, nine months later, I'm in bed consistently at midnight and my sleep is better than ever.  It took a bit of self-discipline for the first week or two, but soon it was a habit.  Changing your sleep habit is straight forward. Calculate how much sleep you need, then decide what time you want to wake up, and work backwards.  So, if you discover that you need seven hours sleep and you want to wake up at 7:00 am, then you need to be in bed by 11:30 pm. (It's not like we instantly fall asleep when we get into bed)  Another thing you mentioned, Ali, is you lack motivation at work. That may be a bigger issue. If work is demotivating you, it's also draining you of purpose. That's where I would spend some time analysing. When your purpose is drained, that has a big effect on your mental energy.  What is it about your work that is demotivating?  If it's just a stage—we all go through that at times—what can you do to find some purpose. Perhaps you could set yourself a target. Sell X amount of products, solve a particularly difficult problem for your team or do something to improve your own workflows and processes. If it's bigger than that and it's about the job itself, then it may be time to begin looking at alternative jobs. It doesn't mean you have to quit your current job, what it means is you begin looking at alternatives.  What kind of work would motivate you?  It's perfectly okay to accept that you made a mistake in your choice of career. That does not mean you are stuck with that mistake. You can change careers at any time. I've been a hotel manager, car salesperson, a lawyer and teacher.  The hardest part for me was accepting that the legal profession was not for me. I'd spent six years in school and training, but after graduating and working in a law office, I soon found myself hating it.  I felt I was in a day release prison. I had to sign in at 9:00 each morning and was not allowed to leave until 5:30 pm. During that time it felt I was chained to a desk only being allowed to move to go to the bathroom.  It was hard to accept I had made a monumental mistake. But the thought spending the next twenty-five years stuck behind a desk was terrifying. I had to change my career. That was when I came to Korea—I told myself it would be for one year and during that time I would think about my future.  I was lucky, I fell in love with teaching, loved the way of life in Korea and met some amazing people. At the end of the first year, there was no way I was going to go back to the UK. So, when my employer in Korea asked if I wanted to sign an extension to my contract, I ask, where's the pen?  Twenty three years later, I'm still here. Doing what I love day in day out.  Sometimes, we have to do the unthinkable. I remember my friends telling me I was mad to give up a career in law to become a teacher in a foreign land. But I knew deep down I was not cut out to be a lawyer.  So, Ali, take a step back. Ask yourself what needs to change. Do you have the basics right? Are you getting enough sleep, moving enough and eating right?  If not, focus your attention there. Build some habits around those three areas.  Then look at your career. Are you happy? If not, what alternatives could you look at. Remember, you do not have to quit your job to do this. Perhaps you decide to go back to school and learn a new skill, or simply to change the way you work—you processes and workflows.  I should add, you do not have to rush this. Just getting the basics right will bring you better focus and energy. From there you can decide what to do next that will bring some purpose back into your life.  I hope that has helped, Ali. Thank you for your question and thank you to you too for listening.  It just remains for me to wish you all a very very productive week.   

While much of the world focuses on the beauty standards of Korea's rich and famous, its K-Pop stars, actors, and influencers, we are left wondering how much of this actually applies to real life. Do regular Korean citizens face the same scrutiny around weight, fashion, surgery, and tattoos? I brought 4 Korean adults together to talk about these ideas and also to reveal some things about their own lives. Today's Guests Sage https://www.instagram.com/twopercensage/ Jeoung https://www.instagram.com/jjong___s2/ Nuri https://www.instagram.com/nurichoii/ AJohn https://www.instagram.com/ft.ajohn/  / https://www.youtube.com/@ftajohn Discussion Outline 0:00 Nail culture 7:40 Pretty Privilege in Korea 18:00 Showing Skin 24:45 Does K-Pop Affect People? 37:40 Fashion Turnoffs 42:05 What's Hot? 46:25 Weight and Fitness 57:10 Men's Hair 1:03:05 Skin Color / Being White 1:08:35 Tattoos 1:16:28 Plastic Surgery 1:25:00 K-Beauty and Cosmetics 1:30:22 A Message about Beauty 1:36:20 Recommendations   David A. Tizzard has a PhD in Korean Studies and lectures at Seoul Women's University and Hanyang University. He writes a weekly column in the Korea Times, is a social-cultural commentator, and a musician who has lived in Korea for nearly two decades. He can be reached at datizzard@swu.ac.kr. Watch this video next: https://youtu.be/vIbpLfWJoZM?si=srRVQ1vRkLvCV076 Subscribe to the channel: @DavidTizzard/videos Thanks to Patreon members: Bhavya, Roxanne Murrell Join Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/c/user?u=62047873 Music by Jocelyn Clark Connect with us: ▶ David's Insta: @datizzard ▶ KD Insta: @koreadeconstructed

It's that time of the year again, with the AFC Champions League Elite returning for another season of thrilling action. We cast an eye over all the action and answer the burning questions ahead of kickoff: Is the new format a winner? Can anyone stop Saudi dominance? Will Japan's trio of teams provide the biggest challenge? What's behind Korea's dwindling fortunes? SE Asia's burgeoning rivalry between Buriram Utd and JDT Can Melbourne City restore pride for Australian clubs? PLUS... we speak with Chengdu Rongcheng's Tim Chow to discuss their continental ambitions and their push for a maiden Chinese Super League title.

Welcome to another episode of Expert To Authority Show, brought to you by http://gtex.org.uk/, I am your host, Simone Vincenzi, The Experts Strategist, and this is the podcast for experts who want to become the ultimate authority in their niche while making an impact in the world.We have created the Webinar Conversion Kit where you will get access to:The High-Converting Webinar FrameworkBONUS #1: High-Converting Webinar Slide TemplateBONUS #2: Pitch and Follow Up TemplatesBONUS #3: High Converting Webinars Case StudiesBONUS #4: Our Trello Webinar ChecklistAll of this for only £29.99 for a limited period of time.Click here to download.https://webinarconversionkit.com/Today I have the pleasure to interview David PopeDavid Pope, an Executive Voice Coach with more than 30 years of experience dedicated to one mission: helping good speakers become great speakers. His journey began at the BBC, where he developed a deep understanding of the voice and its impact, before moving into executive coaching at the highest levels of leadership.Now based in the financial hub of Hong Kong, David has worked with senior leaders across Asia – from Singapore, China, Korea, Japan, and Australia – and more recently in the UAE and Saudi Arabia. His global experience has given him a unique perspective on how culture shapes communication, as well as the specific challenges female leaders often face when it comes to voice and presence.David brings a rare blend of technical expertise, cultural awareness, and practical coaching insight to help leaders around the world unlock the full power of their voice.In this episode, we talk aboutEvolution of voice and communication in modern timesKey areas of focus for speakersAuthenticity vs. Technique in CommunicationConnect with David PopeLinkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/in/popedavid/Instagram:  https://www.instagram.com/davidpope_voice/Youtube:  https://www.youtube.com/user/allvoicetalentFacebook:  https://www.facebook.com/ExecutiveVoiceCoach/To become a GTeX Member, Apply here:https://gtex.events/call -------To receive daily support in your coaching and speaking business, join our private Facebook Group EXPLODE YOUR EXPERT BIZ https://www.facebook.com/groups/explodeyourexpertbiz/-------Take a full business assessment for free to have absolute clarity on your business with the EXPERT BIZ CHECKLIST.http://bit.ly/expert-biz-checklist-podcast------Also, make sure you subscribe to the podcast so you don't miss any other episode.  If you want to reach out to me with your questions, you can email me at Simone@gtex.org.uk that comes right to my inbox.

Michael M. Grynbaum is a writer for The New York Times. His new book about Condé Nast, Empire of the Elite, is out now. We chat about Scott Galloway's bracelets, Charlie Kirk's assassination, the untapped powers of Hillary Duff, his love of shawl collared sweaters, being married to a fellow writer, galley proofs are the new sceeners, fact-checking notorious maître d's in Korea, Bruce Weber is back, Sunday appointment television is the bond that will keep us together, his thoughts on the Devil Wears Prada sequel, Substack financial models, Graydon Carter and Donald Trump's relationship, and we reminisce the early aughts blogging. twitter.com/grynbaum twitter.com/donetodeath twitter.com/themjeans howlonggone.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Korea 24 is a daily current affairs show that covers all the biggest stories coming out of South Korea. Every weekday, Korea 24 brings you the latest news updates, as well as in-depth analysis on the most important issues with experts and special guests, providing comprehensive insight into the events on the peninsula.

Comment on this episode by going to KDramaChat.comToday, we'll be discussing Episode 9 of Extraordinary Attorney Woo, the hit K Drama on Netflix starring Park Eun-bin as Woo Young Woo, Kang Tae-oh as Lee Jun-ho, Ha Yoon-kyung as Choi Soo-yeon, Ju Hyun-young as Dong Geu-rami, Kang Ki-young as Jung Myung-seok, and Joo Jong-hyuk as Kwon Min-woo. We discuss:The songs featured during the recap: “Young Woo Baragi Junho” by Jo Nam Wook and “A Whale in a Frame” by Roh Young Sim.The Pied Piper case, which critiques Korea's intense academic pressure on children and the hagwon (private academy) system.Bang Gu Ppong's philosophies: children must play, be healthy, and be happy immediately - and how he becomes a folk hero to the kids.The courtroom scenes where Woo Young Woo defends BGP, arguing he is a political offender, not a criminal—a bold and passionate argument.The deep moment of apology and humility when the Mujin Hagwon's director bows before the parents to ask for leniency.The kids' dramatic and touching show of support for BGP in court—while ethically questionable, it reflects how deeply he moved them.Dong Geu-rami and Min-sik's hilariously misguided advice to Woo Young Woo about how to show affection to Jun-ho.The gendered expectations embedded in traditional dating behaviors and how Woo Young Woo's literal interpretation leads to awkward moments.Lee Jun-ho finally confessing his feelings to Woo Young Woo after episodes of inner conflict and hesitation.The clash with Kwon Min-woo and how Attorney Jung once again defends Woo Young Woo, showing his deep principles and mentorship.The mysterious nighttime visit from CEO Tae Su Mi to Woo Gwang Ho and its potential implications, especially with a journalist watching.ReferencesPied Piper of Hamelin - WikipediaMisugaru - Korean Multi-Grain Powder Drink - KimchimariSquid Games Games ExplainedCram or crime? Demand for illegal late-night hagwon classes persists despite gov't crackdownsJajangmyeon - WikipediaKorean “Noonchi” and Its Chinese Equivalent Demystified | by Charlene Xiaolan K. | MediumUnderstanding Noonchi in Korean Culture and Language | TikTokNoonchi (Nunchi) Primer for Teachers in Korea | EFL Magazine.How to Properly Harness the Power of Nunchi

