Podcasts about aiib

#realconversations #pharmacist #diplomat #investmentbanker #Egypt #careerchange #author #passionmba #AI  CONVERSATIONS WITH CALVIN WE THE SPECIES https://www.youtube.com/c/ConversationswithCalvinWetheSpecIEs “Meet MUSTAFA AMMAR; our first interview last July 2024. NOW TODAY JANUARY, 2025, Mustafa talks about LIFE CHANGING “STUFF”- ‘OUTSMARTING AI-Shapeshift Your Career….and other matters that are critical in our brave new rapidly changing world………. His journey thru several unique careers & now helping and guiding people with career changes is almost a movie…. but, especially for ME and countless others, it is life-critical to be happy, and fulfilled. Cultivating that energy, and technique, and having Mustafa guide you to change is key to that life journey. Wish I knew Mustafa a few decades ago….it could've saved me a few decades. This is a must-watch interview.”  Calvin 410 Interviews/Videos   7700 SUBSCRIBERS GLOBAL Reach. Earth Life. Amazing People.  PLEASE SUBSCRIBE ** MUSTAFA AMMAR; “Outsmarting AI: Shapeshift Your Career and Discover Your Zone of Genius”? Bucket lists-How and Why; Career Myths; Author, ‘Time to Move On'; LIVE from Italy YouTube: CONTACTS: July 2024 First Interview: YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UaqAxYM1TuU CONTACTS: LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/mustafa-ammar-994a93120/ Instagram: @ThePassionMba https://thepassionmba.com/# MustafaAmmar.com AMAZON book: ‘Time to Move On': amzn.to/3XrrIYQ    kobo: https://www.kobo.com/ww/en/ebook/time-to-move-on-11 Barnes and Noble: https://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/time-to-move-on-mustafa-ammar/1143514697?ean=9798218165376 BIO: Mustafa Ammar is the founder and CEO of “The Passion MBA”, a global coaching company. He is also a life-coach who coached hundreds of professionals around the world to find their dream careers and build their dream businesses, by applying his coaching methodology “The Passion Blueprint”. Mustafa is also the author of the upcoming books “Time to Move On” & “The Passion Project”. Mustafa lived several career lives in one single life. He started his career as a pharmacist out of passion for chemistry, then he became an international diplomat out of passion for building bridges among different cultures and traveling the world, where he worked in China, Malawi and the United Nations. He then worked as an investment specialist at The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), where he was in charge of business development and bringing investments to various regions including Africa, The Middle East & Latin America. Mustafa successfully brought more than $1.1 billion worth of finance in infrastructure projects in the Middle East alone during his tenure at AIIB. Mustafa holds a Master of Business Administration (MBA) with distinction from Alliance Manchester Business School in the UK. He also holds another master degree in diplomatic studies & negotiations and BA in pharmaceutical sciences. For more information please visit ThePassionMBA.com Instagram: @ThePassionMBA ** WE ARE ALSO ON AUDIO AUDIO “Conversations with Calvin; WE       the SpecIEs” ANCHOR https://lnkd.in/g4jcUPq SPOTIFY https://lnkd.in/ghuMFeC APPLE PODCASTS BREAKER https://lnkd.in/g62StzJ GOOGLE PODCASTS https://lnkd.in/gpd3XfM POCKET CASTS https://pca.st/bmjmzait RADIO PUBLIC https://lnkd.in/gxueFZw  

Tune in to this episode of the Security Token Show where this week Herwig Konings and Kyle Sonlin cover the industry leading headlines and market movements, including insights from the RWA Summit and more tokenization market activity! Company of the Week - Herwig: Superstate Company of the Week - Kyle: Libeara    = Stay in touch via our Social Media = Kyle: https://www.linkedin.com/in/kylesonlin/  Herwig: https://www.linkedin.com/in/herwigkonings/ Nico: https://www.linkedin.com/in/nicopantelis/  Jason: https://www.linkedin.com/in/jasonbarraza/  Opinion articles, interviews, and more: https://medium.com/security-token-group  Find the video edition of this episode on our Youtube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@stmtvofficial    The Market Movements   BBVA Tokenizes Fixed-Income Fund on Allfunds: https://www.bbva.com/en/innovation/bbva-asset-management-launches-a-tokenized-fund-through-the-cnmv-sandbox/   Libeara Tokenizes Wellington/FundBridge Capital Treasury Fund: https://www.ledgerinsights.com/stan-charts-libeara-tokenizes-wellington-us-treasury-fund-in-singapore/   UBS Launches “UBS USD Money Market Investment Fund Token” (“uMINT”) on Ethereum: https://www.ledgerinsights.com/ubs-issues-tokenized-usd-money-market-fund-on-ethereum/ AIIB's Tokenized Bond Grows from $300M to $500M: https://www.ledgerinsights.com/aiib-digital-bond-issued-via-euroclear-reaches-500m-after-200m-tap/ OSL and ChinaAMC to Launch Retail-Friendly Tokenized Fund in Hong Kong, Pending Approval: https://www.prnewswire.com/apac/news-releases/osl-and-chinaamc-launch-tokenised-fund-initiative-for-retail-investors-in-project-ensemble-302288614.html    The Token Debrief   1.US Treasury Comments on Tokenized Treasuries: https://www.ledgerinsights.com/us-treasury-discusses-the-tokenization-of-treasuries/    2.Securitize Passes $1B in Tokenized Issuances and Launches Securitize Fund Services: https://securitize.io/learn/press/securitize-launches-new-fund-services-and-surges-past-1bn-in-onchain-issuances    3.ECB Opens Invitation to Partner on Digital Euro: https://www.ecb.europa.eu/press/intro/news/html/ecb.mipnews241031.en.html  4.Superstate Enables Continuous Pricing for USTB Fund by the Second: https://superstate.co/blog/introducing-continuous-pricing?hss_channel=lcp-1506097    5.Tether Proposes Tokenizing Turkey's Boron: https://cryptonews.com/news/tether-proposes-digital-tokenization-of-turkeys-boron-reserves/    Franklin Templeton Expands to 6th Chain: Base https://www.coindesk.com/business/2024/10/31/franklin-templeton-takes-its-tokenized-treasury-fund-to-base-becomes-first-asset-manager-on-the-layer-2/   = Check out our Companies = Security Token Group: http://securitytokengroup.com/   Security Token Advisors: http://www.securitytokenadvisors.com/   Security Token Market: https://stm.co  InvestReady: https://www.investready.com   ⏰ TABLE OF CONTENTS ⏰ 0:16 Introduction 1:55 Market Movements 12:34 Token Debrief 30:10 Company of The Week: Libeara and Superstate   

①President Xi Jinping has urged Fujian province to play a pioneering role in China's modernization drive. (00:40)②Chinese Premier calls for deepening Shanghai Cooperation Organization cooperation. (14:24)③China will introduce a slew of incremental measures to stabilize the property sector. (23:26)④Zelensky presents "victory plan" to Ukrainian parliament. (30:46)⑤An interview with Sir Danny Alexander, Vice President for Policy and Strategy at AIIB (40:14)

O ministro da Agricultura e Pecuária, Carlos Fávaro, participou de reunião no Banco Asiático de Investimento em Infraestrutura (AIIB), ao lado do líder da missão na China, o vice-presidente e ministro do Desenvolvimento, Indústria, Comércio e Serviços, Geraldo Alckmin. Foram realizadas discussões sobre cooperação e sobre financiamento climático e encontro com empresários.     Durante o encontro, o ministro Fávaro apresentou o Programa Nacional de Conversão de Pastagens Degradas em Sistemas de Produção Agropecuários e Florestais Sustentáveis (PNCPD). A iniciativa brasileira visa contribuir com a segurança alimentar e nutricional do planeta e o enfrentamento às mudanças climáticas. A ideia é trazer cada vez mais fomento do exterior para o Programa.     Ainda, na ocasião, o BNDES (Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social) celebrou contratos e cartas de intenção com o China Development Bank (CDB) e com o Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) no valor total aproximado de R$ 9,1 bilhões, para o financiamento de projetos sustentáveis.  

✘ Werbung: Mein Buch Katastrophenzyklen ► https://amazon.de/dp/B0C2SG8JGH/ Kunden werben Tesla-Kunden ► http://ts.la/theresia5687 Mein Buch Allgemeinbildung ► https://amazon.de/dp/B09RFZH4W1/ - Die Beschlagnahmung der 400+ Mrd. #Dollarreserven von #Russland durch die FED, EZB und BoE hat zu einem Aufwachen der nicht westlichen Staaten der Welt geführt. Bislang wurde das wichtigste Handelsgut der Welt - das Erdöl - nur gegen Dollar verkauft. Das bedeutete, dass die USA diese Dollar drucken mussten und per eigenen Schulden (Schuldgeld) in die Welt bringen mussten. Jetzt zahlen die USA mehr für ihren Schuldendienst, als sie für Ihr teures Militär ausgeben. Lange kann die USA diesen Kurs nicht durchhalten, wenn sie als Staat nicht bankrott gehen will. Das wissen auch die nichtwestlichen Staaten und suchen nach einer Lösung. Der Yuan wird es nicht sein. Die #Chinesen haben selbst mit ihren eigenen Schulden zu kämpfen. - SWIFT und CIPS ► https://youtu.be/tGLluETi4XQ Unser Geldsystem ► https://youtu.be/VYxQEqHoeTs Goldhandelswährung I ► https://youtu.be/GewisSSlcFk Goldhandelswährung II ► https://youtu.be/VjZFU4wg0MY Geheimarmeen ► https://youtu.be/fcYbPTNMJ2Y Es wird wieder Krieg geben ► https://youtu.be/hf-qToJSqyQ - 0:00 Einleitung 5:43 Russlands Dollarreserven 7:13 Gold und Goldleihe 12:58 Petrodollar | Bretton Woods 15:47 Schuldgeldsystem 18:35 Welthandel | IWF, AIIB, SWIFT, CIPS 23:57 Zinslast und Militärbudget 27:05 Sonderziehungsrechte 28:11 Goldhandelswährung 33:19 Handelsbilanzüberschüsse 40:25 Trump | Biden | Taiwan 42:45 Neueste Militärentwicklung 46:29 Gold für Frieden

The AIIB is a multilateral development bank based in Beijing. It now has 109 members, including New Zealand. Its mission: to finance " infrastructure with sustainability at its core." Bank President Jin Liqun has been on a quick visit to NZ, and discusses the bank's goals and aspirations, as it continues to develop links to the Pacific. Tweet us at @AsiaMediaCentreWebsite asiamediacentre.org.nz Email us at media@asianz.org.nzWhakawhetai mo te whakarongo .. thanks for listening !

Bob Pickard joins the PRovoke Media podcast to discuss his dramatic exit from the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, whom he accused of being overly influenced by the Chinese Communist Party. In conversation with Arun Sudhaman, Pickard responds to a subsequent AIIB report that dismissed his allegations, and instead claimed his tenure was marked by "managerial shortcomings". He also discusses the geopolitical environment for Western companies in China, and explains why he took on the role in the first place. 