This is a recap of the top 10 posts on Hacker News on September 11, 2025. This podcast was generated by wondercraft.ai (00:30): Germany is not supporting ChatControl – blocking minority securedOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45209366&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(01:51): Court rejects Verizon claim that selling location data without consent is legalOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45206567&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(03:12): Behind the scenes of Bun InstallOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45210850&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(04:33): Top model scores may be skewed by Git history leaks in SWE-benchOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45214670&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(05:54): Nano Banana image examplesOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45215869&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(07:15): GrapheneOS and forensic extraction of data (2024)Original post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45210910&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(08:36): Gregg Kellogg has diedOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45210564&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(09:58): Seoul says US must fix its visa system if it wants Korea's investmentsOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45206805&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(11:19): Claude's memory architecture is the opposite of ChatGPT'sOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45214908&utm_source=wondercraft_ai(12:40): Reshaped is now open sourceOriginal post: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=45209558&utm_source=wondercraft_aiThis is a third-party project, independent from HN and YC. Text and audio generated using AI, by wondercraft.ai. Create your own studio quality podcast with text as the only input in seconds at app.wondercraft.ai. Issues or feedback? We'd love to hear from you: team@wondercraft.ai

CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR SHOW SCHEDULE  9-10-25 Good evening. The show begins in Poland as the government and military respond to drones crossing the Belarus to Poland border... FIRST HOUR 9-915 General Blaine Holt NATO Reacts to Russian Drone Incursions into Poland General Blaine Holt analyzes Russiandrone incursions into Polish airspace from Belarus, triggering a NATO Article 4 meeting. While NATO calls it an "intentional incursion" to allow de-escalation, Poland considers it an "act of war." The incident highlights NATO's rapid response capabilities and the broader "poly crisis" in Europe, requiring diplomatic de-escalation. 915-930 CONTINUED General Blaine Holt NATO Reacts to Russian Drone Incursions into Poland General Blaine Holt analyzes Russiandrone incursions into Polish airspace from Belarus, triggering a NATO Article 4 meeting. While NATO calls it an "intentional incursion" to allow de-escalation, Poland considers it an "act of war." The incident highlights NATO's rapid response capabilities and the broader "poly crisis" in Europe, requiring diplomatic de-escalation. 930-945 Lance Gatling Japan's LDP Prime Minister Race and China's Influence Lance Gatling discusses the race for Japan'snew Prime Minister within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) following Ishida's resignation. The LDP lacks a majority, complicating coalition-building. Takaichi Sanae, a conservative candidate critical of China, is opposed by Beijing's propagandists, highlighting China's active influence in the Japanese political landscape .945-1000 Captain James Fanell NATO Article 4 Invoked Amidst Russian Drones, China's South China Sea AggressionCaptain James Fanell discusses NATO's Article 4 invocation after Russian drones entered Polish airspace during Zapad exercises, potentially testing defenses. He also details China's escalating aggression in the South China Sea, where its navy chased a Philippine vessel near Scarborough Shoal. The "poly crisis" necessitates increased US defense spending and alliances. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 Steve Yates Pentagon's National Defense Strategy Amidst Global Crises Steve Yates discusses the Pentagon's new National Defense Strategy (NDS), which prioritizes China as the "pacing challenge" over climate change. The "Fortress America" concept of homeland defense is debated against the need for alliances and extended deterrence. Events like Russian drones in Poland underscore the loss of US initiative and the urgency of adaptive defense strategies. 1015-1030 Charles Burton Canada's Dilemma: Chinese EVs and National Security Charles Burton discusses Canada'sreluctance to link national security with China, specifically regarding Chinese EVs (dubbed "spy machines"). Canadaimposed 100% tariffs at US request, leading to China's retaliation on Canadian canola. This creates a dilemma, as Canada prioritizes economic gain despite China's espionage and potential US border bans on Chinese EVs.1030-1045 Andrea Stricker Iran's Nuclear Program Targeted, Verification Crisis Ensues Andrea Stricker discusses Israel and USstrikes on Iran's nuclear facilities like Fordo, Natanz, and Isfahan, destroying centrifuges and weaponization capabilities. The IAEA cannot verify Iran's nuclear material locations after inspectors were expelled. Iran's 60% enriched uranium poses a proliferation risk, leading to anticipated UN sanctions. The strikes prevented JCPOA-allowed centrifuge surges.1045-1100CONTINUED Andrea Stricker Iran's Nuclear Program Targeted, Verification Crisis Ensues Andrea Stricker discusses Israel and USstrikes on Iran's nuclear facilities like Fordo, Natanz, and Isfahan, destroying centrifuges and weaponization capabilities. The IAEA cannot verify Iran's nuclear material locations after inspectors were expelled. Iran's 60% enriched uranium poses a proliferation risk, leading to anticipated UN sanctions. The strikes prevented JCPOA-allowed centrifuge surges. THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 Professor Josh Blackman Judicial Defiance: Lower Courts Challenge Supreme Court and Trump AdministrationProfessor Josh Blackman details an unprecedented judicial "revolt" where lower federal courts, particularly in Boston, repeatedly defy Supreme Court rulings and temporary restraining orders against the Trump Administration. Cases involve deportation and presidential firing power. Chief Justice Roberts is struggling to make lower courts "get in line," prompting a rare concurrence from Justice Gorsuch criticizing the defiance.1115-1130 Professor Josh Blackman Judicial Defiance: Lower Courts Challenge Supreme Court and Trump AdministrationProfessor Josh Blackman details an unprecedented judicial "revolt" where lower federal courts, particularly in Boston, repeatedly defy Supreme Court rulings and temporary restraining orders against the Trump Administration. Cases involve deportation and presidential firing power. Chief Justice Roberts is struggling to make lower courts "get in line," prompting a rare concurrence from Justice Gorsuch criticizing the defiance. 1130-1145 Bob Zimmerman Space Policy, Launches, and Astronomical Discoveries Bob Zimmerman criticizes the over-budget Artemis lunar program while praising SpaceX's increased launches from Cape Canaveral. He discusses the politically-driven Space Force HQ relocation and NASA's efforts to reduce reliance on Russia for ISS orbit-raising. Global space startups are booming, Starlink cuts prices, and new astronomical discoveries are made.1145-1200CONTINUED Bob Zimmerman Space Policy, Launches, and Astronomical Discoveries Bob Zimmerman criticizes the over-budget Artemis lunar program while praising SpaceX's increased launches from Cape Canaveral. He discusses the politically-driven Space Force HQ relocation and NASA's efforts to reduce reliance on Russia for ISS orbit-raising. Global space startups are booming, Starlink cuts prices, and new astronomical discoveries are made.FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 Simon Constable Global Commodities, French Politics, and 9/11 Reflection Simon Constable discusses commodity trends: copper and gold prices surge due to AI demand and monetary fear, while orange juice falls and coffee rises. He covers France's political crisis, with Sebastien Lecornu becoming the sixth Prime Minister under Macron, and local support for Marine Le Pen's National Rally. He also shares a personal 9/11 account from One World Financial Center.1215-1230CONTINUED Simon Constable Global Commodities, French Politics, and 9/11 Reflection Simon Constable discusses commodity trends: copper and gold prices surge due to AI demand and monetary fear, while orange juice falls and coffee rises. He covers France's political crisis, with Sebastien Lecornu becoming the sixth Prime Minister under Macron, and local support for Marine Le Pen's National Rally. He also shares a personal 9/11 account from One World Financial Center.1230-1245 Grant Newsham Korea's Division, South Korea's Shift, and the Axis of Adversaries Grant Newsham traces Korea's1945 division by US officers, leading to North Korea's establishment. He highlights the pro-North Korea South Korean administration's alignment with China and Russia. The unified appearance of Kim Jong-un, Xi Jinping, and Vladimir Putin at a Beijing parade solidifies them as a formidable "axis of adversaries," intimidating the West.1245-100 AM Michael Bernstam Falling Oil Prices Threaten Russia's Economy, Boost US and Europe Michael Bernstam explains that falling oil prices, forecasted to drop to $50/barrel due to increased OPEC supply, will severely impact Russia'sbudget (based on $70/barrel) and push it towards recession. This benefits US consumers and GDP, while rising US LNGexports fully replace Europe's Russian gas, effectively isolating Russia from the European energy marke

Our Chief Asia Economist Chetan Ahya discusses how the evolving trade relationship between India and China could redefine global supply chains and unlock new investment opportunities.Read more insights from Morgan Stanley.----- Transcript ----- Welcome to Thoughts on the Market. I'm Chetan Ahya, Morgan Stanley's Chief Asia Economist. Today – one of the most important economic relationships of our time: India and China. And what the future may hold. It's Thursday, September 11th at 2 pm in Hong Kong.Trade dynamics between India and China are evolving rapidly. They are not just shaping their own futures. They are influencing global supply chains and investment flows. India's trade with China has nearly doubled in the last decade. India's bilateral trade deficit with China is its largest—currently at U.S. $120 billion. On the flip side, China's trade surplus with India is the biggest among all Asian economies. We expect this trade relationship to deepen given economic imperatives. India needs support on tech know-how, capital goods and critical inputs; and China needs to capitalize on growth opportunities in the second largest and fastest growing EM. Let's explore these issues in turn. India needs to integrate itself into the global value chain. And to do that, India needs Foreign Direct Investment from China, much like how China's rise was fueled by Foreign Direct Investment from the U.S., Europe, Japan, and Korea, which brought the technology and expertise. For India, easing restrictions on Chinese FDI could be a game-changer, enabling the transfer of tech know-how and boosting manufacturing competitiveness. Now, China is the world's manufacturing powerhouse. It accounts for more than 40 percent of the global value chain—far ahead of the U.S. at 13 percent and India at just 4 percent. The global goods trade is increasingly focused on products higher up the value chain—think semiconductors, EVs, EV batteries, and solar panels. And China is the top global exporter in six of eight key manufacturing sectors. To put it quite simply, any economy that is looking to increase its participation in global value chains will have to increase its trade with China. For India, this means that it must rely on Chinese imports to meet its increasing demand for capital goods as well as critical inputs that are necessary for its industrialization. In fact, this is already happening. More than half of India's imports from China and Hong Kong are capital goods—i.e. machinery and equipment needed for manufacturing and infrastructure investment. Industrial supplies make [up] another third of the imports, highlighting India's dependence on China for critical inputs. From China's perspective, India is the second largest and fastest-growing emerging market. And with U.S.-China trade tensions persisting, China is diversifying its exports markets, and India represents a significant opportunity. One way Chinese companies can capture this growth opportunity is to invest in and serve the domestic market. Chinese mobile phone companies have already been doing this and whether this can broaden to other sectors will depend on the opening up of India's markets. To sum up, India can leverage on China's strengths in manufacturing and technology while China can utilize India's vast market for exports and investment.However, there's a caveat: geopolitics. While economic imperatives point to deeper trade and investment ties, political developments could slow progress. Investors should watch this space closely and we will keep you updated on key developments. Thanks for listening. If you enjoy the show, please leave us a review wherever you listen and share Thoughts on the Market with a friend or colleague today.

Korea 24 is a daily current affairs show that covers all the biggest stories coming out of South Korea. Every weekday, Korea 24 brings you the latest news updates, as well as in-depth analysis on the most important issues with experts and special guests, providing comprehensive insight into the events on the peninsula.