Ý thức được là Sáng Kiến Vành Đai và Con Đường – Belt and Road Initiatives BRI không còn sức lôi cuốn ban đầu, tăng trưởng và đầu tư của Trung Quốc « có hạn », Bắc Kinh đi tìm « một làn gió mới cho Con Đường Tơ Lụa Mới ». Nhưng làm thế nào để thuyết thuyết phục các đối tác của Bắc Kinh rằng BRI không đẩy thế giới đến gần một cuộc « Chiến tranh lạnh toàn diện » như nghi nhận của kinh tế trưởng ngân hàng Pháp Natixis, Alicia Garcia Herrero ? Đánh dấu 10 năm khai sinh Con Đường Tơ Lụa Mới, dự án đã được 150 quốc gia và 30 tổ chức quốc tế hưởng ứng, Bắc Kinh tổ chức Diễn Đàn BRI trong hai ngày 17 -18/10/2023. Trong số các khách mời ngoài sự hiện diện của tổng thống Nga, nguyên thủ Indonesia, thủ tướng Hungary và của nhiều nước châu Phi, trong lúc nhiều thành viên khác như Thổ Nhĩ Kỳ, Ai Cập hay Qatar, Nam Phi Achentina …và nhất là của hầu hết các nước châu Âu chỉ gửi phái đoàn đại diện ở cấp chuyên gia. Điều đó làm dấy lên câu hỏi : BRI có còn sức thu hút như hồi 2013 khi ông Tập Cận Bình đọc diễn văn tại Kazakhstan đã khai sinh Sáng Kiến Vành Đai và Con Đường hay còn được gọi là Sáng Kiến Một Vành Đai Một Con Đường ?Thành công về chính trị của Tập Cận BìnhCột mốc 10 năm BRI diễn ra trong bối cảnh kinh tế Trung Quốc đang tăng trưởng chậm lại, đầu tư nước ngoài vào Hoa Lục sụt giảm, cuộc đọ sức Mỹ- Trung không có dấu hiệu thuyên giảm. Dù vậy trên đài RFI Pháp ngữ Eyck Freymann, nghiên cứu sinh trường Harvard Kennedy School, tác giả cuốn, One Belt One Road, Chinese power meets the World -Một vành Đai, Một Con Đường, Quyền Lực Trung Quốc với Thế Giới  (NXB Harvard UP, 2020) giải thích vì sao đối với ông Tập BRI là một thành công. « Theo tôi thì có ba mục tiêu. Đầu tiên và quan trọng hơn cả là ông Tập Cận Bình muốn củng cố vị trí của mình về mặt đối nội với một chương trình đầy tham vọng. Con Đường Tơ Lụa trở thành một khẩu hiệu mà tất cả các cơ quan trong guồng máy của Đảng và Nhà Nước phải quảng bá và ca tụng. Chủ đích thứ nhì nhằm áp đặt kỷ luật và trật tự vào lúc mà các ngân hàng Trung Quốc bắt đầu vươn ra quốc tế. Ông Tập vẫn muốn tiếp tục đặt các định chế ngân hàng này dưới sự lãnh đạo và kiểm soát của nhà nước và nhất là của Đảng Cộng Sản. Điểm thứ ba là Tập Cận Bình muốn thế giới hiểu rằng dưới sự lãnh đạo của ông, Trung Quốc càng lúc càng chiếm một vị trí quan trọng trên sân khấu quốc tế và Bắc Kinh muốn rằng ảnh hưởng kinh tế đó sẽ tạo dựng ảnh hưởng về chính trị của Trung Quốc với các đối tác mới, đặc biệt là với các quốc gia đang phát triển (...)  Khi thông báo dự án Một Vành Đai Một Con Đường, Tập Cận Bình và nhiều nhà lãnh đạo khác đều mặc nhiên dựa trên giả thuyết là kinh tế Trung Quốc sẽ tiếp tục tăng trưởng vững mạnh trong nhiều thập niên sắp tới. Nhưng chỉ một chục năm sau, chúng ta thấy tăng trưởng của Trung Quốc đang bị chựng một cánh đáng kể. Cũng rất có thể là Trung Quốc rơi vào một chu kỳ tăng trưởng chậm trong nhiều năm. Điều đó có nghĩa là Bắc Kinh sẽ không thể tiếp tục cấp tín dụng dài hạn hàng trăm tỷ đô la cho thế giới. Ông Tập Cận Bình đã phải rà soát lại và thu hẹp những tham vọng của mình. Tuy nhiên, đầu tư vào cơ sở hạ tầng và cấp tín dụng cho các đối tác chỉ chiếm một vị trí khiêm tốn trong Sáng Kiến Một Vành Đai một Con Đường. Bởi theo tôi, BRI chủ yếu theo đuổi mục đích chính trị và ông Tập có một mục tiêu kép đó là vừa mở rộng kiểm soát của Đảng và Nhà Nước đối với hệ thống tài chính ngân hàng Trung Quốc, vừa khẳng định ông là một vĩ nhân trên bàn cờ quốc tế. Hơn bao giờ hết quyền lực của ông Tập đã được củng cố tại Trung Quốc ».Trong báo cáo công bố cuối 2021 cơ quan tư vấn Mỹ AIDDATA ghi nhận đã « có tổng cộng gần 13.500 dự án đầu tư với tổng số vốn lên đến gần 1.000 tỷ đô la đã được thực hiện trong khuôn khổ Sáng Kiến Một Vành Đai Một Con Đường ». Trong Sách Trắng về BRI công bố ngày 10/10/2023 Trung Quốc tự hào đưa ra những thành tích như là « tổng kim ngạch trao đổi mậu dịch với 150 nước tham gia BRI đạt 2.900 tỷ đô la năm 2022 (…) và trong tháng 6/2023 Bắc Kinh đã ký hơn 2.000 thỏa thuận hợp tác » với các bên tham gia Con Đường Tơ Lụa Mới.Điều đó không che dấu được một thực tế đó là đầu tư của Trung Quốc trong khuôn khổ BRI giảm mạnh từ sau đại dịch Covid 19 nhất là khi nhìn vào thống kê các dự án Trung Quốc đổ đổ về châu Phi. Theo báo cáo của đại học Mỹ Boston, tín dụng cấp cho châu Phi đang từ 8,5 tỷ đô la năm 2019 đã giảm xuống còn chưa đầy một tỷ vào cuối 2022.Nhưng trong 10 năm qua, nhờ Sáng Kiến Một Vành Đai Một Con Đường Trung Quốc trở thành chủ nợ chính của nhiều quốc gia. Cũng vì những khoản nợ khổng lồ những dự án phát triển cơ sở hạ tầng, đường thủy, đường bộ …  mà nhiều nước như Sri Lanka hay Zambia và trong một chừng mực nào đó là Lào đã bị « cột chặt » vào với Bắc Kinh. Theo thống kê của AIDDATA 35 % các dự án hợp tác với Trung Quốc trong khuôn khổ BRI đã đặt ra « rất nhiều vấn đề » cho các đối tác của Bắc Kinh. Sri Lanka bị rơi vào « bẫy nợ » Trung Quốc. Pokhara thành phố lớn thứ nhì của Nepal không biết phải làm gì với phi trường quốc tế mới tinh nhưng không có bóng người qua lại.Từ BRI đến Con Đường Tơ Lụa DigitalCũng vì tránh mang tiếng là đã « giăng bẫy nợ » cho các nước nghèo với những công trình xây dựng khổng lồ nhưng vô bổ, tại diễn đàn Bắc Kinh vừa qua ông Tập Cận Bình đã nhán mạnh đến khái niệm một « Cộng đồng có chung định mệnh ». Trả lời RFI Pháp ngữ giáo sư Trần Kiến Phủ (Chen Chien Fu) giám đốc Viện Nghiên Cứu Trung Quốc -Đại Học Đạm Giang (Tamkang) Đài Loan ghi nhận nhiều thay đổi trong chính sách của Trung Quốc về dự án Con Đường Tơ Lụa Mới so với những mục tiêu ban đầu hồi 2013 :« Mười năm vừa qua dự án BRI đã có nhiều thay đổi. Trung Quốc càng vững mạnh, nhất là sau khi thành lập Ngân Hàng Đầu Tư Cơ Sở Hạ Tầng Châu Á – AIIB năm 2016, nhiều nước châu Âu bắt đầu tham gia vào ngân hàng này. Có thể nói đấy là thời kỳ vàng son của chương trình Một Vành Đai Một Con Đường, về khía cạnh ảnh hưởng của Trung Quốc. Dự án sau đó đã tiếp tục có nhiều chuyển biến khác. BRI không chỉ còn tập trung vào các chương trình phát triển cơ sử hạ tầng mà đã mở rộng đến nhiều lĩnh vực khác như là các dự án xây dựng đường ống dẫn dầu và khí tự nhiên. BRI bao gồm luôn cả các nguồn nhiên liệu hiếm. Với châu Phi chẳng hạn thì Trung Quốc chỉ có một mục tiêu đó là bảo đảm các nguồn cung cấp về khoáng sản hiếm và xây dựng căn cứ quân sự tại châu lục này ».Từ 2020 ngoại trưởng Trung Quốc Vương Nghị đã bắt đầu đề cập đến « Con Đường Tơ Lụa digital (DSR Digital Silk Road) : Bắc Kinh xem việc kết nối Hoa Lục với phần còn lại của thế giới về công nghệ kỹ thuật số là « một ưu tiên trong các chương trình hợp tác » trong tương lai. Nhưng không chỉ có thế giáo sư Trần Kiến Phủ đại học Đài Loan giải thích tiếp :« Trong tương lai sẽ còn có nhiều thay đổi khác nữa. Chẳng hạn như BRI sẽ không tạo cảm giác đây là một công cụ để Bắc Kinh mở rộng ảnh hưởng về ngoại giao bằng những chương trình đầu tư hào phóng. Có thể là Trung Quốc sẽ nhắm đến những mục tiêu chính xác hơn và mang tính cách lâu dài hơn, thí dụ như là các chương trình liên quan đến quyền của phụ nữ, hay các chương trình phát triển năng lượng xanh. Rất có thể Một Vành Đai Một Con Đường không chỉ tập trung vào các dự án đầu tư cơ sở hạ tầng mà sẽ chuyển hướng sang các dự án mang tính xã hội hay… Mục tiêu là nhằm cải thiện hình ảnh của Trung Quốc với các đối tác nhận tài trợ của Bắc Kinh ».BRI mượn tay doanh nghiệp Trung Quốc vì một trật tự mới ? Về phần nghiên cứu sinh trường Harvard Kennedy School Eyck Freymann thì BRI trước hết là một công cụ để ông Tập Cận Bình vừa củng cố vai trò của các doanh nghiệp Trung Quốc ở hải ngoại, vừa vẫn kềm tỏa số này trong vòng kiểm soát của Đảng và Nhà nước :« Khi ông Tập Cận bình lên cầm quyền, ông thừa hưởng chính sách đẩy mạnh đầu tư của Trung Quốc ra nước ngoài. Tuy nhiên đó cũng là cơ hội để nhiều doanh nghiệp Trung Quốc chuyển vốn ra khỏi Hoa Lục và như vậy thì đâu có phải là vì lợi ích quốc gia. Đó là lý do vì sao ông Tập Cận Bình đã nhanh chóng giành lại quyền để định hướng lại chính sách phát triển và đầu tư của Trung Quốc ở hải ngoại. Bắc Kinh đã loại bỏ những dự án không có lợi cho Nhà nước Trung Quốc (…). Trong chiều hướng đó, những mục tiêu của Sáng Kiến BRI đã thay đổi theo thời gian. Trung Quốc thích nghi, học hỏi và cũng đã phạm phải nhiều sai lầm : trong những năm đầu Con Đường Tơ Lụa Mới còn lỏng lẻo trong cách tổ chức. Giờ đây, mọi người ý thức là túi tiền của Trung Quốc cũng có hạn và Bắc Kinh thì chủ trương thu hoạch những thành quả về mặt chính trị tối đa với một số vốn phải bỏ ra ít chừng nào tối chừng nấy. Nói cách khác Trung Quốc đang mở ra mối quan hệ với các đối tác của mình dưới một góc độ khác hẳn và cũng đang tìm kiếm những dự án khác ».   Song cũng không thể chối cãi là nhiều đối tác của Bắc Kinh thất vọng vì BRI. Nhiều thành viên trong Liên Hiệp Châu Âu từng hào hứng đón nhận đầu tư của Trung Quốc, đứng đầu là Hy Lạp hay Bồ Đào Nha và nhiều nước ở Trung và Đông Âu. Phần lớn đã rất « kín tiếng » nhân lễ mừng sinh nhật BRI 10 năm tuổi. Ý thì đang chuẩn bị chia tay với dự án được ông Tập Cận Bình coi là tủ kính của nền ngoại giao Trung Quốc từ khi ông lên cầm quyền.Small is beautifulChính vì thế mà trong diễn văn khai mạc Diễn Đàn BRI ở Bắc Kinh vừa qua chủ tịch Trung Quốc cam kết tiếp tục đầu tư 100 tỷ đô la cho Sáng Kiến Một Vành Đai Một Con Đường, chú trọng nhiều hơn đến những dự án phát triển sạch, chú ý hơn đến môi trường xã hội của các đối tác cùng làm ăn với Trung Quốc. Có điều như nghiên cứu sinh Harvard Kennedy School, Eyck Freymann, rất có thể là chu kỳ tăng trưởng mạnh của kinh tế Trung Quốc đã qua do vậy Bắc Kinh hô to khẩu hiệu Small is beautiful một phần là tránh để phải tiếp tục chi ra những chương trình đầu tư hàng chục triệu đô la. Tuy nhiên theo kinh tế trưởng ngân hàng Pháp Netixis, bà Alicia Garcia Herrero, chính vì cuộc đọ sức Mỹ Trung không có dấu hiệu thuyên giảm nên BRI lại càng là công cụ để Bắc Kinh lôi kéo thêm đồng minh về phía mình. Hơn nữa Nga, Iran đang bị Hoa Kỳ và phương Tây trừng phạt, cộng đồng quốc tế đang bị chia rẽ sau hơn 600 ngày chiến tranh Ukraina. Gần đây hơn, mọi chú ý đang dồn về Trung Cận Đông nơi mà tình hình được ví như một « thùng thuốc súng » từ sau đợt tấn công phong trào Hồi Giáo Palestine Hamas tiến hành trên lãnh thổ Israel, một phần thế giới Hồi Giáo và Ả Rập đang phẫn nộ. Đây lại càng là cơ hội để ông Tập Cận Bình đã nhắc nhở rằng Trung Quốc là một « yếu tố hàn gắn » những chia rẽ trên thế giới hiện. Trong cương vị chủ nhà lãnh đạo Trung Quốc tại diễn đàn BRI vừa qua đã nhắc lại những thành tựu đã đạt được trong thập niên vừa qua trong khuôn khổ dự án Con Đường Tơ Lụa Mới. Bắc Kinh đưa ra hình ảnh một nước Trung Quốc bảo vệ mô hình kinh tế toàn cầu « rộng mở » chống lại mọi chủ trương bảo hộ, mọi biện pháp dùng đòn kinh tế, thương mại « đơn phương trừng phạt hay uy hiếp các quốc gia khác », mọi quyết định làm xáo trộn chuỗi cung ứng toàn cầu. Một nhà ngoại giao châu Âu nhận định : với phát biểu này, không hiểu là lãnh đạo Trung Quốc muốn « chỉ trích đường lối của chính quyền Biden hay của chính ông ? »Nhà báo Alex Wang, cây bút trên tạp chí chuyên về địa chính trị Revue des Conflits đi xa hơn khi cho rằng tiếp quan khách nhân Diễn Đàn BRI lần thứ ba tuần trước, ông Tập Cận Bình để lộ rỏ những ưu tiên về kinh tế, chính trị và địa chính trị : ông không chỉ chuẩn bị công luận trước viễn cảnh « một cuộc đối đầu với Hoa Kỳ mà còn trình bày với thế giới về một mô hình phát triển khác, hấp dẫn hơn đối với các nước đang phát triển so với những gì mà phương Tây đã đề nghị với các quốc gia này từ lâu nay ».Đành rằng sau 10 đi vào hoạt động, BRI không hoàn hảo và là một « bẫy nợ » nguy hiểm nhưng Trung Quốc là một chủ nợ hiếm hoi cấp tín dụng cho những quốc gia bị các chủ nợ phương Tâ coi là những điểm đầu tư « không an toàn và những đối tác không đáng tin cậy ». 

Tamar Gutner, associate professor of international affairs at American University's School of International Service, leads the conversation on the international financial architecture. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Welcome to today's discussion of the Fall 2023 CFR Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Thank you for joining us. Today's discussion is on the record and the video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org/academic if you would like to share them with your colleagues or classmates. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We are delighted to have Tamar Gutner with us to discuss the international financial architecture. Dr. Gutner is an associate professor at American University's School of International Service, and expert on the performance of international organizations and their roles in global governance. In 2019, she held a CFR Fellowship for Tenured International Relations Scholars at the International Monetary Fund's Independent Evaluation Office. She is the author of International Organizations in World Politics, published by CQ Press; and Banking on the Environment: Multilateral Development Banks and Their Environmental Performance in Central and Eastern Europe, published by MIT Press. And she recently completed a book manuscript on the birth and design of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and its role in the landscape of development banks. So, Dr. Gutner, thank you very much for being with us today. I thought we could begin by having you outline for us the various change-related proposals and activities facing the World Bank, other multilateral development banks, and the International Monetary Fund. Just a small question, but—(laughter)—over to you. GUTNER: Thank you. Thank you, Irina, for introducing me, and thank you for having me as part of this seminar. I think these seminars are just a fantastic way for scholars, professors, students, and others to engage with these important issues, and I'm really excited to see so many people from around the world and professors and students and I see some colleagues in the audience. So I'm really looking forward to engaging with all of you. Right, so this is a critical time for the IMF and the World Bank and other development banks because their importance has been heightened by the need for them to respond to the various crises and challenges that we're facing now. Many of these, as you know, are quite difficult to solve, like climate change. And the world is also dealing with the ongoing economic and social and health repercussions from the pandemic, the repercussions of Russia's invasion of Ukraine including food insecurity. And we're also living in a time when a lot more countries are at high risk of debt distress, and it's a time when it's becoming clear that progress toward achieving the Sustainable Development Goals are stalling. We also have major geopolitical tensions, which is an issue as well. So the IMF and the World Bank are leading international organizations in this scenario today. The IMF has been called the center of the global financial safety net. And the World Bank, meanwhile, is the leading multilateral source of climate finance, and is also playing a huge role in responding to various development challenges that impact its borrowing countries. And also, the regional development banks are addressing these issues as well. So for people who support multilateralism, there's widespread agreement that no one state or actor can solve any of these cross-border issues on their own. And that means we're living in a time when cooperation and multilateral action is absolutely essential, and these people agree we need more to be done to address these issues. But we're also living in a time when many states have inward-looking politics, where there's rising nationalism and populism. And this has produced people and leaders who either don't see the value of international organizations (IOs) like the World Bank and IMF or they see them as contrary to national interests. The IOs themselves—the international organizations themselves—also struggle with relevance sometimes and mixed performance sometimes. And the IMF and World Bank constantly face criticism. They're always being criticized. But I think one important thing to remember is that there's no consensus among the critics. There are always people who want them to do more. There are people who want them to be abolished. So when you're exploring the kind of critiques of these organizations it's important to keep that in mind, just they're coming from different actors and they have different thoughts. And, meanwhile, these institutions themselves, they have—it's tricky for them because they have a tough job. They have to be responsive to their member-state shareholders, who don't always agree with each other. They have to try to be responsive to other stakeholders, for example civil society actors; they don't always agree with each other or with their member states. And so these institutions are constantly being pulled in different directions and they have to navigate that. To their credit, they do try to adapt and adjust, not always effectively. And there's also variation in what they've done well and haven't done well. But it's precisely at this time today with these international crises that the Bank and the Fund and the other MDBs—multilateral development banks—have to try to do better. And what I want to do is offer you a brief overview of some of their efforts to do so and some of the challenges that face these efforts. So I'll begin with the World Bank, which is in the midst of a process to figure out how to update its mission, its vision, its strategy, and its operating model. And this is a process that has been driven by shareholders, including the G20 members, and lots of other consultations. Last fall—well, first of all, I want to say there are a number of proposals on the table on how to reform the World Bank and other MDBs, and they have in common calling for these institutions to do a lot more to address climate change and other global public goods. And some of them call for more effort to better engage with private capital and to rethink how these institutions, which are in part banking institutions, how they can maximize the impact of their capital. So last fall the World Bank embarked on what's been called an evolution roadmap to think through ideas for what should be done. This came out late last year amid calls for the Bank to be bigger and better. And this initiative was launched by U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen a year ago, and she led an effort with other non-borrowing and borrowing countries to call for the whole multilateral development bank system to evolve. As she put it, the world has changed and we need these vital institutions to change along with it. So the idea underlying all of these proposals is for MDBs to be more innovative and efficient. India made MDB evolution a priority in its presidency of the G20 this year, and there have been different expert panels that have also called for radically reformed and strengthened multilateral development banks. So what's interesting for this audience is this evolution roadmap process will eventually turn into the World Bank's strategy, its corporate strategy, and the latest version of it will be discussed next week at the IMF-World Bank annual meetings in Marrakesh. So if you're interested in following that, keep your eyes on the news. And the latest version is seeking approval for measures that will allow the World Bank to boost its lending by $100 billion. So this—the document circulating now for the development—the Joint Ministerial Committee of the World Bank and IMF—and we'll see what happens with it. And I'm happy to talk more about the document itself in the Q&A. These efforts to reform the World Bank are also impacting other regional development banks. So, for example, the Asian Development Bank recently announced it, too, will lend an additional $100 billion over the next ten years by relaxing some of its risk rules for its banking, how it manages its assets, without jeopardizing its triple-A credit rating. The IMF also has been trying to change and adapt in recent years. It's not directly part of this evolution framework that's focusing on MDBs, but the IMF has really turned attention to climate change and also to gender and inequality. And it's essentially pushing forward a kind of a slow change in thinking where economists, and finance ministers, and central bank leaders have realized that these issues are essential to macroeconomic stability. So climate change has become a more visible focus of the IMF's work, its work in surveillance, its capacity development activities, and its general work with countries. Its first strategy for mainstreaming gender was adopted in July 2022. And, like the World Bank, it has also created a number of mechanisms to respond to the pandemic. So it has a new resilience and sustainability trust. And the goal of it is to help low-income member states to address climate change and issues like pandemic preparedness. And it also has a new food shock window to offer emergency financing for countries facing food insecurity as a result of everything going on today. So this is—it's interesting to watch both of these institutions. The IMF typically has a harder time changing because it's a more rigid, set in its ways organization. But it, too—it's not your grandmother's IMF anymore. But all of these efforts are going to face their own sets of challenges. And I want to briefly highlight a few of them before we have our Q&A. So in the World Bank's roadmap, which is also being called a new playbook, the question is: Is it a zero-sum game to balance more focus on global public goods like climate change with individual countries' own development priorities? And there are many people who say, no problem. Kristalina Georgieva, the managing director of the IMF, when talking about this balancing issue, she said: Well, we can chew gum and walk at the same time. But these goals may have areas of overlap, where a country's own development issues do coincide with these global public goods, but there may be areas where they do not. And that's something that has to be worked out. There's also some criticism in civil society and other actors about asking the multilateral banks to do much more to engage with the private sector. First of all, this idea has been around for a while, this idea of turning billions and trillions, for example, was part of the 2015 UN Financing for Development Conference. And it hasn't really come through. So it's a difficult issue to do. There's going to be more work on it. But some organizations actually are concerned about potential negative effects of prioritizing incentives for private finance to provide co-financing to development efforts, because private sector goals are not always the same as public goals, right? So there's some areas of tension. And finally, I just want to flag that all of these organizations are calling for more collaboration. Collaboration is almost the magic wand that will help all these efforts to work out better. And, in fact, if you look at the IMF's new annual report, which was just published, it lists on its front page “committed to collaboration.” But, in fact, it's not that easy for these organizations to collaborate. And I'm happy to break that down a little bit more. And so this great emphasis on something that can be difficult will be something that these organizations have to grapple with. I'm happy to talk about more of the issues in our Q&A, but I think I should stop here and open it up to questions or comments. FASKIANOS: Thank you, Tammi. That was fantastic. So we're going to go to all of you for your questions. (Gives queuing instructions.) OK, so I'm going to take the first question from Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome. Q: Thank you. Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome. I'm a professor of political science at Brooklyn College. And I'm just wondering about this financial architecture that is much criticized, as you said. And I'm wondering the extent to which the criticism informs new decisions that are taken. So the criticisms about people who say the organization should be abolished is coming from the Global South, where there's been feeling since the 1970s that these organizations are not sufficiently sympathetic or understanding of the challenges faced by the countries that had unsustainable debt, and are still in a deeper state of unsustainable debt today. So how is the global architecture on these—in these organizations dealing with these challenges? I heard for the first time, like, in the last five years—Lagarde, I think it was—that said, oh, we made mistakes in some of the advice that we were giving. So who pays for those mistakes? People's lives are damaged, economies are wrecked. And you know, so what are the—what's the good of these changes, really? GUTNER: Yeah, thank you so much for that question, because that's a really good reflection on some of the harsh criticism that these institutions face. And I also would not be someone who says they do everything right, because they don't. But it has been interesting to watch some of the ways that they've evolved. So, for example, they do interact much more with civil society than they used to. I mean, it used to be in the old days when the IMF and World Bank had their annual meetings, civil society actors would protest outside on the street in Washington, DC. And I would tell my students, feel free to go down there but please maybe try not to get arrested, you know? So there were—there were very large protests. Now, when they have the annual meeting, civil society actors are in—are part of it. They're engaged in seminars. They're engaged in discussion. The institutions have strengthened some of their accountability measures, although I could argue some of them are also still weak. But there have been changes. So for example, the IMF now addresses and thinks about social protection, which it didn't used to do, and social safety nets, which it didn't used to do in the past. So you can argue that these changes aren't enough, and they're too late, and it's still harmful. But I think there is evidence that they do try to evolve and adapt, maybe not perfectly. And also, it's really difficult to change a huge institution. It's like turning a large ship. You know, it doesn't happen quickly. But the narrative today is different from the past. I mean, there is—there is more focus on climate change, for example. Which you can argue some countries, it's not really their priority. But even that's changing. More countries, more developing countries, are realizing that issues of climate change are related to them, whether it's through natural disasters, you know, hurricanes, floods, mud—you know, all of this. So I think it's—I think this criticism is still out there. And it exists. The institutions are imperfect. But they do—they do slowly try to adjust and adapt. And if you dig into it, if you go into detail, you'll find that they do a better job in some issues than others, in some countries than others, in some periods of time than others. So as a scholar I would argue that you—it's hard to make a blanket statement about them without kind of unpacking, you know, specific cases and over time. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next written question from Jon-Paul Maddaloni, a military professor at the U.S. Naval War College: For the World Bank, what is the definition of creditworthy? Is this a debt-to-GDP ratio? Is there a standard here that may be part of the developing world grievance against the World Bank? GUTNER: So there are complex ways of assessing that. But basically, one of the major ones is to decide if a country is eligible for IBRD loans, which are International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the main part of the World Bank, which are loans that have to be repaid. And if a country is relatively less creditworthy or poor countries can access grants, or no-interest loans, or concessional funding from the World Bank's arm that's called IDA, the International Development Association—or, Agency. (Laughs.) I just—I just call it IDA. So if you're—if you're able to access IDA funding, you're relatively less creditworthy. The World Bank also has other facilities to offer—both the bank and also the IMF—capacity development, which is just money given for technical assistance. And those are the different categories for the World Bank. So countries can change category. So if a country becomes more economically stronger, it can graduate from IDA concessional financing. If it becomes weaker, it can access that financing. And there are some countries which can get a blend. In other words, they're creditworthy enough to be able to take some amount of loans, but not enough so that all of their financing can be a loan form. So these are some of the ways that the World Bank responds to different categories of creditworthiness. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. I'm going to take the next question from Fordham's International Political Economy and Development Program. They have a raised hand. If you can just say who you are. (Laughter.) Q: Thank you for being with us today. I'm Genevieve, part of the Fordham IPED Program. My question is, what are some specific examples of how a country's national political landscape and private interests cause these setbacks for cross-sectoral collaboration in these development banking efforts? And how do these large banking institutions work around corruption, for example? GUTNER: I'm sorry. Can you repeat the first part about collaboration—cross-sectoral collaboration? Q: Yeah. What are some specific examples of how a country's national political landscape and private interests cause setbacks for cross-sectoral collaboration for these development banks? And then we could take corruption as an example. GUTNER: So I'm not 100 percent sure what you mean by the—by the cross-sectoral collaboration. When I'm focusing on collaboration, or when the narrative is focusing on collaboration, it's really focusing more on collaboration between, for example, the World Bank and IMF. How do they collaborate? And the answer to that is, they haven't collaborated well for almost eighty years. But that's not—what I think you're asking is, what happens between these institutions and the national level? Well, one issue—the issue of corruption has become much more widely discussed in both the World Bank and the IMF. In the past, it was seen as a domestic political issue, which is really outside their articles of agreement. They're not supposed to get involved in these domestic political issues. But there's much more awareness today that corruption—for example, in the IMF—corruption impacts a government's health—the fiscal health, their ability to have money to spend on development. And the same is true for the World Bank. So there's much more attention on these issues. The institutions still have to navigate carefully so that they don't look like they're getting involved in politics, even though they can't really avoid it. But so corruption is much higher on the priority list. And it can impact a country's ability to get funding from either institutions. So from the World Bank, and they have—they have lists of companies they won't work with in procurement, for example, who are barred from engaging in procurement. And it's part of discussions. It shows up in the partnership—the framework documents that both countries produce for individual countries. So a kind of a—this is a long way to say, it's on the radar and it matters. But a lot of the collaboration issues are related to how the institutions work with each other. But also in country, I should add, that in some countries the donors collaborate on the ground. So they meet together and they try to make sure they're not overlapping. There's—it doesn't always work very well. You know, in some cases it works better than others. But for the institutions to collaborate more with each other, they have faced many challenges in doing that. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Joshua McKeown, associate provost and director of the international education at State University of New York at Oswego: For context, how much lending does the World Bank do in comparison with regional development banks? GUTNER: Well, I guess it depends. I don't have all that data at my fingertips, but the World Bank in the last—in—let's see, I do have the World Bank data at my fingertips. Let me just pull it up. See where I had it. The World Bank in its current annual report, the IBRD committed $38 and a half billion in 2023. IDA committed $34 billion. The regional banks are much smaller, so the World Bank tends to be the largest. But there's also a lot of variation across the regional banks as well. Now it's important to say that they will often cofinance projects with each other. So the regional banks will engage with the World Bank, and they'll have shared projects, and they'll work together. There are times where they also will compete with each other on occasion. They might both be interested in funding an airport—building an airport somewhere. And one of them may offer more attractive terms than the other. But the competition is not kind of a serious problem, because basically wherever you look in the world, there's almost an infinite demand for infrastructure finance. You know, show me a city that doesn't need a new metro, or the roads repaired, right? So there's a lot of demand out there for these banks to be able to do what they do. And but that has to be tempered with the, on the other side, how much debt can an individual country take on? And that's where we're seeing more serious problems today. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Samia Abdulle from Professor Fazal's class. And she is at the University of Minnesota: How has COVID-19 renewed the debate about the World Bank's role in international development? GUTNER: That's a great question, because when it comes to crisis, member states turn to these institutions right away. And this is a little separate from your question, but before the global financial crisis, for example, the IMF and the World Bank had seen their demand for their services drop dramatically. There were questions about the legitimacy of the IMF. Then the global financial crisis hit and, boom, they were kind of the go-to organizations to help respond to these issues. So the World Bank and the IMF both responded pretty rapidly to the pandemic. And they each came up with new facilities, they got money out the door quickly, they relaxed some of their conditions. So they both had a kind of a robust response. Now, there are people who are saying, well, it was not enough. It should have been more. But, you know, they did a lot. And in an emergency situation, also, you have to remember, they all had to work at home as well. So everybody was working at home. Nobody could travel, but yet they got a lot of money out the door quickly, in different kinds of ways. And I think what we're going to have to revisit down the road is, did any of that money disappear? You know, where—was there accountability for all this money, because it was moved out the door so quickly. And the head of the IMF, Kristalina Georgieva, would say: Just save your receipts. (Laughs.) Just save your receipts. But that's going to be something to see, what happened with this money, where did it actually go, how did accountability work? But the World Bank alone got $30 billion—it dispersed $30 billion in fifteen months at the beginning of the pandemic in emergency support. So they really did step up. And whether it was enough or not is a matter of opinion. But they moved—they did move quickly. And I should just add, since you asked about—I just want to add one thing. The World Bank was involved in getting people access to vaccines, helping weak health infrastructures in countries, and all kinds of issues related to the pandemic. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. So I'm going to take the next written question from Yiagadeesen Samy, who's the director of the School of International Affairs at Carleton University in Canada: You already covered the AIIB in your opening remarks, and we will be circulating this transcript in the video later, but let's look at the second part of the question. Can you comment a little bit on whether the proposed changes to MDBs are a reaction to China's growing influence? And if so, what your views are about the changing geopolitical economic dynamics? GUTNER: It's so great people are asking these simple questions. (Laughs.) FASKIANOS: I know! GUTNER: Yes. FASKIANOS: Keeping you on your toes! (Laughs.) GUTNER: Yes. So let me preface by saying this: China has different strategies in development banking. On one side, you have the AIIB, for example. On the other side, the Belt and Road Initiative. The AIIB is not—in my research, it's cut from the same cloth as other development banks. It's not a threat. It's a part of the landscape of development banks. It's part of the community. It was designed by an international group of experts. In fact, the person who wrote the AIIB's articles of agreement was an American. And the person who designed the AIIB's environmental and social framework was an American. So it was a—it was a real international effort. And in fact, the World Bank helped the AIIB get set up. So the World Bank volunteered staff and gave the AIIB advice on things like vacation policy and office furniture. This is the Beijing office of the World Bank. And the World Bank even ran the AIIB treasury at the beginning, and it cofinanced projects. So the AIIB is cut from the same cloth as development banks. Now, it does have some differences. It's has—it's much smaller. It has a staff under four hundred. The World Bank is ten thousand, for example. And so there are some people who think it might have spurred the World Bank to pay more attention to doing more on infrastructure, which it had moved away from a little bit because that's the AIIB's focus. But the Belt and Road is something different. It's a bilateral initiative. It's an umbrella for Chinese financial institutions to lend money for infrastructure. It's not actually an organization. It's just an umbrella term. And there are differences, because the banks lending under the Belt and Road, Chinese institutions, they don't follow global norms on environmental and social framework, on safeguards. They're not transparent. We can't—we don't know how the loan is structured. They don't report the lending numbers to the Paris Club, for example. So there's a real difference between China's strategy in the AIIB and China's strategy in the Belt and Road, which reflects the different natures. There's not one Chinese strategy. So I think, in a way, the existing development banks help the AIIB more, and their staff help the AIIB more. The Belt and Road is a separate thing. But what I think is going to be interesting is to see if the borders, the boundaries between what is done following global norms, and rules, and procedures, if there's any kind of crossover with what's inside those borders and what's outside those borders. So for example, the AIIB is hosting a facility to help countries better design infrastructure projects that might be undertaken under Belt and Road. And so we just have to keep an eye on that. But it's not—it's not a bleak or black and white picture, the way some people describe it. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. A good follow up question from Steven Shinkel, who's the military professor of national security affairs at U.S. Naval War College: Can you compare the relative use of concessional loans between the World Bank and China? What about loan forgiveness, especially in regions such as Africa and South America? GUTNER: Right. So most of the Chinese lending under Belt and Road is not concessional. Most of it is not concessional. And often interest rates are higher than a comparative loan, even from the IBRD, even non-concessional lending. So they will often charge higher interest rates, but they will have less conditionality. So a country trying to decide who to take a loan from will have to weigh that. Do we want a lower interest rate loan from the World Bank that might have more policy conditionality, we might have to adjust our policy, we might have to think about environmental impacts more? Or do we want a slightly more expensive loan from a Chinese lending institution, but it doesn't have any strings attached? So that's kind of the part of the decision-making that borrowers have to go through. On debt—the second part was on, I'm sorry, the question disappeared. On debt? FASKIANOS: Oh, sorry. Yes, the second question is: What about loan forgiveness, especially in regions such as Africa and South America? GUTNER: Well, that's something that's being widely discussed right now, because Chinese institutions haven't been as comfortable about that, or as used to that. And they're—you know, they're being pushed by other institutions. Hey, you have to take a haircut too. We all have to—we all have to do that. There is a little bit of that going on. But it's something—I mean, if you read the article suggested in the email about this talk by Deborah Brautigam, she really unpacks that in great detail. And she makes an argument that there's some kind of learning and give and take that's happening and we need to see more of it. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. Next question from Lindsey McCormack, who's a graduate student at CUNY Baruch College: There's a lot of activity in the U.S. and Europe with new disclosure standards on climate and social impacts of corporations. How do the multilateral development banks relate to this activity? Are they seeing more pressure to discuss—oh, sorry—disclose climate and social impacts of their lending? GUTNER: Yes. (Laughs.) Yes. Now, they already do a lot. They already have environmental and social safeguards. And they've all moved away from funding oil and gas, or mostly oil and some gas. So they're moving away from that. And they're all working together, actually—I mean, I think it's an important example of networking—of the network of MDBs—that they're all moving toward meeting—complying with the Paris Agreement and showing how they're doing that. Now, some of this is how they measure things, and how they label things, and how they account for things. So there's still some debate on whether they're doing enough. But there's, for sure, pressure from NGOs and others. And the banks are moving in that direction. And they're—they're proudly touting how their projects comply. A high percentage of their projects are complying with the Paris Agreement. But there's still some interesting criticism coming out. So, for example, there was a recent report by a German NGO that said the World Bank's private sector lending arm, the IFC—that the IFC was making loans for trade support where that money might go into oil and gas. But you can't tell, right? So they were calling for more transparency on how the IMF is—how the IFC is doing trade credits. So that's something that's very recent. You can look that up and read more about it. FASKIANOS: Just to follow on, how are the multilateral development banks structured? And how effective do you think they are? GUTNER: Structured in terms of what? I mean, I can talk generally in case—so they— FASKIANOS: Yeah, I think corporate structure. GUTNER: So they have—they all have board of governors, which are all the top relevant officials of their member states, typically the finance minister or the central bank head. And they meet once or twice a year. And they make the big decisions. So one thing that's important to realize is a lot of these countries are members of a lot of development bank—there's a lot of overlap in membership. And that's also a way to cross-fertilize ideas, and policies, and things like that. They all have boards of directors, which are more engaged with the day-to-day business. And the—voting is based on your shareholding in the development bank. And that is based broadly on your economic strength. So the economically stronger companies have—stronger countries have a larger share and more voting power. And then you have the presidents of these organizations that have an important leadership role. And then you have the staff. So that's basically the structure of these development banks. And meeting next week are the board of governors and the directors in Marrakech for the World Bank and IMF. And you can see how they engage with staff and how they help set the strategic tone for the institutions. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. And I just want to remind everybody to raise your hand if you want to ask a question. Everybody's a little bit shy today, or else Tammi's been so thorough that you have no questions. (Laughter.) But I have more questions. But first, I'm going to go to Don Habibi, who is a professor at the University of North Carolina Wilmington: With yesterday's stock market plunge and political instability in the U.S., how much concern should we have over the multitrillion-dollar national debt? GUTNER: So that's not an issue that directly impacts the international financial institutions, the IMF, and the World Bank, right now. I mean, the U.S. is the largest shareholder of both, and they both—or, the World Bank has a AAA credit rating. So it's not really—we might be concerned over national debt, but so far it's not having a big impact on the dollar. So far, it's not having a big impact on investment. So there's always kind of some concern, but it's not—it's not translating into anything that's making people nervous about how these organizations operate. But, you know, one place to look for an answer, I'll tell you this, is when the IMF does surveillance, it does—which are its reports on the economic health of individual member states. It does these surveillance reports even on the rich countries. It does them for everyone. So I would suggest you look for the latest article for surveillance report that the IMF has done on the United States, and see what it has to say about concerns about debt. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. You recently completed a book manuscript on the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Some policymakers and scholars have argued it is a threat to the World Bank. Can you talk about if you agree with that or disagree? GUTNER: Oh, right. So I answered a little bit of that earlier, actually, which is: I don't think it's a threat because I think it's cut from the same cloth as these other development banks in terms of it has similar policies, it has similar governance rules. The World Bank—it's signed MOUs, memoranda of understanding, with all these other development banks. It cooperates with them. It cofinances projects with them. So I think the narrative of the AIIB being a threat is not correct. Could something change in the future? Who knows. But there has been a recent scandal at the AIIB. And we don't know how that will yet be resolved, where this past summer the Canadian director of communications resigned dramatically, suddenly, arguing that Communist Party committees were somehow involved in the work of the bank. And we—so, Canada froze its membership. So that's a bit of a scandal and a crisis at the AIIB. And Canada is doing its own report on what happened. So I kind of think we have to see what comes out of that report. If Canada decided to leave the AIIB, would it impact any other members? Too early to say. But so far, there's nothing directly threatening about its work. It's walked and talked and behaved like other development banks. It does have some differences. It has a nonresident board, which was seen as a cost-saving measure. You know, why have all these people sit around and cost a lot of money? But there are some civil society actors who think that that could produce less accountability. If the board is not there, you know, the bank has more kind of autonomy to do—more independence. So there are some differences. But so far, it's been just another member of the multilateral development bank system. FASKIANOS: Thank you. All right. We have more hands raised, which I'm very excited about. Tanisha Fazal, who is the Weinstein chair of international studies at University of Richmond: You mentioned the difficulties of collaboration between IMF and the World Bank. Can you please elaborate on what you see as the primary obstacles to collaboration between MDBs? GUTNER: Yes. I'm happy to talk about that. So that was the topic of my year—my Council on Foreign Relations fellowship at the International Monetary Fund's Independent Evaluation Office. And we were evaluating Bank-Fund collaboration. And I was part of the overall evaluation, which you can find online. And I also wrote a separate paper on the history of Bank-Fund collaboration. And I found it to be absolutely fascinating, because these two institutions were created together at the Bretton Woods Conference. And they're called the Bretton Woods twins. They're literally across the street from each other. There's an underground passage that connects the two. They interact all the time. They have a joint orchestra. I don't know if anybody knew that. (Laughs.) They used to share a library. So there's a lot of—if any two organizations should be able to work closely together, it's these two, right? This should be your best case, and yet they've struggled for their entire existence. And I think one of the obstacles is that over time their issues have overlapped. So an example of that is today, when the IMF is doing more on climate change, gender, and inequality, which traditionally is the work of the Bank. So their work has kind of—over time, given the issues facing the world, it's kind of naturally overlapped. And what I found that was very interesting is in over twenty-five different formal attempts the two institutions produced to collaborate with each other—memos and announcements by the heads of the institutions—for decades, what they meant by collaboration was turf delineation. Collaboration meant you stay out of my territory. (Laughs.) I don't think of that as collaboration. It's working together on a common objective, right? So that was what they meant by it, and for many years what they—what the solution was, that the institution that's not in charge of this issue should yield to the judgment of the other one—the yield to the judgment one. So I think turf overlap has been a problem. But even when they make an effort, often they have different incentives, they have different budget cycles, they have different—you know, it's just not that easy. And the IMF's latest strategy for collaboration has been when IMF staff encounter an issue that they don't have expertise in, they should leverage the expertise of the World Bank and other partners. Well, that, to me, sounds like one-way collaboration, which is an oxymoron, right? That if the IMF needs help, it should call the IMF and get help—I mean, call the World Bank and get help. But for the World Bank, they might be busy. (Laughs.) So those kinds of challenges persist. There have been times where they do create a truly collaborative effort, like the HIPC Initiative, or the FSAPs, or the PRSP—sorry for all the acronyms—but where they—where they have a shared work program and shared guidance and shared expectations. Those have tended to work better than big umbrella exhortations by the leaders saying: Collaborate! You know, do more collaboration. Those have tended to work better, but they also run into individual problems. So really, the upshot is, even though you would expect collaboration to be the easiest and make most sense between these two institutions, in fact, it's often been a struggle. And some people found, when I mentioned the IMF's resilience trust, that's something that would normally have been undertaken by the World Bank. So they have not—they have had challenges collaborating, and those continue. FASKIANOS: Thank you. And I need to correct the record, my apologies. So that question was from Tanisha Fazal, who is an associate professor of political science at the University of Minnesota. So the next question is from Sandra Joireman, who is the Weinstein chair of international studies at University of Richmond. So my apologies. So this this question is from Sandra: Some of the previous efforts to address the environmental impacts of certain projects were ineffective. Do you think new efforts to address the environment and climate challenge change will be better? If so, why? GUTNER: So I'm guessing you're referring to the World Bank? And, yes, there's a whole long history of the Bank addressing environmental issues. And it really started in the 1980s, when NGOs identified projects that had gone horribly wrong and caused enormous environmental degradation. Like the Polonoroeste highway in Brazil. It was a famous—infamous example. And the Narmada dam in India. These are infamous examples. But when you look over the years, there have been improvements to what kinds of things the Bank can lend money to, how strong the environmental and social safeguards are. So when I look at the whole history of the World Bank and environment, I basically see it is not a one-way trajectory, and as forward or backward. I see it as more zigzag steps, some forward steps, some backward steps, some forward steps, some backward steps. So overall, because climate change is becoming one—it's about to become a major part of the Bank's mission and vision. So before it was shared prosperity and poverty reduction, and now it's going to—if it's all approved next week—it will be shared prosperity, poverty reduction, and a livable planet. So climate change is kind of moving the front row and center. And that will make it harder for the Bank to fund projects that can be criticized. It will make it much more important that it follows these solid environmental and social framework rules. So I think it's a move in the right direction. But as I mentioned earlier, we're still seeing criticism from NGO about things slipping through the cracks, like trade finance, right? Or another area that's weak is the World Bank—the IFC and the World Bank will sometimes lend money to financial intermediaries. So it's like—it's like lending money to a local bank that then lends it out for something else. And there's been less oversight about how that money is on lent, and whether that can go for something that's damaging to climate change or the environment. So they're moving in the right direction. I think there's been progress. I think there's been backward steps and forward steps over the whole arc of the World Bank's efforts in this area. And I think there's still going to be some criticism as they address some of these areas where there's slippage. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question, a raised hand from Sheri Fink. So, Sheri, if you can say who you are and accept the unmute prompt. Q: Oh, I'm sorry. I think I pressed the wrong button. I didn't mean to raise my hand. Sorry about that. FASKIANOS: OK. No problem. All right. I will take the next question from Eric Muddiman, master's student at Norman Paterson School of International Affairs in Ottawa, Canada: In terms of mobilizing more private capital and development, there has been discussion on MDBs' role in mitigating risk. Private sector are not allowed to invest in BB/BBB ZIP code investments from a regulatory perspective. Are there concrete proposals advancements in these discussions? GUTNER: Yes. Do I know what they all are? No. It's kind of a live discussion. And I know, in the new World Bank—the latest version of the evolution roadmap, there's talk about creating, like, a lab—an innovation lab, or a private sector lab, to try to do more. Some of the banks have hubs in some areas where they—areas in the developing world where they might have better access to private sector actors. And they're trying to engage with private sector actors in conferences and find ways of discussing project ideas. So that's not as concrete as you like, perhaps, but there are efforts to think about this. And there was a seminar at the spring meetings with private sector actors who are also saying that they felt they could do more to engage colleagues and find ways to bring the private sector and public sector together. So there are initiatives, seminars, hubs, labs. You know, all of this stuff is kind of lively and happening right now. And I do think it will be interesting to see what, if anything, catches on. Because, as I mentioned earlier, this discussion has been going on even before 2015, but the turning billions into trillions discussion. And it just hasn't worked out that well, because of these issues like risk, right? Private sector actors may not want to involve in countries where the risk is too great and where countries don't have capacity, where they have weaker capacity. So there are many challenges in this area. And just a variety of activities and ideas being put forward to try to respond. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Next, a raised hand for Walton Brown. You can accept the unmute. There you go, Walton. Q: So I too—I didn't intend to hit anything. I'm so sorry. FASKIANOS: OK. That's OK. GUTNER: You can still ask a question. (Laughter.) FASKIANOS: That's OK! You can still ask a—exactly, Tammi. We can—we can still—we love hearing from you all. So, all right. Well, we will continue on— Q: And my phone is troubled. FASKIANOS: Phone is troubled. (Laughs.) No problem. That's just fine. OK, so I'm going to go next to—let's see, we've got several who don't have affiliations, but let me go to Holley Hansen: A lot of previous questions have focused on the World Bank or IMF operations. But going back to your original remarks, there also been discussion on how internal rules and procedures, such as voting, leave stakeholders out of the decision-making process. What major suggested reforms to internal decision-making do you think are viable? And what are the pros and cons of changing those rules? GUTNER: Well, the voting is part of internal decision-making. So the voting is part of that. And the real issue has been, how can—well, one of the real issues is shouldn't China have a greater stake? Shouldn't China have a higher stake? Because China is now the number-three largest stakeholder in the World Bank and the IMF, after the U.S., number one, and Japan, number two. But its stake, at around 6 percent, is really less than it should be if you follow the kind of formula they use to calculate a state's economic strength. It's been calculated that really it should be more like 12 percent, right? So part of the discussion is how to give developing countries, and especially China, more weight in governance through the—through the voting share. And that's an ongoing discussion. Right now, in today's kind of more tense political—global political environment, it's hard to imagine the U.S. supporting something like that at this juncture of time, although there have been reports that the managing director of the IMF is open to it. So I think this is going to be one of the issues that is discussed in Marrakesh next week, what to do with these voting shares? But they do adjust them every so often. So China did move up from having a lower ranking to now being number three in the IMF and World Bank. So it does happen over time. Internal decision-making is a whole complicated other kind of issue. And these development banks, you know, they all face internal decision-making challenges. They all face kind of common tensions. So one of them is how you balance authority between the country—people who work in the country and people who work on sectoral issues. So how do you—who should—who should have more decision-making authority, the country level or the sector level? There are decision-making issues and tensions between the public sector lending arms of these development banks and the private sector lending arms, because they have different incentives and different goals. So there have been challenges inside these development banks with kind of internal silos and where power and authority should be held. And it's hard to come up with what the right answer is. You know, there are pros and cons to giving more power to the country or more power to the sector. And in fact, these banks restructure from time to time. And if you look at kind of the history of the restructuring of some of the major development banks, they sort of move back and forth between where they think authority should be located. So these issue—it's a whole other can of worms than voting power on the board of directors. But it's important, because it can affect their performance. It can affect their performance and their ability to function effectively. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the last question. We have several quick questions from Fordham again. Let's see. There you go. Q: OK, thank you. So in the worst case scenario that the U.S. and China engage in conflict in Taiwan, how would the World Bank respond to the economic shocks of this in geographically vulnerable neighboring countries, such as Vietnam, Laos, and the Philippines? GUTNER: That's a tough question. Thank you for ending this with a really tough question. We're not supposed to say I don't know. (Laughs.) We're supposed to have—that's a tough one, because, again, China is number three at the World Bank. So if China—couldn't—most of the time voting doesn't happen. Most of the time, it's consensus. So it's hard to predict. I mean, you'd have to unpack a lot of different things there. You'd have to unpack what kind of—what would the World Bank normally do? Would it normally—would it affect development lending to neighboring countries? I mean, it's interesting to look at the case of Russia's invasion of Ukraine and how—what the response to that has been, because Russia's a member of all these institutions too. But the development banks mostly froze lending to Russia. Also, the AIIB did, because it had to comply—to comply with these sanctions. So Russia lending has been frozen. And these institutions are all giving money to Ukraine to help Ukraine rebuild. So there is kind of a situation that can be—that can be used to compare, to kind of get ideas about what might happen, right? And even at the AIIB, Russia is number three largest shareholder in the AIIB. It's China, India, and Russia. And the AIIB immediately froze lending to Russia. So we could—we could kind of play out different scenarios, but there's a lot of unknowns in that case. And I do think looking at the response of MDBs to Russia's invasion of Ukraine could provide some useful lessons. FASKIANOS: Tammi, we are at the end of our time. And I apologize that we couldn't get to all the questions. I wonder if you could just take a minute. You were awarded a CFR Fellowship for Tenured International Relations Scholars, which allowed you to work—be placed in a government office. So if you could just take a minute to talk about that experience and encourage other professors to apply. The deadline's coming up. It's the end of October. So it just would be great for you to just give us your— GUTNER: Absolutely, yes. All the professors in the audience, please apply for this, because it's a special, invaluable experience. When you're—when you're studying something, and you have the opportunity to be an insider for a year, I can't even tell you how much you learn. I learned being—and it's a two-way street. They benefit from the expertise of the scholars who are coming in because we bring a different perspective. We bring different analytical and methodological tools. And I just can't tell you how much I learned that I could never find out as an outsider, including the IMF-World Bank orchestra, or the—(laughs)—yeah, actually, maybe some outsiders know that. But really, to open up the black box of an organization and see firsthand about how things work internally, what the culture's like, how things get done, what happens in the hallways. I mean, all that stuff, all of those kinds of details really enhanced my scholarship and shaped my research direction, working on these issues of collaboration, for example. So if any of you are considering applying, please feel free to get in touch with me if you have any questions about the fellowship. I'd be happy to discuss it with you. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Thank you for that, and for your amazing insights into these issues. And to all of you for your great questions. You can follow Dr. Gutner on X, the app formerly known as Twitter, at @TGutner. And for the students on this call, CFR has paid internships. So to learn more about the internships you can go to—and also the fellowships—you can go to CFR.org/careers. Follow us at @CFR_Academic, and visit CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for research and analysis on global issues. And the next Academic Webinar will take place on Wednesday, October 11, at 1:00 p.m. (EDT). Landry Signé, senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, will talk about Africa on the global stage. So, again, thank you to Tamar Gutner. And to all of you, have a great rest of your day. GUTNER: Thanks for having me. And thanks to everyone for attending. (END)