Your skincare routine just got a fresh upgrade with stick serums that make actives foolproof, and Korea's number one dermatologist-recommended brand is finally here to save your sensitive skin! On today's Spendy Savey episode, Leigh's discovering why sometimes the most luxurious experiences come in the simplest packaging - from ceramic candles that rival designer versions to hair sprays that freeze time without the crunch. Kelly's diving into Korean skincare gold with barrier creams that sell every 7 seconds, plus the body serum that's making her question everything she thought she knew about topical treatments. They're telling us why we absolutely need Elizabeth Arden's genius travel-sized capsules, and an £8 UK blush that's worth the $36 Australian markup! EVERYTHING MENTIONED: SPENDY: Kelly: Aestura Atobarrier365 Cream $48.00 Leigh: R+Co Bleu Ultra Dry Texture Spray $80.00 SAVEY: Kelly: Skin Control Serum Sticks $16.00 Leigh: CIRCA Fresh 300g candle $44.95 NEWBIES: Kelly: Dermalogica Dynamic Skin Sculptor $163.00 Leigh: Elizabeth Arden Hyaluronic Acid + Peptides Ceramide Capsules Hydra-Plumping Serum $165.00 SHOP MY STASH/EMPTY: Kelly: Microbiome Balancing Mist $69.00 Leigh: Made By Mitchel Baked Luminous Bronzer, from Atomica GET IN TOUCH: Got a beauty question you want answered? Email us at youbeauty@mamamia.com.au or send us a voice note on Instagram! You Beauty is a podcast by Mamamia. Listen to more Mamamia podcasts here. Watch & Subscribe on YouTube, this episode drops tonight at 7pm! Catch it here. Follow us on Instagram: @youbeautypodcast Follow us on TikTok: @youbeautypod Join our You Beauty Facebook Group here For our product recommendations, exclusive beauty news, reviews, articles, deals and much more - sign up for our free You Beauty weekly newsletter here Subscribe to Mamamia here CREDITS: Hosts: Kelly McCarren & Leigh Campbell Producer: Sophie Campbell & Ella Maitland Audio Producer: Tina Matolov Video Producer: Artemi Kokkaris Mamamia's studios are furnished with thanks to Fenton & Fenton. For more head to their website here. Just so you know — some of the links in these notes are affiliate links, which means we might earn a small commission if you buy through them. It doesn’t cost you anything extra, and it helps support the show. Happy shopping! Mamamia acknowledges the Traditional Owners of the Land we have recorded this podcast on, the Gadigal people of the Eora Nation. We pay our respects to their Elders past and present, and extend that respect to all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures.Become a Mamamia subscriber: https://www.mamamia.com.au/subscribeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Georgia officials react to Charlie Kirk's killing; South Korean natives detained in a massive immigration raid in South Georgia depart Atlanta for Korea with distrust of US; and an Atlanta federal appeals court overturns win for rural sheriff's deputy, who is trans. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode, I talk about my adventures on assignment for Visit Seoul and my day of tacos, angry baristas and photography. It was an amazing day and one that I think got some some great shots. This episode was recorded some months ago and forgotten about. Some of the events took place back in May 2025Here is the article on visit SeoulSupport the showStay connected with the Sajin Photography Podcast for more captivating discussions, interviews, and updates on the vibrant photography community in Korea. Don't forget to subscribe, rate, and review me on your favorite podcast platform. Follow me on social media @the_sajin_photography_podcast on instagram for clips, content and upcoming announcements. Keep capturing those unforgettable moments, and until next time, happy shooting!

Sporting Kansas City were unfortunately unable to capture a result against Austin FC Sunday Night at Children's Mercy Park, falling 2-1 to the Verde giving up a couple goals on the types of sequences that have become all too common for them this year.  It was a return to the 4-2-3-1 setup we saw for the first hour against Colorado, and similarly to that game  Kerry Zavagnin switched to the 4-4-2 to attempt to try to take the game to Austin late, but they were unfortunately not able to catch lightning twice, and gave up a late set piece goal that despite Dejan Joveljic's best efforts in stoppage time were not able to equalize.It was yet another reminder that this team still has a lot of work ahead of it to become a consistently competitive team in MLS, and reinvigorated conversations about how the team might go about doing it roster-wise.  The long awaited CSO conversation was brought back with renewed vigor as Andrew Wiebe reported pre-game that the team was in final interviews for the position and alluded to some interesting details that really got the conversation going regarding how significant this roster turnover in the winter could potentially be.The USMNT completed their September window with two very differentiated performances, candidly the first game was quite different between the two halves against S. Korea, and an interesting tactical switch by Pochettino had at least one member of this podcast crew making comparisons to Sporting KC and how a setup we've begged for most of the year might bring similar positive results.Finally, the KC Current continue dominating NWSL, we do a quick stock up stock down of the USMNT roster, and get into a preview of this weekend's trip to Salt Lake City.Music by The Spin Wires

Click the post for details on this episode! Welcome back to Open House! Randy Seidman here, with another two hours of the grooviest beats. Coming off an amazing couple weeks in the States. Thank you to everyone who made it out to the shows in LA, Seattle and Denver. This month is a busy one with upcoming gigs at Surf Club in Dubai, the DXB Boat Party in Istanbul, Sandai Music Festival in Korea, and back at home in Bangkok for another round at Mustache. Today's episode originally aired thirteen years ago, at #91 (back in September 2012), and included the recording of my fabled set at Terminal 5 in New York City, along with a stellar guest mix from the legendary Russian artist, Yuri Kane. For now, turn it up. Randy Seidman's WebsiteRandy Seidman's SoundCloudRandy Seidman's BeatportRandy Seidman's SpotifyRandy Seidman's FacebookRandy Seidman's Twitter Randy Seidman's Track List:01) Jean Claude Ades - My Journey (Jerome Isma-Ae Remix)02) Rashid Ajami & Haroun Hickman - Lets Be Free (Jerome Isma-Ae Remix)03) Kirsty Hawkshaw - A Million Stars (Save The Robot Remix / Randy Edit)04) Save The Robot - Compassionate Red City (Randy Seidman Edit)05) George Acosta feat. Fisher - True Love (Save The Robot Remix)06) Weekend Heros - Loura (Original Mix)07) Betsie Larkin & Sied Van Riel - The Offering (Save The Robot Remix)08) Dave202 - Purple Drops (Original Mix)09) Antillas - Damaged (Green & Falkner vs. Myon & Shane 54 / Randy Edit)10) Alex Sayz - Acid Kills (Original Mix)11) Fedde le Grand, Deniz Koyu & Johan Wedel - Turn it (Original Mix)12) Dada - Majestic 12 feat. The Other (Ted Nilsson Remix)13) Tom Colontonio - Reflection (Heatbeat Remix)14) Tempo Giusto - Dive Into The Echo (Mike Koglin Remix)15) Norin & Rad - Zion (Original Mix) I hope you enjoyed the first hour, as special throwback from thirteen years ago featuring my set recorded at Terminal 5 in NYC. Also included in this episode was a guest mix from the famous Russian-based artist, Yuri Kane. This musical monster blew up in 2009 with his production ‘Right Back' supported by legendary DJs including Pete Tong on ‘BBC Radio One.' And it was voted the best track of 2010 in Armin van Buuren's ‘A State of Trance' radio show. Following that success, Yuri recieved requests to do remixes for such labels as Flashover, Blackhole, Infrasonic, and for such producers as Matt Darey, Cosmic Gate, and many others. From Ministry of Sound compilations to radio play from the likes of Above & Beyond, Tiesto, and Myon & Shane 54 – he isn't slowing down anytime soon. Yuri Kane's SpotifyYuri Kane's SoundcloudYuri Kane's Beatport Yuri Kane's Track List:01) Sunleed - Suspended Animation (Johnny Yono Remix)02) Above & Beyond vs. Andy Moor - Air For Life (Norin & Rad Remix)03) The Blizzard & Yuri Kane feat. Relyk - Everything About You (Original Mix)04) Solis & Sean Truby feat. Fisher - Love Is The Answer (Yuri Kane Remix)05) Jaytech feat. Steve Smith - Stranger (Original Mix)06) Deepwide - Lacuna (The Madison Remix)07) Ronski Speed - Proton 12 (Ronski Speed & Cressida Mix)08) Neev Kennedy - One Step Behind (Vs Gal Abutbul)09) Lange feat. Stine Grove - Crossroads (Original Mix)10) Cosmic Gate - Perfect Stranger (Wezz Devall Remix) Randy Seidman · Open House 247 w/Randy (at Terminal 5, NYC) + Yuri Kane [Sep. 2025] - 13 Year Throwback

This episode explores James Ellman's book "Seeds of Victory: Defeat, Triumph, and the American Way of War" with host Jeff Sikkenga from the Ashbrook Center. This military strategy documentary examines how US war tactics follow a consistent pattern: initial strategic defeats followed by rapid adaptation and ultimate victory. From Washington's military disasters in New York (1776) to early setbacks in Korea, American military history shows eight major strategic defeats between 1776-1951, yet US forces recovered each time through superior industrial mobilization, quick military leadership changes, and technological innovation.The discussion challenges popular narratives about American military effectiveness, arguing that conflicts like Vietnam were battles within the broader Cold War victory. This military history analysis emphasizes that warfare has shaped America as much as democracy itself, with military service being the most reliable path to the presidency. The conversation covers America's unique ability to promote effective generals rapidly, mobilize industrial capacity for war, and maintain public support through prolonged military conflicts, while raising concerns about future warfare where traditional American military advantages may be threatened by emerging technologies like drone warfare and modern military tactics.Host: Jeff SikkengaExecutive Producer: Jeremy GyptonSubscribe: https://linktr.ee/theamericanidea

Shoot us a Text.Episode #1142: Stellantis and GM double down on Canadian production with third-shift revivals. U.S.–South Korea trade tensions threaten key EV investments after a Hyundai-linked ICE raid. Plus, Kyle and Steve share takeaways from the NCM Digital Success Workshop.Show Notes with links:It's a good day for Canadian auto workers as both Stellantis and General Motors announce plans to extend or reinstate third shifts at major plants, signaling stronger-than-expected demand and effective union pressure.Stellantis' Windsor Assembly Plant will return to a three-shift schedule in Q1 2026.The move follows a commitment made in 2023 Unifor negotiations, aiming to meet increased demand for Chrysler minivans and Dodge Chargers.Unifor Local 444 President James Stewart calls it an “encouraging step” for members and the community.Meanwhile, GM's Oshawa plant will retain its third shift until January 30, 2026, delaying previously announced layoffs.A spokesperson said the move was in response to short-term ”production needs" for light-duty pickups.Unifor President Lana Payne sees the shift extensions as “a sign of life for a critical industry” under threat from U.S. tariffs: “Fighting back matters.”A $350B investment deal between the U.S. and South Korea is under pressure following a high-profile ICE raid and growing concerns about how the fund will be structured—potentially jeopardizing future incentives for Korean automakers.The ICE raid at a Hyundai-linked battery plant in Georgia sparked outrage in South Korea, prompting emergency diplomatic talks.The $350B fund, originally pitched to mirror a U.S.-Japan deal, is now in dispute over whether it includes direct investments or just loan guarantees.South Korea insists it needs different terms due to the greater impact such capital would have on its economy.A key auto trade component—lower tariffs on Korean-made vehicles—is still pending, and may be delayed if talks break down.Kim Yong-beom, South Korea's director of national policy said that while the auto tariffs are important, they're not worth rushing the fund to completion, either.0:00 Intro with Kyle Mountsier and Steve Greenfield0:50 Announcements1:35 Stellantis, GM Increase Canada Shifts3:33 South Korea Trade Deal In Jeopardy5:47 NCM Client and Friends Digital Success Workshop RecapJoin Paul J Daly and Kyle Mountsier every morning for the Automotive State of the Union podcast as they connect the dots across car dealerships, retail trends, emerging tech like AI, and cultural shifts—bringing clarity, speed, and people-first insight to automotive leaders navigating a rapidly changing industry.Get the Daily Push Back email at https://www.asotu.com/ JOIN the conversation on LinkedIn at: https://www.linkedin.com/company/asotu/

Korea 24 is a daily current affairs show that covers all the biggest stories coming out of South Korea. Every weekday, Korea 24 brings you the latest news updates, as well as in-depth analysis on the most important issues with experts and special guests, providing comprehensive insight into the events on the peninsula.