Is mothering your dream job? What will you do when your kids leave home? If you've been out of the workforce because you are a stay-at-home mom, do you feel like no one will hire you? Are you bored with your job yet afraid to leave it because you need to pay the bills? You're going to love our next guest and his book, Time to Move On: The 7 Career Myths Keeping You From Finding Your Dream Job. Mustafa Ammar is the founder and CEO of “The Passion MBA”, a global coaching company. He is also a life-coach who coached hundreds of professionals around the world to find their dream careers and build their dream businesses, by applying his coaching methodology “The Passion Blueprint”. Mustafa is also the author of “Time to Move On” Mustafa lived several career lives in one single life. He started his career as a pharmacist out of a passion for chemistry, then he became an international diplomat out of a passion for building bridges among different cultures and traveling the world, where he worked in China, Malawi, and the United Nations. He then worked as an investment specialist at The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), where he was in charge of business development and bringing investments to various regions including Africa, The Middle East & Latin America. Mustafa successfully brought more than $1.1 billion worth of finance in infrastructure projects in the Middle East alone during his tenure at AIIB. Mustafa holds a Master of Business Administration (MBA) with distinction from Alliance Manchester Business School in the UK. He also holds another master's degree in diplomatic studies & negotiations and a BA in pharmaceutical sciences. Contact Mustafa and learn more at: https://mustafaammar.com/ Follow on Instagram at https://www.instagram.com/thepassionmba/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The CBE decided to keep interest rates unchanged at 19.25% and 20.25% for overnight deposit and overnight lending rates, respectively, citing a slight decline in core inflation and a moderation of real GDP growth.Egypt is in talks with an Abu Dhabi-based bank for a loan facility that would finance wheat purchases from Kazakhstan, as a cheap alternative to grain from Russia.The Asian International Infrastructure Bank (AIIB) is holding its annual meeting in Sharm El-Sheikh on 25-26 September. AIIB's current investment portfolio in Egypt amounts to USD1.3 billion. The most important part of the portfolio is the Benban Solar Park project with anticipated investments in the pipeline total just over USD1 billion, mainly in infrastructure financing.The Ministry of Petroleum has upped its investment forecast for the oil and gas sector to USD8.5-9 billion in FY2023/24 up from its previous estimate of USD7.7-8 billion.The Trade Ministry will bring its three-month export ban on onions into effect on 1 October. The USD index reached its highest level in six months, rising by more than 6% since its recent low in mid-July, as investors took a pessimistic view on interest rates in the wake of the Fed's indication that interest rates will need to stay higher for longer.The CBE directed banks to repeal the subsidized interest rate on loans and facilities obtained by government economic authorities, as the CBE had been granting economic authorities loans at a subsidized interest of 5% for two years, which was objected to by an international agency.The government intends to grant tax incentives and exemptions recently approved, including exemption from all types of taxes for up to 5 years, except for value-added tax, to investments worth more than USD500 million, especially in sectors that have an import gap.Suez Canal revenues recorded USD888.6 million in August 2023, compared to USD745.6 million in the same month last year, an increase of 19.2% YoY.The government-owned real estate company Mohammed Alabbar is reportedly considering to acquire through his Eagle Hills company is City Edge, according to local media.SKPC decided to postpone the acquisition of Ethydco until finalizing the study of an offer by a strategic investor to acquire a share of Ethydco's capital through a partial exit of some of the company's existing shareholders.The government hopes to sign final contracts with ADQ before the end of this week for the sale of shares in Egyptian Ethylene and Derivatives Company (Ethydco), Egyptian Linear Alkyl Benzene (Elab), and Egyptian Drilling Company (EDC). It came to an initial agreement with the Abu Dhabi wealth fund earlier this year to sell 25-30% stakes in the three companies for USD800 million.President Abdel Fattah El Sisi has signed a law authorizing Oil Minister Tarek El Molla to contract Chile's Enap Sipetrol and the Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation to carry out oil exploration and extraction in the Gulf of Suez.OIH's Board has agreed to sell 100% of the assets it owns in Brazil.Ashry Steel submitted an offer to the state-owned Metallurgical Industries Holding (MIH) to acquire its subsidiary Delta Steel, according to local media.The Trade Ministry has extended its sugar export ban for another three months until 20 December.MNT-Halan issued a securitization worth EGP1.04 billion, as part of a three-year program worth EGP3.0 billion. This is the second issuance in the program. 

In this episode of the Shift with Elena Agar - I sit down with Mustafa Ammar - the founder and CEO of “The Passion MBA”, a global coaching company. He is also a life-coach who coached hundreds of professionals around the world to find their dream careers and build their dream businesses, by applying his coaching methodology “The Passion Blueprint”. Mustafa is also the author of the upcoming books “Time to Move On” & “The Passion Project”. Mustafa lived several career lives in one single life. He started his career as a pharmacist out of passion for chemistry, then he became an international diplomat out of passion for building bridges among different cultures and traveling the world, where he worked in China, Malawi and the United Nations. He then worked as an investment specialist at The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), where he was in charge of business development and bringing investments to various regions including Africa, The Middle East & Latin America. Mustafa successfully brought more than $1.1 billion worth of finance in infrastructure projects in the Middle East alone during his tenure at AIIB. Mustafa holds a Master of Business Administration (MBA) with distinction from Alliance Manchester Business School in the UK. He also holds another master degree in diplomatic studies & negotiations and BA in pharmaceutical sciences. For more information please visit: ThePassionMBA.com Instagram: @ThePassionMBA About your host: Elena is a talent development specialist & an education advocate. She started her career in higher education, having worked across various institutions, departments and regions, followed by a shift to corporations - where she creates learning journeys, builds effective talent acquisition pipelines, and develops talent development programs. Elena has a strong interest in how we can use science - particular Behavioral and Neuro sciences - to help people learn effectively, expand their mindset and overall grow personally and professionally. As an entrepreneur – Elena founded Bloom Youth - a tech education platform that prepares youth for the future - and co-founded Bessern – tech solution for productivity and well-being in organizations. When she is not leading talent transformation, she volunteers her time to help young students with their career development goals, as well as military veterans looking to make career transition to corporate jobs. Learn more about Elena: https://linktr.ee/ElenaAgar Connect with Elena on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/elenaagaragimova/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/elenaagaragi Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/elenaagaragimova/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/elenaagaragimova --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/elenaagar/support