Send us a textSummer in Korea sucks. This was a record-breaking year for temps. Floods were awful again. Crime was pretty damn bad, too. Big one, little details: headless body found in Taebaeksan; wearing winter clothing - so been there a while.https://patreon.com/darksideofseoulTop Tier PatronsAngel EarlJoel BonominiDevon HiphnerGabi PalominoSteve MarshEva SikoraRon ChangMitchy BrewerHunter WinterCecilia Löfgren DumasAshley WrightGeorge IrionKwang Ja MoonEdward BradfordBoram YoonChad Struhs Korea's #1 ghost and dark history walking tour. Book at DarkSideOfSeoul.com Get your comic at DarkSideOfSeoul.comSupport the showJoin our Patreon to get more stuff https://patreon.com/darksideofseoul Book a tour of The Dark Side of Seoul Ghost Walk at https://darksideofseoul.com Pitch your idea here. https://www.darksideofseoul.com/expats-of-the-wild-east/ Credits Produced by Joe McPherson and Shawn Morrissey Music by Soraksan Top tier Patrons Angel EarlJoel BonominiDevon HiphnerGabi PalominoSteve MarshEva SikoraRon ChangMackenzie MooreHunter WinterCecilia Löfgren DumasJosephine RydbergDevin BuchananAshley WrightGeorge Irion Facebook Page | Instagram

Krystal and Saagar discuss Korea losing it as ICE chains 300 nationals at Hyundai facility, Trump Epstein birthday letter revealed. Jeremy Scahill: https://x.com/jeremyscahill Dave Weigel: https://x.com/daveweigel To become a Breaking Points Premium Member and watch/listen to the show AD FREE, uncut and 1 hour early visit: www.breakingpoints.comMerch Store: https://shop.breakingpoints.com/See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Hyundai–LG battery plant construction site in Georgia is still closed after a massive ICE Raid ended with the arrests of 475 people, most of them Korean nationals.  The immigrants were placed against walls, sorted and then many were loaded on to buses to be processed 100 miles away. South Korean officials chartered a flight to take their citizens home and said they would improve their visa system for people coming to the US. The raid came after word of a $350 billion investment package that South. Korea planned to sink into the US., though South Korea's attempts to finalize the deal are being held up by foreign exchange issues. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem says she doesn't think the detention of the Hyundai /LG workers will deter that investment. We are following the release of materials associated with Donald Trump and Jeffrey Epstein.  The birthday letter from Trump to Epstein that Vice President JD Vance said didn't exist...exists.  Other letters are also being made public.  We welcome Pulitzer Prize winning author and investigative journalist David Cay Johnston to talk about the immigration raids, the latest Supreme Court Ruling allowing ICE to racially profile people and the Epstein files. The Mark Thompson Show 9/9/25Patreon subscribers are the backbone of the show! If you'd like to help, here's our Patreon Link:https://www.patreon.com/themarkthompsonshowMaybe you're more into PayPal.  https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=PVBS3R7KJXV24And you'll find everything on our website: https://www.themarkthompsonshow.com

Korea 24 is a daily current affairs show that covers all the biggest stories coming out of South Korea. Every weekday, Korea 24 brings you the latest news updates, as well as in-depth analysis on the most important issues with experts and special guests, providing comprehensive insight into the events on the peninsula.

Last time we spoke about the surrender of Japan. Emperor Hirohito announced the surrender on August 15, prompting mixed public reactions: grief, shock, and sympathy for the Emperor, tempered by fear of hardship and occupation. The government's response included resignations and suicide as new leadership was brought in under Prime Minister Higashikuni, with Mamoru Shigemitsu as Foreign Minister and Kawabe Torashiro heading a delegation to Manila. General MacArthur directed the occupation plan, “Blacklist,” prioritizing rapid, phased entry into key Japanese areas and Korea, while demobilizing enemy forces. The surrender ceremony occurred aboard the Missouri in Tokyo Bay on September 2, with Wainwright, Percival, Nimitz, and UN representatives in attendance. Civilians and soldiers across Asia began surrendering, and postwar rehabilitation, Indochina and Vietnam's independence movements, and Southeast Asian transitions rapidly unfolded as Allied forces established control. This episode is the Aftermath of the Pacific War Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  The Pacific War has ended. Peace has been restored by the Allies and most of the places conquered by the Japanese Empire have been liberated. In this post-war period, new challenges would be faced for those who won the war; and from the ashes of an empire, a defeated nation was also seeking to rebuild. As the Japanese demobilized their armed forces, many young boys were set to return to their homeland, even if they had previously thought that they wouldn't survive the ordeal. And yet, there were some cases of isolated men that would continue to fight for decades even, unaware that the war had already ended.  As we last saw, after the Japanese surrender, General MacArthur's forces began the occupation of the Japanese home islands, while their overseas empire was being dismantled by the Allies. To handle civil administration, MacArthur established the Military Government Section, commanded by Brigadier-General William Crist, staffed by hundreds of US experts trained in civil governance who were reassigned from Okinawa and the Philippines. As the occupation began, Americans dispatched tactical units and Military Government Teams to each prefecture to ensure that policies were faithfully carried out. By mid-September, General Eichelberger's 8th Army had taken over the Tokyo Bay region and began deploying to occupy Hokkaido and the northern half of Honshu. Then General Krueger's 6th Army arrived in late September, taking southern Honshu and Shikoku, with its base in Kyoto. In December, 6th Army was relieved of its occupation duties; in January 1946, it was deactivated, leaving the 8th Army as the main garrison force. By late 1945, about 430,000 American soldiers were garrisoned across Japan. President Truman approved inviting Allied involvement on American terms, with occupation armies integrated into a US command structure. Yet with the Chinese civil war and Russia's reluctance to place its forces under MacArthur's control, only Australia, Britain, India, and New Zealand sent brigades, more than 40,000 troops in southwestern Japan. Japanese troops were gradually disarmed by order of their own commanders, so the stigma of surrender would be less keenly felt by the individual soldier. In the homeland, about 1.5 million men were discharged and returned home by the end of August. Demobilization overseas, however, proceeded, not quickly, but as a long, difficult process of repatriation. In compliance with General Order No. 1, the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters disbanded on September 13 and was superseded by the Japanese War Department to manage demobilization. By November 1, the homeland had demobilized 2,228,761 personnel, roughly 97% of the Homeland Army. Yet some 6,413,215 men remained to be repatriated from overseas. On December 1, the Japanese War Ministry dissolved, and the First Demobilization Ministry took its place. The Second Demobilization Ministry was established to handle IJN demobilization, with 1,299,868 sailors, 81% of the Navy, demobilized by December 17. Japanese warships and merchant ships had their weapons rendered inoperative, and suicide craft were destroyed. Forty percent of naval vessels were allocated to evacuations in the Philippines, and 60% to evacuations of other Pacific islands. This effort eventually repatriated about 823,984 men to Japan by February 15, 1946. As repatriation accelerated, by October 15 only 1,909,401 men remained to be repatriated, most of them in the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the Higashikuni Cabinet and Foreign Minister Shigemitsu Mamoru managed to persuade MacArthur not to impose direct military rule or martial law over all of Japan. Instead, the occupation would be indirect, guided by the Japanese government under the Emperor's direction. An early decision to feed occupation forces from American supplies, and to allow the Japanese to use their own limited food stores, helped ease a core fear: that Imperial forces would impose forced deliveries on the people they conquered. On September 17, MacArthur transferred his headquarters from Yokohama to Tokyo, setting up primary offices on the sixth floor of the Dai-Ichi Mutual Life Insurance Building, an imposing edifice overlooking the moat and the Imperial palace grounds in Hibiya, a symbolic heart of the nation.  While the average soldier did not fit the rapacious image of wartime Japanese propagandists, occupation personnel often behaved like neo-colonial overlords. The conquerors claimed privileges unimaginable to most Japanese. Entire trains and train compartments, fitted with dining cars, were set aside for the exclusive use of occupation forces. These silenced, half-empty trains sped past crowded platforms, provoking ire as Japanese passengers were forced to enter and exit packed cars through punched-out windows, or perch on carriage roofs, couplings, and running boards, often with tragic consequences. The luxury express coaches became irresistible targets for anonymous stone-throwers. During the war, retrenchment measures had closed restaurants, cabarets, beer halls, geisha houses, and theatres in Tokyo and other large cities. Now, a vast leisure industry sprang up to cater to the needs of the foreign occupants. Reopened restaurants and theatres, along with train stations, buses, and streetcars, were sometimes kept off limits to Allied personnel, partly for security, partly to avoid burdening Japanese resources, but a costly service infrastructure was built to the occupiers' specifications. Facilities reserved for occupation troops bore large signs reading “Japanese Keep Out” or “For Allied Personnel Only.” In downtown Tokyo, important public buildings requisitioned for occupation use had separate entrances for Americans and Japanese. The effect? A subtle but clear colour bar between the predominantly white conquerors and the conquered “Asiatic” Japanese. Although MacArthur was ready to work through the Japanese government, he lacked the organizational infrastructure to administer a nation of 74 million. Consequently, on October 2, MacArthur dissolved the Military Government Section and inaugurated General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, a separate headquarters focused on civil affairs and operating in tandem with the Army high command. SCAP immediately assumed responsibility for administering the Japanese home islands. It commandeered every large building not burned down to house thousands of civilians and requisitioned vast tracts of prime real estate to quarter several hundred thousand troops in the Tokyo–Yokohama area alone. Amidst the rise of American privilege, entire buildings were refurbished as officers' clubs, replete with slot machines and gambling parlours installed at occupation expense. The Stars and Stripes were hoisted over Tokyo, while the display of the Rising Sun was banned; and the downtown area, known as “Little America,” was transformed into a US enclave. The enclave mentality of this cocooned existence was reinforced by the arrival within the first six months of roughly 700 American families. At the peak of the occupation, about 14,800 families employed some 25,000 Japanese servants to ease the “rigours” of overseas duty. Even enlisted men in the sparse quonset-hut towns around the city lived like kings compared with ordinary Japanese. Japanese workers cleaned barracks, did kitchen chores, and handled other base duties. The lowest private earned a 25% hardship bonus until these special allotments were discontinued in 1949. Most military families quickly adjusted to a pampered lifestyle that went beyond maids and “boys,” including cooks, laundresses, babysitters, gardeners, and masseuses. Perks included spacious quarters with swimming pools, central heating, hot running water, and modern plumbing. Two observers compared GHQ to the British Raj at its height. George F. Kennan, head of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff, warned during his 1948 mission to Japan that Americans had monopolized “everything that smacks of comfort or elegance or luxury,” criticizing what he called the “American brand of philistinism” and the “monumental imperviousness” of MacArthur's staff to the Japanese suffering. This conqueror's mentality also showed in the bullying attitudes many top occupation officials displayed toward the Japanese with whom they dealt. Major Faubion Bowers, MacArthur's military secretary, later said, “I and nearly all the occupation people I knew were extremely conceited and extremely arrogant and used our power every inch of the way.” Initially, there were spasms of defiance against the occupation forces, such as anonymous stone-throwing, while armed robbery and minor assaults against occupation personnel were rife in the weeks and months after capitulation. Yet active resistance was neither widespread nor organized. The Americans successfully completed their initial deployment without violence, an astonishing feat given a heavily armed and vastly superior enemy operating on home terrain. The average citizen regarded the occupation as akin to force majeure, the unfortunate but inevitable aftermath of a natural calamity. Japan lay prostrate. Industrial output had fallen to about 10% of pre-war levels, and as late as 1946, more than 13 million remained unemployed. Nearly 40% of Japan's urban areas had been turned to rubble, and some 9 million people were homeless. The war-displaced, many of them orphans, slept in doorways and hallways, in bombed-out ruins, dugouts and packing crates, under bridges or on pavements, and crowded the hallways of train and subway stations. As winter 1945 descended, with food, fuel, and clothing scarce, people froze to death. Bonfires lit the streets to ward off the chill. "The only warm hands I have shaken thus far in Japan belonged to Americans," Mark Gayn noted in December 1945. "The Japanese do not have much of a chance to thaw out, and their hands are cold and red." Unable to afford shoes, many wore straw sandals; those with geta felt themselves privileged. The sight of a man wearing a woman's high-buttoned shoes in winter epitomized the daily struggle to stay dry and warm. Shantytowns built of scrap wood, rusted metal, and scavenged odds and ends sprang up everywhere, resembling vast junk yards. The poorest searched smouldering refuse heaps for castoffs that might be bartered for a scrap to eat or wear. Black markets (yami'ichi) run by Japanese, Koreans, and For-mosans mushroomed to replace collapsed distribution channels and cash in on inflated prices. Tokyo became "a world of scarcity in which every nail, every rag, and even a tangerine peel [had a] market value." Psychologically numbed, disoriented, and disillusioned with their leaders, demobilized veterans and civilians alike struggled to get their bearings, shed militaristic ideologies, and begin to embrace new values. In the vacuum of defeat, the Japanese people appeared ready to reject the past and grasp at the straw held out by the former enemy. Relations between occupier and occupied were not smooth, however. American troops comported themselves like conquerors, especially in the early weeks and months of occupation. Much of the violence was directed against women, with the first attacks beginning within hours after the landing of advance units. When US paratroopers landed in Sapporo, an orgy of looting, sexual violence, and drunken brawling ensued. Newspaper accounts reported 931 serious offences by GIs in the Yokohama area during the first week of occupation, including 487 armed robberies, 411 thefts of currency or goods, 9 rapes, 5 break-ins, 3 cases of assault and battery, and 16 other acts of lawlessness. In the first 10 days of occupation, there were 1,336 reported rapes by US soldiers in Kanagawa Prefecture alone. Americans were not the only perpetrators. A former prostitute recalled that when Australian troops arrived in Kure in early 1946, they “dragged young women into their jeeps, took them to the mountain, and then raped them. I heard them screaming for help nearly every night.” Such behaviour was commonplace, but news of criminal activity by occupation forces was quickly suppressed. On September 10, 1945, SCAP issued press and pre-censorship codes outlawing the publication of reports and statistics "inimical to the objectives of the occupation." In the sole instance of self-help General Eichelberger records in his memoirs, when locals formed a vigilante group and retaliated against off-duty GIs, 8th Army ordered armored vehicles into the streets and arrested the ringleaders, who received lengthy prison terms. Misbehavior ranged from black-market activity, petty theft, reckless driving, and disorderly conduct to vandalism, arson, murder, and rape. Soldiers and sailors often broke the law with impunity, and incidents of robbery, rape, and even murder were widely reported. Gang rapes and other sex atrocities were not infrequent; victims, shunned as outcasts, sometimes turned to prostitution in desperation, while others took their own lives to avoid bringing shame to their families. Military courts arrested relatively few soldiers for these offenses and convicted even fewer; Japanese attempts at self-defense were punished severely, and restitution for victims was rare. Fearing the worst, Japanese authorities had already prepared countermeasures against the supposed rapacity of foreign soldiers. Imperial troops in East Asia and the Pacific had behaved brutally toward women, so the government established “sexual comfort-stations” manned by geisha, bar hostesses, and prostitutes to “satisfy the lust of the Occupation forces,” as the Higashikuni Cabinet put it. A budget of 100 million yen was set aside for these Recreation and Amusement Associations, financed initially with public funds but run as private enterprises under police supervision. Through these, the government hoped to protect the daughters of the well-born and middle class by turning to lower-class women to satisfy the soldiers' sexual appetites. By the end of 1945, brothel operators had rounded up an estimated 20,000 young women and herded them into RAA establishments nationwide. Eventually, as many as 70,000 are said to have ended up in the state-run sex industry. Thankfully, as military discipline took hold and fresh troops replaced the Allied veterans responsible for the early crime wave, violence subsided and the occupier's patronising behavior and the ugly misdeeds of a lawless few were gradually overlooked. However, fraternisation was frowned upon by both sides, and segregation was practiced in principle, with the Japanese excluded from areas reserved for Allied personnel until September 1949, when MacArthur lifted virtually all restrictions on friendly association, stating that he was “establishing the same relations between occupation personnel and the Japanese population as exists between troops stationed in the United States and the American people.” In principle, the Occupation's administrative structure was highly complex. The Far Eastern Commission, based in Washington, included representatives from all 13 countries that had fought against Japan and was established in 1946 to formulate basic principles. The Allied Council for Japan was created in the same year to assist in developing and implementing surrender terms and in administering the country. It consisted of representatives from the USA, the USSR, Nationalist China, and the British Commonwealth. Although both bodies were active at first, they were largely ineffectual due to unwieldy decision-making, disagreements between the national delegations (especially the USA and USSR), and the obstructionism of General Douglas MacArthur. In practice, SCAP, the executive authority of the occupation, effectively ruled Japan from 1945 to 1952. And since it took orders only from the US government, the Occupation became primarily an American affair. The US occupation program, effectively carried out by SCAP, was revolutionary and rested on a two-pronged approach. To ensure Japan would never again become a menace to the United States or to world peace, SCAP pursued disarmament and demilitarization, with continuing control over Japan's capacity to make war. This involved destroying military supplies and installations, demobilizing more than five million Japanese soldiers, and thoroughly discrediting the military establishment. Accordingly, SCAP ordered the purge of tens of thousands of designated persons from public service positions, including accused war criminals, military officers, leaders of ultranationalist societies, leaders in the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, business leaders tied to overseas expansion, governors of former Japanese colonies, and national leaders who had steered Japan into war. In addition, MacArthur's International Military Tribunal for the Far East established a military court in Tokyo. It had jurisdiction over those charged with Class A crimes, top leaders who had planned and directed the war. Also considered were Class B charges, covering conventional war crimes, and Class C charges, covering crimes against humanity. Yet the military court in Tokyo wouldn't be the only one. More than 5,700 lower-ranking personnel were charged with conventional war crimes in separate trials convened by Australia, China, France, the Dutch East Indies, the Philippines, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Of the 5,700 Japanese individuals indicted for Class B war crimes, 984 were sentenced to death; 475 received life sentences; 2,944 were given more limited prison terms; 1,018 were acquitted; and 279 were never brought to trial or not sentenced. Among these, many, like General Ando Rikichi and Lieutenant-General Nomi Toshio, chose to commit suicide before facing prosecution. Notable cases include Lieutenant-General Tani Hisao, who was sentenced to death by the Nanjing War Crimes Tribunal for his role in the Nanjing Massacre; Lieutenant-General Sakai Takashi, who was executed in Nanjing for the murder of British and Chinese civilians during the occupation of Hong Kong. General Okamura Yasuji was convicted of war crimes by the Tribunal, yet he was immediately protected by the personal order of Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek, who kept him as a military adviser for the Kuomintang. In the Manila trials, General Yamashita Tomoyuki was sentenced to death as he was in overall command during the Sook Ching massacre, the Rape of Manila, and other atrocities. Lieutenant-General Homma Masaharu was likewise executed in Manila for atrocities committed by troops under his command during the Bataan Death March. General Imamura Hitoshi was sentenced to ten years in prison, but he considered the punishment too light and even had a replica of the prison built in his garden, remaining there until his death in 1968. Lieutenant-General Kanda Masatane received a 14-year sentence for war crimes on Bougainville, though he served only four years. Lieutenant-General Adachi Hatazo was sentenced to life imprisonment for war crimes in New Guinea and subsequently committed suicide on September 10, 1947. Lieutenant-General Teshima Fusataro received three years of forced labour for using a hospital ship to transport troops. Lieutenant-General Baba Masao was sentenced to death for ordering the Sandakan Death Marches, during which over 2,200 Australian and British prisoners of war perished. Lieutenant-General Tanabe Moritake was sentenced to death by a Dutch military tribunal for unspecified war crimes. Rear-Admiral Sakaibara Shigematsu was executed in Guam for ordering the Wake Island massacre, in which 98 American civilians were murdered. Lieutenant-General Inoue Sadae was condemned to death in Guam for permitting subordinates to execute three downed American airmen captured in Palau, though his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment in 1951 and he was released in 1953. Lieutenant-General Tachibana Yoshio was sentenced to death in Guam for his role in the Chichijima Incident, in which eight American airmen were cannibalized. By mid-1945, due to the Allied naval blockade, the 25,000 Japanese troops on Chichijima had run low on supplies. However, although the daily rice ration had been reduced from 400 grams per person per day to 240 grams, the troops were not at risk of starvation. In February and March 1945, in what would later be called the Chichijima incident, Tachibana Yoshio's senior staff turned to cannibalism. Nine American airmen had escaped from their planes after being shot down during bombing raids on Chichijima, eight of whom were captured. The ninth, the only one to evade capture, was future US President George H. W. Bush, then a 20-year-old pilot. Over several months, the prisoners were executed, and reportedly by the order of Major Matoba Sueyo, their bodies were butchered by the division's medical orderlies, with the livers and other organs consumed by the senior staff, including Matoba's superior Tachibana. In the Yokohama War Crimes Trials, Lieutenant-Generals Inada Masazumi and Yokoyama Isamu were convicted for their complicity in vivisection and other human medical experiments performed at Kyushu Imperial University on downed Allied airmen. The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, which began in May 1946 and lasted two and a half years, resulted in the execution by hanging of Generals Doihara Kenji and Itagaki Seishiro, and former Prime Ministers Hirota Koki and Tojo Hideki, for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and crimes against peace, specifically for the escalation of the Pacific War and for permitting the inhumane treatment of prisoners of war. Also sentenced to death were Lieutenant-General Muto Akira for his role in the Nanjing and Manila massacres; General Kimura Heitaro for planning the war strategy in China and Southeast Asia and for laxity in preventing atrocities against prisoners of war in Burma; and General Matsui Iwane for his involvement in the Rape of Nanjing. The seven defendants who were sentenced to death were executed at Sugamo Prison in Ikebukuro on December 23, 1948. Sixteen others were sentenced to life imprisonment, including the last Field Marshal Hata Shunroku, Generals Araki Sadao, Minami Hiro, and Umezu Shojiro, Admiral Shimada Shigetaro, former Prime Ministers Hiranuma Kiichiro and Koiso Kuniaki, Marquis Kido Koichi, and Colonel Hashimoto Kingoro, a major instigator of the second Sino-Japanese War. Additionally, former Foreign Ministers Togo Shigenori and Shigemitsu Mamoru received seven- and twenty-year sentences, respectively. The Soviet Union and Chinese Communist forces also held trials of Japanese