CONVERSATIONS WITH CALVIN WE THE SPECIES ** WATCH  NOW: MUSTAFA AMMAR; 5 Careers & Counting; NOW Building a Tech Startup to Help Find Your Dream Career. #pharmacist #diplomat #investmentbanker #Egypt #careerchange #realconversations #author #passionmba “Meet MUSTAFA AMMAR; His journey thru several unique careers & now helping and guiding people with career changes is almost a movie…. but, especially for ME and countless others, it is life-critical to be happy, and fulfilled. Cultivating that energy, and technique, and having Mustafa guide you to change is key to that life journey. Wish I knew Mustafa a few decades ago….it could've saved me a few decades. This is a must-watch interview.”  Calvin https://www.youtube.com/c/ConversationswithCalvinWetheSpecIEs 241 Interviews. GLOBAL Reach.  PLEASE SUBSCRIBE and join the other 4100 Subscribers ** MUSTAFA AMMAR; 5 Career Lives and Counting; Why a Former Diplomat, Investment Banker, and Pharmacist is Building a Tech Startup to Help Millions to Find Their Dream Career. LIVE from Italy YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UaqAxYM1TuU CONTACTS: LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/mustafa-ammar-994a93120/ Instagram: @ThePassionMba https://thepassionmba.com/# MustafaAmmar.com AMAZON book: ‘Time to Move On': amzn.to/3XrrIYQ    kobo: https://www.kobo.com/ww/en/ebook/time-to-move-on-11 Barnes and Noble: https://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/time-to-move-on-mustafa-ammar/1143514697?ean=9798218165376 BIO: Mustafa Ammar is the founder and CEO of “The Passion MBA”, a global coaching company. He is also a life-coach who coached hundreds of professionals around the world to find their dream careers and build their dream businesses, by applying his coaching methodology “The Passion Blueprint”. Mustafa is also the author of the upcoming books “Time to Move On” & “The Passion Project”. Mustafa lived several career lives in one single life. He started his career as a pharmacist out of passion for chemistry, then he became an international diplomat out of passion for building bridges among different cultures and traveling the world, where he worked in China, Malawi and the United Nations. He then worked as an investment specialist at The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), where he was in charge of business development and bringing investments to various regions including Africa, The Middle East & Latin America. Mustafa successfully brought more than $1.1 billion worth of finance in infrastructure projects in the Middle East alone during his tenure at AIIB. Mustafa holds a Master of Business Administration (MBA) with distinction from Alliance Manchester Business School in the UK. He also holds another master degree in diplomatic studies & negotiations and BA in pharmaceutical sciences. For more information please visit ThePassionMBA.com Instagram: @ThePassionMBA ** WE ARE ALSO ON AUDIO AUDIO “Conversations with Calvin; WE the SpecIEs” ANCHOR https://lnkd.in/g4jcUPq SPOTIFY https://lnkd.in/ghuMFeC APPLE PODCASTS BREAKER https://lnkd.in/g62StzJ GOOGLE PODCASTS https://lnkd.in/gpd3XfM edits by Claudine Smith- Email: casproductions01@gmail.com

In this latest installment of our Women in Sustainability series, we talk with Yuan LIN,  Senior Specialist in Institutional Carbon Management at Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). She works closely with climate initiatives toward the Bank's green mission as embraced in AIIB's corporate strategy. She has 15 years of experience in Environmental Impact Assessments, the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), carbon trading, and corporate carbon emission management. Before joining AIIB, she worked at the London Stock Exchange, the World Bank China office, and the Energy Foundation. She graduated from Imperial College London with an MSc in Environmental Technology and from the University of Cambridge with an MPhil in Engineering for Sustainable Development.   In this episode we'll explore:   Her academic and work background Trends in the '碳圈 - tanquan', aka carbon circle in the past ten years Chinese carbon market development from 2015 to 2023 A day in the life of an Institutional Carbon Management Senior Specialist at AIIB

Today's guests: Bob Pickard, Public relations leader and communications counsel / Former Global Communications Director - Asian Infrastructre Investment Bank Timothy Sayle, associate professor of history - University of Toronto Dave Korzinski, Research Director - Angus Reid Institute Gus Carlson, U.S. based columnist for the Globe and Mail Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Four ridings held by-elections yesterday, in which the Conservatives and Liberals each held onto their two seats. Even so, the Conservatives had a tougher fight than usual to win the southwestern Ontario riding of Oxford, while the People's Party of Canada and its leader Maxime Bernier failed to live up to their 2021 performance in Portage–Lisgar in rural Manitoba. True North's Andrew Lawton breaks down the results and what they mean for the Conservatives and the PPC moving forward. Also, Canada is reassessing its relationship with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank after a Canadian staffer from the bank resigned citing rampant Chinese Communist Party influence. Former finance minister Joe Oliver joins to discuss why Canada should have stayed out of the AIIB in the first place. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Greece migrant ship, Baptist churches expelled, Nova Scotia fires: Daycare owner update, European AI act, Colombia survival update, AIIB resignation, Fires: Food bank and more