war criminals, including the Khabarovsk War Crime Trials, which tried and found guilty some members of Japan's bacteriological and chemical warfare unit known as Unit 731. However, those who surrendered to the Americans were never brought to trial, as MacArthur granted immunity to Lieutenant-General Ishii Shiro and all members of the bacteriological research units in exchange for germ-w warfare data derived from human experimentation. If you would like to learn more about what I like to call Japan's Operation Paper clip, whereupon the US grabbed many scientists from Unit 731, check out my exclusive podcast. The SCAP-turn to democratization began with the drafting of a new constitution in 1947, addressing Japan's enduring feudal social structure. In the charter, sovereignty was vested in the people, and the emperor was designated a “symbol of the state and the unity of the people, deriving his position from the will of the people in whom resides sovereign power.” Because the emperor now possessed fewer powers than European constitutional monarchs, some have gone so far as to say that Japan became “a republic in fact if not in name.” Yet the retention of the emperor was, in fact, a compromise that suited both those who wanted to preserve the essence of the nation for stability and those who demanded that the emperor system, though not necessarily the emperor, should be expunged. In line with the democratic spirit of the new constitution, the peerage was abolished and the two-chamber Diet, to which the cabinet was now responsible, became the highest organ of state. The judiciary was made independent and local autonomy was granted in vital areas of jurisdiction such as education and the police. Moreover, the constitution stipulated that “the people shall not be prevented from enjoying any of the fundamental human rights,” that they “shall be respected as individuals,” and that “their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness shall … be the supreme consideration in legislation.” Its 29 articles guaranteed basic human rights: equality, freedom from discrimination on the basis of race, creed, sex, social status or family origin, freedom of thought and freedom of religion. Finally, in its most controversial section, Article 9, the “peace clause,” Japan “renounce[d] war as a sovereign right of the nation” and vowed not to maintain any military forces and “other war potential.” To instill a thoroughly democratic ethos, reforms touched every facet of society. The dissolution of the zaibatsu decentralised economic power; the 1945 Labour Union Law and the 1946 Labour Relations Act guaranteed workers the right to collective action; the 1947 Labour Standards Law established basic working standards for men and women; and the revised Civil Code of 1948 abolished the patriarchal household and enshrined sexual equality. Reflecting core American principles, SCAP introduced a 6-3-3 schooling system, six years of compulsory elementary education, three years of junior high, and an optional three years of senior high, along with the aim of secular, locally controlled education. More crucially, ideological reform followed: censorship of feudal material in media, revision of textbooks, and prohibition of ideas glorifying war, dying for the emperor, or venerating war heroes. With women enfranchised and young people shaped to counter militarism and ultranationalism, rural Japan was transformed to undermine lingering class divisions. The land reform program provided for the purchase of all land held by absentee landlords, allowed resident landlords and owner-farmers to retain a set amount of land, and required that the remaining land be sold to the government so it could be offered to existing tenants. In 1948, amid the intensifying tensions of the Cold War that would soon culminate in the Korean War, the occupation's focus shifted from demilitarization and democratization toward economic rehabilitation and, ultimately, the remilitarization of Japan, an shift now known as the “Reverse Course.” The country was thus rebuilt as the Pacific region's primary bulwark against the spread of Communism. An Economic Stabilisation Programme was introduced, including a five-year plan to coordinate production and target capital through the Reconstruction Finance Bank. In 1949, the anti-inflationary Dodge Plan was adopted, advocating balanced budgets, fixing the exchange rate at 360 yen to the dollar, and ending broad government intervention. Additionally, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry was formed and supported the formation of conglomerates centered around banks, which encouraged the reemergence of a somewhat weakened set of zaibatsu, including Mitsui and Mitsubishi. By the end of the Occupation era, Japan was on the verge of surpassing its 1934–1936 levels of economic growth. Equally important was Japan's rearmament in alignment with American foreign policy: a National Police Reserve of about 75,000 was created with the outbreak of the Korean War; by 1952 it had expanded to 110,000 and was renamed the Self-Defense Force after the inclusion of an air force. However, the Reverse Course also facilitated the reestablishment of conservative politics and the rollback of gains made by women and the reforms of local autonomy and education. As the Occupation progressed, the Americans permitted greater Japanese initiative, and power gradually shifted from the reformers to the moderates. By 1949, the purge of the right came under review, and many who had been condemned began returning to influence, if not to the Diet, then to behind-the-scenes power. At the same time, Japanese authorities, with MacArthur's support, began purging left-wing activists. In June 1950, for example, the central office of the Japan Communist Party and the editorial board of The Red Flag were purged. The gains made by women also seemed to be reversed. Women were elected to 8% of available seats in the first lower-house election in 1946, but to only 2% in 1952, a trend not reversed until the so-called Madonna Boom of the 1980s. Although the number of women voting continued to rise, female politicisation remained more superficial than might be imagined. Women's employment also appeared little affected by labour legislation: though women formed nearly 40% of the labor force in 1952, they earned only 45% as much as men. Indeed, women's attitudes toward labor were influenced less by the new ethos of fulfilling individual potential than by traditional views of family and workplace responsibilities. In the areas of local autonomy and education, substantial modifications were made to the reforms. Because local authorities lacked sufficient power to tax, they were unable to realise their extensive powers, and, as a result, key responsibilities were transferred back to national jurisdiction. In 1951, for example, 90% of villages and towns placed their police forces under the control of the newly formed National Police Agency. Central control over education was also gradually reasserted; in 1951, the Yoshida government attempted to reintroduce ethics classes, proposed tighter central oversight of textbooks, and recommended abolishing local school board elections. By the end of the decade, all these changes had been implemented. The Soviet occupation of the Kurile Islands and the Habomai Islets was completed with Russian troops fully deployed by September 5. Immediately after the onset of the occupation, amid a climate of insecurity and fear marked by reports of sporadic rape and physical assault and widespread looting by occupying troops, an estimated 4,000 islanders fled to Hokkaido rather than face an uncertain repatriation. As Soviet forces moved in, they seized or destroyed telephone and telegraph installations and halted ship movements into and out of the islands, leaving residents without adequate food and other winter provisions. Yet, unlike Manchuria, where Japanese civilians faced widespread sexual violence and pillage, systematic violence against the civilian population on the Kuriles appears to have been exceptional. A series of military government proclamations assured islanders of safety so long as they did not resist Soviet rule and carried on normally; however, these orders also prohibited activities not explicitly authorized by the Red Army, which imposed many hardships on civilians. Residents endured harsh conditions under Soviet rule until late 1948, when Japanese repatriation out of the Kurils was completed. The Kuriles posed a special diplomatic problem, as the occupation of the southernmost islands—the Northern Territories—ignited a long-standing dispute between Tokyo and Moscow that continues to impede the normalisation of relations today. Although the Kuriles were promised to the Soviet Union in the Yalta agreement, Japan and the United States argued that this did not apply to the Northern Territories, since they were not part of the Kurile Islands. A substantial dispute regarding the status of the Kurile Islands arose between the United States and the Soviet Union during the preparation of the Treaty of San Francisco, which was intended as a permanent peace treaty between Japan and the Allied Powers of World War II. The treaty was ultimately signed by 49 nations in San Francisco on September 8, 1951, and came into force on April 28, 1952. It ended Japan's role as an imperial power, allocated compensation to Allied nations and former prisoners of war who had suffered Japanese war crimes, ended the Allied post-war occupation of Japan, and returned full sovereignty to Japan. Effectively, the document officially renounced Japan's treaty rights derived from the Boxer Protocol of 1901 and its rights to Korea, Formosa and the Pescadores, the Kurile Islands, the Spratly Islands, Antarctica, and South Sakhalin. Japan's South Seas Mandate, namely the Mariana Islands, Marshall Islands, and Caroline Islands, had already been formally revoked by the United Nations on July 18, 1947, making the United States responsible for administration of those islands under a UN trusteeship agreement that established the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. In turn, the Bonin, Volcano, and Ryukyu Islands were progressively restored to Japan between 1953 and 1972, along with the Senkaku Islands, which were disputed by both Communist and Nationalist China. In addition, alongside the Treaty of San Francisco, Japan and the United States signed a Security Treaty that established a long-lasting military alliance between them. Although Japan renounced its rights to the Kuriles, the U.S. State Department later clarified that “the Habomai Islands and Shikotan ... are properly part of Hokkaido and that Japan is entitled to sovereignty over them,” hence why the Soviets refused to sign the treaty. Britain and the United States agreed that territorial rights would not be granted to nations that did not sign the Treaty of San Francisco, and as a result the Kurile Islands were not formally recognized as Soviet territory. A separate peace treaty, the Treaty of Taipei (formally the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty), was signed in Taipei on April 28, 1952 between Japan and the Kuomintang, and on June 9 of that year the Treaty of Peace Between Japan and India followed. Finally, Japan and the Soviet Union ended their formal state of war with the Soviet–Japanese Joint Declaration of 1956, though this did not settle the Kurile Islands dispute. Even after these formal steps, Japan as a nation was not in a formal state of war, and many Japanese continued to believe the war was ongoing; those who held out after the surrender came to be known as Japanese holdouts.  Captain Oba Sakae and his medical company participated in the Saipan campaign beginning on July 7, 1944, and took part in what would become the largest banzai charge of the Pacific War. After 15 hours of intense hand-to-hand combat, almost 4,300 Japanese soldiers were dead, and Oba and his men were presumed among them. In reality, however, he survived the battle and gradually assumed command of over a hundred additional soldiers. Only five men from his original unit survived the battle, two of whom died in the following months. Oba then led over 200 Japanese civilians deeper into the jungles to evade capture, organizing them into mountain caves and hidden jungle villages. When the soldiers were not assisting the civilians with survival tasks, Oba and his men continued their battle against the garrison of US Marines. He used the 1,552‑ft Mount Tapochau as their primary base, which offered an unobstructed 360-degree view of the island. From their base camp on the western slope of the mountain, Oba and his men occasionally conducted guerrilla-style raids on American positions. Due to the speed and stealth of these operations, and the Marines' frustrated attempts to find him, the Saipan Marines eventually referred to Oba as “The Fox.” Oba and his men held out on the island for 512 days, or about 16 months. On November 27, 1945, former Major-General Amo Umahachi was able to draw out some of the Japanese in hiding by singing the anthem of the Japanese infantry branch. Amo was then able to present documents from the defunct IGHQ to Oba ordering him and his 46 remaining men to surrender themselves to the Americans. On December 1, the Japanese soldiers gathered on Tapochau and sang a song of departure to the spirits of the war dead; Oba led his people out of the jungle and they presented themselves to the Marines of the 18th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Company. With great formality and commensurate dignity, Oba surrendered his sword to Lieutenant Colonel Howard G. Kirgis, and his men surrendered their arms and colors. On January 2, 1946, 20 Japanese soldiers hiding in a tunnel at Corregidor Island surrendered after learning the war had ended from a newspaper found while collecting water. In that same month, 120 Japanese were routed after a battle in the mountains 150 miles south of Manila. In April, during a seven-week campaign to clear Lubang Island, 41 more Japanese emerged from the jungle, unaware that the war had ended; however, a group of four Japanese continued to resist. In early 1947, Lieutenant Yamaguchi Ei and his band of 33 soldiers renewed fighting with the small Marine garrison on Peleliu, prompting reinforcements under Rear-Admiral Charles Pownall to be brought to the island to hunt down the guerrilla group. Along with them came former Rear-Admiral Sumikawa Michio, who ultimately convinced Yamaguchi to surrender in April after almost three years of guerrilla warfare. Also in April, seven Japanese emerged from Palawan Island and fifteen armed stragglers emerged from Luzon. In January 1948, 200 troops surrendered on Mindanao; and on May 12, the Associated Press reported that two unnamed Japanese soldiers had surrendered to civilian policemen in Guam the day before. On January 6, 1949, two former IJN soldiers, machine gunners Matsudo Rikio and Yamakage Kufuku, were discovered on Iwo Jima and surrendered peacefully. In March 1950, Private Akatsu Yūichi surrendered in the village of Looc, leaving only three Japanese still resisting on Lubang. By 1951 a group of Japanese on Anatahan Island refused to believe that the war was over and resisted every attempt by the Navy to remove them. This group was first discovered in February 1945, when several Chamorros from Saipan were sent to the island to recover the bodies of a Saipan-based B-29. The Chamorros reported that there were about thirty Japanese survivors from three ships sunk in June 1944, one of which was an Okinawan woman. Personal aggravations developed from the close confines of a small group on a small island and from tuba drinking; among the holdouts, 6 of 11 deaths were the result of violence, and one man displayed 13 knife wounds. The presence of only one woman, Higa Kazuko, caused considerable difficulty as she would transfer her affections among at least four men after each of them mysteriously disappeared, purportedly “swallowed by the waves while fishing.” According to the more sensational versions of the Anatahan tale, 11 of the 30 navy sailors stranded on the island died due to violent struggles over her affections. In July 1950, Higa went to the beach when an American vessel appeared offshore and finally asked to be removed from the island. She was taken to Saipan aboard the Miss Susie and, upon arrival, told authorities that the men on the island did not believe the war was over. As the Japanese government showed interest in the situation on Anatahan, the families of the holdouts were contacted in Japan and urged by the Navy to write letters stating that the war was over and that the holdouts should surrender. The letters were dropped by air on June 26 and ultimately convinced the holdouts to give themselves up. Thus, six years after the end of World War II, “Operation Removal” commenced from Saipan under the command of Lt. Commander James B. Johnson, USNR, aboard the Navy Tug USS Cocopa. Johnson and an interpreter went ashore by rubber boat and formally accepted the surrender on the morning of June 30, 1951. The Anatahan femme fatale story later inspired the 1953 Japanese film Anatahan and the 1998 novel Cage on the Sea. In 1953, Murata Susumu, the last holdout on Tinian, was finally captured. The next year, on May 7, Corporal Sumada Shoichi was killed in a clash with Filipino soldiers, leaving only two Japanese still resisting on Lubang. In November 1955, Seaman Kinoshita Noboru was captured in the Luzon jungle but soon after committed suicide rather than “return to Japan in defeat.” That same year, four Japanese airmen surrendered at Hollandia in Dutch New Guinea; and in 1956, nine soldiers were located and sent home from Morotai, while four men surrendered on Mindoro. In May 1960, Sergeant Ito Masashi became one of the last Japanese to surrender at Guam after the capture of his comrade Private Minagawa Bunzo, but the final surrender at Guam would come later with Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi. Sergeant Yokoi Shoichi survived in the jungles of Guam by living for years in an elaborately dug hole, subsisting on snails and lizards, a fate that, while undignified, showcased his ingenuity and resilience and earned him a warm welcome on his return to Japan. His capture was not heroic in the traditional sense: he was found half-starving by a group of villagers while foraging for shrimp in a stream, and the broader context included his awareness as early as 1952 that the war had ended. He explained that the wartime bushido code, emphasizing self-sacrifice or suicide rather than self-preservation, had left him fearing that repatriation would label him a deserter and likely lead to execution. Emerging from the jungle, Yokoi also became a vocal critic of Japan's wartime leadership, including Emperor Hirohito, which fits a view of him as a product of, and a prisoner within, his own education, military training, and the censorship and propaganda of the era. When asked by a young nephew how he survived so long on an island just a short distance from a major American airbase, he replied simply, “I was really good at hide and seek.”  That same year, Private Kozuka Kinshichi was killed in a shootout with Philippine police in October, leaving Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo still resisting on Lubang. Lieutenant Onoda Hiroo had been on Lubang since 1944, a few months before the Americans retook the Philippines. The last instructions he had received from his immediate superior ordered him to retreat to the interior of the island and harass the Allied occupying forces until the IJA eventually returned. Despite efforts by the Philippine Army, letters and newspapers left for him, radio broadcasts, and even a plea from Onoda's brother, he did not believe the war was over. On February 20, 1974, Onoda encountered a young Japanese university dropout named Suzuki Norio, who was traveling the world and had told friends that he planned to “look for Lieutenant Onoda, a panda, and the abominable snowman, in that order.” The two became friends, but Onoda stated that he was waiting for orders from one of his commanders. On March 9, 1974, Onoda went to an agreed-upon place and found a note left by Suzuki. Suzuki had brought along Onoda's former commander, Major Taniguchi, who delivered the oral orders for Onoda to surrender. Intelligence Officer 2nd Lt. Onoda Hiroo thus emerged from Lubang's jungle with his .25 caliber rifle, 500 rounds of ammunition, and several hand grenades. He surrendered 29 years after Japan's formal surrender, and 15 years after being declared legally dead in Japan. When he accepted that the war was over, he wept openly. He received a hero's welcome upon his return to Japan in 1974. The Japanese government offered him a large sum of money in back pay, which he refused. When money was pressed on him by well-wishers, he donated it to Yasukuni Shrine. Onoda was reportedly unhappy with the attention and what he saw as the withering of traditional Japanese values. He wrote No Surrender: My Thirty-Year War, a best-selling autobiography published in 1974. Yet the last Japanese to surrender would be Private Nakamura Teruo, an Amis aborigine from Formosa and a member of the Takasago Volunteers. Private Nakamura Teruo spent the tail end of World War II with a dwindling band on Morotai, repeatedly dispersing and reassembling in the jungle as they hunted for food. The group suffered continuous losses to starvation and disease, and survivors described Nakamura as highly self-sufficient. He left to live alone somewhere in the Morotai highlands between 1946 and 1947, rejoined the main group in 1950, and then disappeared again a few years later. Nakamura hinted in print that he fled into the jungle because he feared the other holdouts might murder him. He survives for decades beyond the war, eventually being found by 11 Indonesian soldiers. The emergence of an indigenous Taiwanese soldier among the search party embarrassed Japan as it sought to move past its imperial past. Many Japanese felt Nakamura deserved compensation for decades of loyalty, only to learn that his back pay for three decades of service amounted to 68,000 yen.   Nakamura's experience of peace was complex. When a journalist asked how he felt about “wasting” three decades of his life on Morotai, he replied that the years had not been wasted; he had been serving his country. Yet the country he returned to was Taiwan, and upon disembarking in Taipei in early January 1975, he learned that his wife had a son he had never met and that she had remarried a decade after his official death. Nakamura eventually lived with a daughter, and his story concluded with a bittersweet note when his wife reconsidered and reconciled with him. Several Japanese soldiers joined local Communist and insurgent groups after the war to avoid surrender. Notably, in 1956 and 1958, two soldiers returned to Japan after service in China's People's Liberation Army. Two others who defected with a larger group to the Malayan Communist Party around 1945 laid down their arms in 1989 and repatriated the next year, becoming among the last to return home. That is all for today, but fear not I will provide a few more goodies over the next few weeks. I will be releasing some of my exclusive podcast episodes from my youtube membership and patreon that are about pacific war subjects. Like I promised the first one will be on why Emperor Hirohito surrendered. Until then if you need your fix you know where to find me: eastern front week by week, fall and rise of china, echoes of war or on my Youtube membership of patreon at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.