✘ Werbung: Mein Buch Katastrophenzyklen ► https://amazon.de/dp/B0C2SG8JGH/ - Die BRICS Staaten (Brasilien, Russland, Indien, China, Südafrika) werden immer wichtiger. Ist das ein Zusammenschluss übler, unfreier Staaten oder sind das die Befreier vom Joch des Westens? In den kommenden Monaten wird es sich entscheiden, ob die BRICS-Staaten weitere Mitglieder wie Iran und Saudi-Arabien aufnehmen werden. Der große Plan ist es, eine eigene Verrechnungswährung für den Handel innerhalb der BRICS-Staaten zu schaffen. Der Dollar wird dabei in Zukunft unter Druck geraten. Dass China sich mehr und mehr von den Dollar-Anleihen zurückzieht, ist ein erstes Anzeichen für diese globale Wende. Auch der aktuelle US-Haushaltsstreit lässt sich auf diese Problematik zurückführen. - Bevölkerung China ► https://youtu.be/p3SdbjL1A2c SWIFT und CIPS ► https://youtu.be/tGLluETi4XQ Interview Seymour Hersh ► https://youtu.be/yKkTUExLJjM Podcast ► https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/seymour-hersh-cia-covers-up-nord-stream-bombing-corruption/id474722933?i=1000612682111 - 0:00 Einleitung 4:39 BRICS Geschichte 7:46 BIP und Einwohner 15:12 G7, G7+ 16:15 AIIB, CIPS, NDB 17:11 Geopolitik | Deglobalisierung 20:18 BRICS Treffen | Konferenzen 23:36 BRICS+ | Beitrittskandidaten 26:09 BRICS Ziele | Dollar | Nahrungsreserven 28:27 SWIFT, CIPS | Embargos 32:15 Weltreservewährung, Sonderziehungsrechte, Schulden 35:34 Petrodollar, Sonderziehungsrechte 38:27 US-Staatsschulden, Schuldenobergrenze 46:31 Konservative Wahlergebnisse | EU

Der Suezkanal ist eine wichtige Etappe für Containerschiffe, die Waren von China nach Europa transportieren. Denn haben sie ihn passiert, ist das Mittelmeer erreicht. Nach zwei, drei weiteren Tagen - je nach Wetterlage und Wellengang - kommt der Hafen von Piräus in Sicht. Dort wehen schon seit Jahren nicht mehr nur griechische und europäische Flaggen, sondern auch chinesische. Denn der größte Hafen Griechenlands ist fest in der Hand chinesischer Investoren.Der Einstieg der Chinesen kam für Griechenland zur rechten Zeit: Die Finanzkrise im Jahr 2008 hatte das Land voll erwischt, Griechenland suchte dringend nach Investoren. Zunächst sicherte sich Cosco, die China Ocean Shipping Company, im Jahr 2009 Managementrechte, später Anteile an der Betreibergesellschaft des Hafens. Im Jahr 2016 stockte Cosco auf 67 Prozent der Anteile auf und hat seitdem als Mehrheitseigner unternehmerisch das Sagen.Alleine wäre der griechische Staat nicht in der Lage gewesen, den Hafen auf ein internationales Wettbewerbsniveau zu heben, berichtet Rolf Langhammer, Ökonom am Kiel Institut für Weltwirtschaft (IfW), im Podcast "Wirtschaft Welt & Weit". Für ihn sorgt die bessere Infrastruktur nicht nur bei Cosco für Profite, sondern sie diene auch den anderen Linien, die in dem Hafen verkehren, also etwa Hapag-Lloyd.Piräus wird immer mehr zur zentralen Drehscheibe auf dem Seeweg der neuen Seidenstraße, mit der China den Ausbau der weltweiten Handelswege vorantreibt. Der deutsche Wirtschaftswissenschaftler Jens Bastian lebt in Griechenland und hat den Ausbau des Hafens miterlebt. Er sieht darin einen Knotenpunkt eines Netzwerks chinesischer Beteiligungen an Häfen und Terminals, das Ägypten und Israel, die Türkei und Westeuropa, auch Valencia und Zeebrügge, überspannt.Gescheitert sind die Chinesen allerdings im italienischen Triest. Der dortige Tiefseehafen ist besonders wichtig für Öltanker. Doch die Italiener scheuten den geopolitischen Einfluss der Chinesen und setzten beim Bau eines neuen Multifunktionsterminals mit dem Hamburger Hafenlogistik-Konzern HHLA lieber auf einen europäischen Partner.Im größten deutschen Hafen in Hamburg stehen die Zeichen auf Kompromiss: Cosco wollte sich dort zu 35 Prozent am Terminal Tollerort beteiligen. Nach öffentlicher Debatte lässt die Bundesregierung jedoch nur 24,5 Prozent zu. Ökonom Langhammer steht dem Einstieg der Chinesen generell positiv gegenüber. Allerdings befürchtet er, dass Cosco Sanktionen gegen Russland unterlaufen könnte: "Das ist ein Staatskonzern, hinter dessen Fassade ich nicht richtig blicken kann."Dass China Deutschland ausbooten könnte, hält Ökonom Langhammer für übertrieben. Auch für Ludger Schuknecht, Vizepräsident der Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), belebt Konkurrenz das Geschäft: "Wenn wir etwas schläfrig sind, dann kommen andere und wecken uns auf", so Schuknecht. Solange sich die Chinesen an internationale Regelwerke halten, ist für ihn nichts gegen gesunde Konkurrenz einzuwenden. China habe dem Westen mit der Seidenstraße eben einfach "etwas Beine gemacht."Schreiben Sie Ihre Fragen, Kritik und Anmerkungen an www@n-tv.deUnsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.htmlUnsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

✘ Werbung: Mein Buch Allgemeinbildung ► https://amazon.de/dp/B09RFZH4W1/ Im Januar 2023 fand die jährliche Tagung des WEF statt. Sie wissen – die Veranstaltung von Herrn Schwab in Davos. War sie ein Erfolg oder Misserfolg? Kann ich nicht sagen. Von den Staatschefs war nur Herr Scholz da. Offiziell heißt es: Es war ein Staatschef-Rekord. 52 Staats- und Regierungschefs waren in Davos. Wer war denn nicht da? Die Staatschefs von Frankreich, Großbritannien und USA fehlten. Ach ja. China und Russland auch nicht. D.h. alle fünf ständigen Mitglieder des Weltsicherheitsrats der Vereinten Nationen fehlten. Und die Nächsten? Indien und Indonesien waren auch nicht da. Teilnehmer ► https://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_AM23_List_of_confirmed_PFs.pdf Rettet unsere Industrie ► https://youtu.be/hRnPt40Rz-M?t=1720 AIIB ► https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asiatische_Infrastrukturinvestmentbank CMI ► https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chiang-Mai-Initiative CIPS ► https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cross-Border_Inter-Bank_Payments_System Dr. Campbell ► https://youtu.be/eYz-yelhkYE

①Chinese, European Mars probes help examine atmosphere near sun ②Folk arts, cultural festival held in New York City to celebrate Chinese Lunar New Year ③China's monetary policy to boost domestic demand, supply-side structural reform: central bank ④AIIB marks 7 years of operation, looks ahead to broader mission ⑤China's Shandong vows to build world-class ports cluster in 2023 ⑥Danish toymaker Lego set to grow store count in China ⑦China powers up satellite payloads for gamma-ray burst observation ⑧Tackling food crisis can boost jobs, health and nature: report ⑨Chinese, European Mars probes help examine atmosphere near sun

Danny Alexander, former Chief Secretary to the UK Treasury and central to austerity policies in 2010, says the Sunak government will have an even more difficult job balancing the public finances now. Alexander, who is now Vice-President of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, tells Bloomberg's Caroline Hepker the multilateral institution is not beholden to any one member country, adding that the AIIB is committed to funding the energy transition.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

①Xi Jinping addresses a ceremony marking the centenary of Communist Youth League of China. What is required of young people in age of uncertainty? ②Ferdinand Marcos Jr is on course to win the Philippine presidential election by a landslide. ③Olaf Scholz has held talks with visiting Emmanuel Macron. Can Germany and France act together in response to the war in Ukraine? ④Yoon Suk-yeol takes office as South Korea's new president. ⑤Sri Lanka is in talks with AIIB for $100 million emergency funding.

Topic thoughts? Guest ideas? Comments? Just text us. (pls include reply details if needed)Conversation about corporate power purchasing agreements (CPPAs) featuring Steven Lu, a four-decade energy and banking veteran.We first discuss how to become part of the energy transition in the Asia Pacific region from the jobs perspective. Then we dig deep into the current dynamics of CPPAs in the region. Finally, we do a bit of crystal gazing on the outlook of CPPAs in the region in the next several decades. About Steve:  He is a seasoned project and structured finance banker who also has a broad-based corporate experience in the renewable energy sector.  Following a 10-year banking career in Canada, Steve returned to Hong Kong in the mid-1990s and joined HSBC Investment Bank as a project and export credit finance banker. He also worked at Macquarie Capital and ANZ with a focus on infrastructure investments, debt advisory and arranging.  In 2012, Steve switched to a corporate career in solar power development and investment.  He rounded out his full-time professional career recently at Canadian Solar where he focused on project and structured financing for solar power projects in the emerging market.  Steve is currently a Consultant to the AIIB.Production and artwork: Joseph Jacobelli. Music: The Open Goldberg Variations by Kimiko Ishizaka. Feedback: theasiaclimatecapitalpodcast@gmail.comHOST, PRODUCTION, ARTWORK: Joseph Jacobelli | MUSIC: Ep0-29 The Open Goldberg Variations, Kimiko Ishizaka Ep30- Orchestra Gli Armonici – Tomaso Albinoni, Op.07, Concerto 04 per archi in Sol - III. Allegro. | FEEDBACK: theasiaclimatecapitalpodcast@gmail.com.

The fifth episode of the Ukraine Daily Brief from the Deep State Radio Network.Stories cited in the podcast:Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant seized by Russians after shelling, say authoritiesTweet from Mykhailo PodolyakFACT SHEET: The United States Continues to Target Russian Oligarchs Enabling Putin's War of ChoiceEU urges UK to act faster before Russian assets are spirited awayGeorgia, Moldova Formally Apply For EU Membership Amid Russia's Invasion Of UkrainePutin says he will destroy the ‘anti-Russia' created by West and insists Ukraine invasion going to planQuad leaders agree Ukraine experience should not be allowed in Indo-Pacific -Japan, AustraliaU.S. offers temporary legal status to Ukrainians, citing Russian attackPentagon establishes communication line with Russians amid war in UkraineChina-based AIIB freezes lending to Russia and Belarus over Ukraine warPresident's request for fiscal year (FY) 2022 supplemental fundingPress remarks by Executive-Vice President Dombrovskis at the informal video conference of economy and finance ministers See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Today, we are bringing you the latest episode of the Ukraine Daily Brief, the new daily podcast from Deep State Radio bringing you the news you need to know about the war in Ukraine from the best outlets around the globe in less than 10 minutes. Subscribe to the Ukraine Daily Brief to get the latest updates from Grant Haver and Chris Cotnoir every weekday morning.Stories cited in the podcast:Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant seized by Russians after shelling, say authoritiesTweet from Mykhailo PodolyakFACT SHEET: The United States Continues to Target Russian Oligarchs Enabling Putin's War of ChoiceEU urges UK to act faster before Russian assets are spirited awayGeorgia, Moldova Formally Apply For EU Membership Amid Russia's Invasion Of UkrainePutin says he will destroy the ‘anti-Russia' created by West and insists Ukraine invasion going to planQuad leaders agree Ukraine experience should not be allowed in Indo-Pacific -Japan, AustraliaU.S. offers temporary legal status to Ukrainians, citing Russian attackPentagon establishes communication line with Russians amid war in UkraineChina-based AIIB freezes lending to Russia and Belarus over Ukraine warPresident's request for fiscal year (FY) 2022 supplemental fundingPress remarks by Executive-Vice President Dombrovskis at the informal video conference of economy and finance ministersSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/deepstateradio. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

SCMP specialist digital editor Jarrod Watt speaks with NY-based reporter Mark Magnier about China’s telling abstention from the UN vote on Ukraine, Joe Biden’s China remarks in his State of the Union, and reports that Xi Jinping was told by Vladmir Putin of his plans to invade Ukraine after the Beijing Winter Olympics. Brussels-based reporter Finbarr Bermingham discusses EU’s plea for Beijing to broker peace talks between Moscow and Kyiv, and the importance of the Beijing-based AIIB development…

Today, we are bringing you the latest episode of the Ukraine Daily Brief, the new daily podcast from Deep State Radio bringing you the news you need to know about the war in Ukraine from the best outlets around the globe in less than 10 minutes. Subscribe to the Ukraine Daily Brief to get the latest updates from Grant Haver and Chris Cotnoir every weekday morning.Stories cited in the podcast:Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant seized by Russians after shelling, say authoritiesTweet from Mykhailo PodolyakFACT SHEET: The United States Continues to Target Russian Oligarchs Enabling Putin's War of ChoiceEU urges UK to act faster before Russian assets are spirited awayGeorgia, Moldova Formally Apply For EU Membership Amid Russia's Invasion Of UkrainePutin says he will destroy the ‘anti-Russia' created by West and insists Ukraine invasion going to planQuad leaders agree Ukraine experience should not be allowed in Indo-Pacific -Japan, AustraliaU.S. offers temporary legal status to Ukrainians, citing Russian attackPentagon establishes communication line with Russians amid war in UkraineChina-based AIIB freezes lending to Russia and Belarus over Ukraine warPresident's request for fiscal year (FY) 2022 supplemental fundingPress remarks by Executive-Vice President Dombrovskis at the informal video conference of economy and finance ministersSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/deepstateradio. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Domenico Nardelli, treasurer at the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, joins Marcin Stepan, managing director of OMFIF's Sovereign Debt Institute, to discuss the borrowing landscape in Asia. In the current potentially volatile environment, with risks of raising rates challenging market conditions, they discuss the AIIB's issuance ambitions and strategies. They reflect on the growth of the green, social and sustainable bond market and take a look at some important developments for 2022.