00:00 Intro01:19 China's Secret Longevity Project for CCP Elites03:42 Are CCP Elites Using Forced Organ Harvesting for Longevity?12:01 Chinese Hackers Impersonate Rep. John Moolenaar14:39 Bessent: SCOTUS Loss Could Force Tariff Refunds15:43 Trump Looking Into Hyundai Plant ICE Raid18:23 Russia Launches Biggest Air Attack of the War on Ukraine21:03 China's Exports to U.S. Down 33%, Growth at 6-Month Low22:25 S. Korea, Japan Defense Ministers Pledge to Work With U.S.

Belz and Vince talk through the action, the contrast in minutes at striker, the problems we caused ourselves with our defensive shape, and our inability to adjust in-game, and whether a better list of call-ups solves anything (we think it does). Skip the ads! Subscribe to Scuffed on Patreon and get all episodes ad-free, plus any bonus episodes. Patrons at $5 a month or more also get access to Clip Notes, a video of key moments on the field we discuss on the show, plus all patrons get access to our private Discord server, live call-in shows, and the full catalog of historic recaps we've made: https://www.patreon.com/scuffedAlso, check out Boots on the Ground, our USWNT-focused spinoff podcast headed up by Tara and Vince. They are cooking over there, you can listen here: https://boots-on-the-ground.simplecast.comAnd check out our MERCH, baby. We have better stuff than you might think: https://www.scuffedhq.com/store

**Milei Defeat; ICE & S. Korea; National Defense Strategy; SCOTUS; Gaza; France? | Yaron Brook Show** | September 8, 2025

Alexi Lalas, Stu Holden, and David Mosse react to the USMNT's loss to Son Heung-Min and Korea Republic in New Jersey. In their first of two friendlies this window, the U.S. struggled to finish their chances and paid the price against Korea's sharp attack.The crew breaks down the key storylines: which individual performances stood out (for better or worse), what tactical adjustments Mauricio Pochettino tried, and what this result means for the USMNT moving forward. Is Mauricio Pochettino on the hot seat? Intro (0:00)USMNT Fall to Korea Republic (1:50)USMNT Starting XI (4:20)Backline: Richards, Ream, Blackmon (7:30)Balogun vs. Sargent (16:54)USMNT Upcoming Schedule (18:16)Is Mauricio Pochettino on the Hot Seat? (20:15)USMNT Depth (29:18)“What the Hell is Going On!?” (34:19)Disadvantage of Being a World Cup Host Nation (37:30)Pochettino Post-Match Quotes (40:15)Matt Turner vs. Matt Freese (48:43)Jealous of College Football Fan Base (59:01) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

EVEN MORE about this episode!Step into the mystical world of Korean shamanism and modern psychology with Dr. Helena Soholm, a transpersonal psychologist and Korean shaman whose life bridges ancient traditions and contemporary science. Helena shares how altered states of consciousness and ancestral spirits guide profound healing, revealing how she balances her shamanic heritage with her upbringing and draws strength from a warrior spirit inspired by figures like Jesus and Buddha.In this powerful conversation, Helena opens the door to the mysteries of spirit possession, shamanic initiations, and ancestral guidance—sharing touching stories of spirits, past lives, and dreams that shape our soul's evolution. From drumming ceremonies and near-death experiences to the predominance of female shamans in Korea, this episode explores universal elements of shamanism while offering a roadmap for personal and collective healing.Guest Biography:Helena Soholm, PhD, is a transpersonal psychologist and Korean shaman with nearly two decades of clinical experience. In her practice, she weaves indigenous healing systems with Western psychology to support people navigating the challenges of modern, technologically advanced societies. As a healer and teacher, Dr. Soholm guides soul and ancestral initiations through ceremony and ritual, collaborating with healers and artists across the United States, Asia, and Europe. Her shamanic work seeks to ignite collective healing from humanity's colonial past while opening pathways for individuals to awaken to their deeper purpose on the planet.Episode Chapters:(0:00:01) - Shamanic Healing and Spirit Possession(0:08:20) - Exploring Shamanism(0:24:43) - Cultural Shamanism and Healing Practices(0:32:24) - Spiritual Initiation and Shamanic Practice(0:45:46) - Exploring Past Lives and Spiritual Awakening(0:58:41) - Spiritual Guidance and Resources➡️Subscribe to Ask Julie Ryan YouTube➡️Subscribe to Ask Julie Ryan Español YouTube➡️Subscribe to Ask Julie Ryan Português YouTube➡️Subscribe to Ask Julie Ryan Deutsch YouTube➡️Subscribe to Ask Julie Ryan Français YouTube✏️Ask Julie a Question!

Started the week off with a crazy streetcar disaster in Portugal that killed 16 people, and then talked about the Afghanistan earthquake that killed over 2,000. Plus the story of the US Navy SEAL N. Korea raid, Sudan landslide wipes out village, Trump death rumor frenzy, and a UK priest gets 3 years in surgery for cutting man's genitals as part of the "eunuch maker" ring. Music: Barr Brothers/"Lord I Just Can't Keep From Cryin'"

SHOW SCHEDULE  9-4 The show begins in the EU, fretting Kyiv, Paris, London, Berlin. 1578 ALEX-TRAIMAN-JNS-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Alex TRAIman MALCOLM HOENLEIN @CONF_OF_PRES @MHOENLEIN1 Affiliation: CEO and Jerusalem Bureau Chief for Jewish News Service (JNS) Summary: The discussion focuses on the Israel-Hamas conflict, emphasizing the Israeli government's preference for all hostage releases and Hamas's surrender for an end to the war. It details the IDF's military campaign in Gaza City, the challenges of urban warfare, and the ongoing threat from Iranian-backed proxies like Hamas and the Houthis. The long-term outlook suggests a complex, "unclean" end to the conflict, with continued terror attacks likely. ANATOL-LIEVEN-KYIV-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Anatol LIeven Affiliation: Eurasia Project Director of the Quinsey Institute for Responsible Statecraft Summary: The conversation critically examines a proposal for a Eurocentric security force in Ukraine, highlighting its practical unfeasibility given European military limitations and domestic fiscal challenges, particularly in France. It suggests the proposal might be political grandstanding or a strategy to "trap" the US. Ukraine's strategy aims to wear Russia down to concede on demands, recognizing they cannot achieve a full military victory. ANNA-BORSCHEVSKAYA-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Anna Borschevskaya MALCOLM HOENLEIN @CONF_OF_PRES @MHOENLEIN1 Affiliation: The Washington Institute Summary: This segment discusses Vladimir Putin's vision for a multipolar world with diminished US influence, emphasizing a strategic triangle of Russia, China, and India. It highlights Russia's increasing cooperation with Iran and Belarus, despite conventional wisdom. Putin is seen as willing to accept Russia's junior position to China, viewing it as a necessary alliance against a perceived Western attack on Russia. CHRIS-RIEGEL-HBM-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Chris RIEGEL Affiliation: CEO of #SCALAREPORT: CHRIS RIEGEL CEO, SCALA.COM @STRATACACHE.  Summary: The discussion centers on High Bandwidth Memory (HBM) as a critical innovation driving the AI revolution. SK Hynix has surpassed competitors by vertically stacking memory chips, overcoming the "memory wall" to allow faster data access for AI processors. This technology is crucial for AI development, with the US leading innovation. Strict US and EU export controls aim to prevent China from acquiring advanced chip-making tools. CLIFF-MAY-ENERGY-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Cliff May Affiliation: Founder and President of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies Summary: The conversation challenges current energy policies, noting that fossil fuels still provide over 81% of global energy despite decades of renewables promotion. Cliff May argues that climate policy often weakens the US while adversaries like China and Russia continue to rely on coal and hydrocarbons without climate concerns. He emphasizes energy security as intrinsic to national security, criticizing government subsidies as ineffective and prone to cronyism. COL-GRANT-NEWWSHAM-ROK-DPRK-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Grant NEWSHam Affiliation: Colonel, United States Marine Corps retired, and author of "When China Attacks" Summary: The discussion traces the cynical division of Korea at the 38th parallel and the resulting prosperity of South Korea versus the starvation in North Korea. It highlights the current South Korean administration's pro-North Korea stance and its alignment with China and Russia. Kim Jong-un's presence at a Beijing military parade signifies a strengthening, serious alliance among these adversarial nations, aiming to intimidate the West. DALLAS-BIENHOFF-DSVID-LIVINGSTON-MARS-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Dallas BIEnhof and David Livingston Affiliation:  Space Systems Architect for Offworld.ai; David Livingston: Dr. Space of The Space Show Summary: The discussion defines cis-lunar space as the volume around the Moon, highlighting planned missions and the Artemis program as a key driver. It explores the utility of Lagrange points for stable orbital stations and the need for extensive infrastructure, including transportation nodes and propellant depots, to support a permanent human presence on the Moon and Mars. Future plans also include resource utilization and space tourism. JULIA-CARTWRIGHT-HOUSING-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Julia Cartwright Affiliation: Senior Research Fellow in Law and Economics at the American Institute for Economic Research Summary: The conversation examines the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) as a major impediment to housing development, particularly for rebuilding after wildfires. Julia Cartwright details how CEQA, along with restrictive building and zoning codes, creates costly delays, making California the most expensive state for construction. This bureaucracy disproportionately impacts affordable housing and is exacerbated by entities like the California Coastal Commission. MICHAEL-BERNSTAM-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Michael Bernstam Affiliation: Hoover Institution Summary: The segment discusses Russia's energy deals with China, including the Power of Siberia pipelines, noting financing and pricing disputes. Michael Bernstam highlights Russia's struggle with declining oil prices, leading to budget deficits and losses for major oil companies. China and India are benefiting from discounted Russian crude, processing it for sale to Europe, bypassing sanctions. Secondary sanctions on China could disrupt this trade. MOHSEN-SAZEGARA-IRAN-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Mohsen Sazagara Affiliation: Democracy activist from Iran Summary: Mohsen Sazagara confirms Iran's rearmament efforts, fueled by its leadership's belief in success against Israel and continued anti-US policies. Iran is seeking arms from Russia (via Belarus) and China (via North Korea), though Russia is reportedly less generous than expected. The speaker notes growing internal opposition within Iran and a high probability of another military conflict with Israel, especially concerning nuclear development or air defense rebuilding. SADANAND-DHUME-MODI-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Sadanand Dhume Affiliation: American Enterprise Institute, writes "East to East" column for the Wall Street Journal Summary: The discussion analyzes Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, amidst declining US-India relations due to tariffs. India's large farm lobby, especially dairy, heavily influences trade policy. Despite diplomatic gestures, India maintains vigilance against Chinese aggression due to deep-rooted border disputes and China's close ties with Pakistan, indicating India won't align closely with China. VERONIQUE-DERUGY-9-4.mp3 Guest Name: Veronique de Rugy Affiliation: Mercatus Center Summary: Veronique de Rugy strongly critiques the proposal for a US sovereign wealth fund, arguing it's a poor idea given the US's high debt-to-GDP ratio and existing budget deficits. She contends that borrowing to invest would be fiscally unsound and would lead to "cronyism on steroids," as government investment decisions are driven by political priorities rather than viable market opportunities, unlike private sector investments.

Guest Name: Grant NEWSHAM • Affiliation: Colonel, United States Marine Corps retired, and author of "When China Attacks" • Summary: The discussion traces the cynical division of Korea at the 38th parallel and the resulting prosperity of South Korea versus the starvation in North Korea. It highlights the current South Korean administration's pro-North Korea stance and its alignment with China and Russia. Kim Jong-un's presence at a Beijing military parade signifies a strengthening, serious alliance among these adversarial nations, aiming to intimidate the West.

Listen on: Apple Podcasts | Stitcher | Google Podcasts | Spotify | PandoraThis week, we're turning peak-season produce into bold, flavorful dishes. First, we talk with Rick Martínez, author of Salsa Daddy: Dip Your Way into Mexican Cooking, about transforming simple ingredients – think tomatoes, onions, garlic, and chilis – into salsas that sing. Rick explains why salsa is its own food group and leaves us with his family-inspired peach-and-pecan Salsa Tejana recipe. Then, we visit New York chef Sunny Lee of Sunn's, a restaurant devoted to banchan, Korea's iconic side dishes. Sunny teaches Francis how to elevate fresh vegetables into inventive, season-forward sides, including her recipe for Tahini Pickled Mushroom banchan. Broadcast dates for this episode: September 5, 2025 (originally aired)Celebrate kitchen companionship with a gift to The Splendid Table today.When you shop using our links, we earn a small commission. It's a great way to support public media at no extra cost to you.