Q1: Welcome Dr Berglöf. We will like to know from you – the report has talked about hinterland development. But in these hinterlands, the market is absent. So, is it viable to put up manufacturing units in the remote areas? Ans: >I ndian hinterlands need not have to be the way they are today > China has also struggled with hinterland development for decades > Railway to Europe helped Chinese hinterlands to participate in global value chain   Q2: Do you think India has lessons to learn from China, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh – the primary Asian economies that have done well on economic recovery and also in terms of export? Ans: > Developing countries increased their presence in global value chain in the last 10 years > Global value chain has increasingly become fragmented > Bangladesh moved up its garment and textile industry closer to final product > Global value chains are increasingly shifting away from manufacturing towards services and information flows Q3: How important it is for India to have hinterland development, especially because of the experience which the companies as well as the government saw during lockdown last year when huge number of migrant labours travelled back to their villages. Ans: > Infrastructure is important to create opportunities closer to where people live > Infrastructure is necessary but not the only tool to create opportunities  > Need facilities for education, training, health care for people to live closer to where they work   Watch video

Surging COVID-19 cases have forced many people to make last-minute changes to their holiday plans. The South Korean government has pardoned former president Park Geun-hye. And the AIIB is celebrating its 6th anniversary.

Under its ambitious president, the five-year-old Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has developed into an outfit with its own distinct personality and ambitions. Jin Liqun sits down with Euromoney to discuss climate financing, private-sector capital and why a post-Covid ‘normal' is least two years away.

Bắt kịp Con Đường Tơ Lụa mới của Bắc Kinh-BRI, lôi kéo các nền kinh tế đang phát triển ra khỏi vòng kềm tỏa kinh tế và ảnh hưởng chính trị của Trung Quốc, giành lại vị trí đầu tàu thế giới của các nền dân chủ : đó là động lực thúc đẩy 7 nước công nghiệp phát triển nhất thế giới đề xuất sáng kiến Xây Dựng Lại Một Thế Giới Tốt Đẹp Hơn –B3W. Không phải tình cờ mà « phát triển cơ sở hạ tầng » cho các nước nghèo là mục tiêu mà cả Trung Quốc lẫn phương Tây cùng nhắm tới. Sáu năm sau Sáng Kiến Một vành đai một con đường –BRI (Belt and Road Initiative) của Trung Quốc, G7 đề xuất kế hoạch « Xây Dựng Lại Một Thế Giới Tốt Đẹp Hơn- B3W ». B3W bao gồm những gì ? Đâu là tính khả thi của một dự án còn khá mơ hồ và trước mắt các nước kém phát triển đánh giá thế nào về thông báo của khối G7 đưa ra hôm 13/06/2021 nhân thượng đỉnh tổ chức tại Cornwall Anh Quốc ? Nội dung chưa nhiều Trả lời RFI Việt ngữ chuyên gia về khu vực Đông Bắc Á, Antoine Bondaz Quỹ Nghiên Cứu Chiến Lược (FRS) của Pháp nhấn mạnh đến một cuộc đua tranh giành ảnh hưởng của các nền dân chủ :   Antoine Bondaz :« Đây là một sáng kiến được Mỹ yểm trợ và đã được thông báo trong khuôn khổ thượng đỉnh G7, tức là có sự đồng thuận đa phương. Mục tiêu đề ra là tạo điều kiện cho các nền kinh tế đang trỗi dậy và các nước kém phát triển có phương tiện xây dựng cở hạ tầng. Trong đó bao gồm từ các chương trình xây dựng hệ thống đường xá đến bệnh, viện trường học … Hiện tại, nhu cầu của các nước nghèo ước tính lên tới 40 ngàn tỷ đô la. Từ nhiều năm nay Trung Quốc dùng lá bài BRI- Sáng kiến Một vành đai một con đường, hay còn gọi là dự án Con Đường Tơ Lụa mới của thế kỷ 21, để đáp ứng nhu cầu to lớn đó ». Thuần túy về kinh tế, B3W được đưa trong bối cảnh cả thế giới phải khắc phục hậu quả tai hại dịch Covid-19 gây ra. Nếu như cụm từ « phát triển cơ sở hạ tầng » được coi là cột sống của dự án thì cụ thể hơn sáng kiến vừa được bảy nước công nghiệp phát triển nhất thế giới đề xuất dành ưu tiên giúp các nước nghèo trong ba lĩnh vực :  khí hậu, y tế, phát triển công nghệ kỹ thuật số. Chuyên gia Antoine Bondaz giải thích thêm :  Antoine Bondaz: « Hiện tại chưa có nhiều thông tin cụ thể về B3W. Chỉ biết rằng đây là một kế hoạch đa chiều, một sáng kiến của các nước dân chủ với nguyên tắc là các dự án đầu tư phải được minh bạch. Đó cũng phải là những chương trình hợp lý về mặt tài chính, tránh đẩy các nước nghèo vào cảnh nợ nần quá đáng. Các dự án đầu tư thực hiện trong khuôn khổ B3W sẽ tôn trọng các thỏa thuận về khí hậu, môi trường. Chẳng hạn như các dự án năng lượng sạch sẽ được ưu tiên. Nhược điểm của B3W trước mắt là các bên chưa đưa ra những con số cụ thể về cách tài trợ cho chương trình này. Riêng về phía Hoa Kỳ, Washington đã có hẳn một ngân sách viện trợ phát triển cơ sở hạ tầng cho các nước nghèo và chính quyền Biden đang vận động Quốc Hội để tăng thêm ngân sách cho khâu này ». Để so sánh, báo cáo gần đây nhất của Refinitiv, một tổ hợp Anh Mỹ chuyên cung cấp các thông tin cho các thị trường tài chính cho biết tính đến giữa năm ngoái, đã có hơn 100 quốc gia hưởng ứng sáng kiến Con Đường Tơ Lụa mới của Trung Quốc, để mở rộng các « kênh kết nối » từ đường sắt đến hàng hải, từ các hệ thống giao thông đường bộ đến tất cả những « công trình xây dựng cơ sở hạ tầng khác ». Tổng cộng BRI của Trung Quốc quy tụ được hơn 2.600 dự án đầu tư với tổng trị giá 3.700 tỷ đô la. Địa chính trị mới là sân chơi chính Vậy thì vào lúc sáng kiến B3W của Nhật Bản và phương Tây mới chỉ là một đề xuất, chắc chắn mục đích G7 vừa qua nhắm tới là vế địa chính trị. Chuyên gia Pháp, Antoine Bondaz nhấn mạnh đến một sự đối đầu giữa hai mô hình « Xây Dựng Một Thế Giới Tốt Đẹp Hơn » và « Con Đường Tơ Lụa » mới : Antoine Bondaz : « Mục đích địa chính trị quá rõ ràng. Thông cáo của Nhà Trắng kết thúc thượng đỉnh G7 vừa qua, ngay ở khổ đầu tiên đã nêu đích danh Trung Quốc và Con Đường Tơ Lụa mới của Bắc Kinh. Sáng kiến của Trung Quốc đã được công bố vào năm 2013 và đã chính thức đi vào hoạt động hai năm sau đó. Dự án của nhóm G7 nhắm trực tiếp vào chương trình Một vành đai một con đường của Trung Quốc và mở ra một cánh cổng thứ nhì cho các nước đang phát triển, để số này không lệ thuộc vào các dự án đầu tư của Trung Quốc. Tuy nhiên điều hết sức quan trọng cần nói ở đây là ở thời điểm hiện tại, G7 là nguồn tài trợ quan trọng nhất giúp các nước nghèo mở rộng cơ sở hạ tầng. Trong lĩnh vực này, Nhật Bản từ lâu nay là quốc gia năng động nhất. Trong vùng Đông Nam Á, Nhật Bản dẫn đầu bảng, đặc biệt là trong trường hợp ở Việt Nam. Đừng quên rằng những đóng góp của khối 7 nước công nghiệp phát triển cao hơn rất nhiều so với của Trung Quốc. Do vậy sáng kiến B3W nhằm nhắc nhở lại điều cơ bản đó đồng thời chứng minh rằng các nước dân chủ và phát triển không để cho Trung Quốc độc quyền giúp đỡ các nước chậm tiến ». Không dễ thuyết phục Từ 2014 khi Sáng kiến Một vành đai một con đường của Trung Quốc bắt đầu hình thành, chính quyền Mỹ dưới thời tổng thống Barack Obama đã ghi nhận « đây là bước đầu tiên để trọng tâm của thế giới chuyển từ Mỹ sang Trung Quốc » : trong số 100 quốc gia hưởng ứng sáng kiến Con Đường Tơ Lụa của thế kỷ 21, có nhiều nước phương Tây, đứng đầu trong số này là Anh, Pháp hay Đức. Đi kèm với dự án này Trung Quốc đã lập ra Ngân Hàng Đầu Tư Cơ Sở Hạ Tầng Châu Á AIIB trong đó 1/3 vốn là của Trung Quốc. Về thực chất đây là công cụ tài chính của Bắc Kinh để thực hiện các dự án trong khuôn khổ chương trình Một vành đai một con đường, kết nối Trung Quốc với các nước, từ Indonesia ở châu Á đến Ethiopia ở châu Phi, từ Kazakhstan ở Trung Á đến tận cảng Hamburg của Đức. « Cơ sở hạ tầng », một  từ khóa   Bắc Kinh sở dĩ quan tâm đến các dự án « cơ sở hạ tầng » trước hết là để phục vụ cỗ máy kinh tế của Trung Quốc. Các mục tiêu của Trung Quốc gồm tìm kiếm những thị trường mới cho các tập đoàn từ sản xuất hàng thủ công đến các đại tập đoàn công nghiệp, hay ngành xây dựng của Trung Quốc, bảo đảm các nguồn cung cấp nguyên liệu cần thiết cho « công xưởng lớn nhất thế giới » . Nhưng mục tiêu thứ ba và có lẽ đây mới là một vế quan trọng đó là mở rộng ảnh hưởng của Bắc Kinh về mặt địa chính trị : AIIB từng bước lấp vào chỗ trống mà các định chế tài chính đa quốc gia như Quỹ Tiền Tệ Quốc Tế hay Ngân hàng Thế Giới thậm chí cả Ngân Hàng Phát Triển Châu Á để lại. Các dự án từ khai thác cảng Pirée Hy Lạp hay xây dựng đường xa lộ cho Montenegro … là những cánh cổng vào châu Âu « danh chính ngôn thuận » cho Trung Quốc. Không ít thành viên trong Liên Hiệp Châu Âu đã hưởng ứng dự án Con Đường Tơ Lụa của Trung Quốc. Còn Ý thì đã là thành viên đầu tiên trong khối G7 đặt bút ký vào thỏa thuận Một vành đai một con đường, giúp chủ tịch Trung Quốc Tập Cận Bình ghi được một bàn thắng trong cuộc đọ sức với tổng thống Mỹ thời đó là Donald Trump. Do vậy không chắc là dự án B3W lần này sớm trở thành hiện thực. Thận trọng đón nhận B3W Thế còn về phía các nước đang phát triển thì sao ? Trước mắt số này thận trọng hoan nghênh sáng kiến của các nước dân chủ. Antoine Bondaz, Quỹ Nghiên Cứu Chiến Lược Pháp cho biết : Antoine Bondaz: « Về phía các quốc gia có thể nhận được viện trợ của G7, đương nhiên họ đã phản ứng một cách tích cực. Số này trông thấy một giải pháp khác cho phép giảm bớt lệ thuộc vào Trung Quốc. Tuy nhiên các nền kinh tế này chờ xem dự án B3W cụ thể bao gồm những gì và đóng góp tài chính của phương Tây sẽ là bao nhiêu. Riêng Bắc Kinh đã mau mắn phản ứng : Trung Quốc mỉa mai tuyên bố « hài lòng » về sáng kiến của phương Tây quan tâm đến các nước nghèo và G7 đã đi chậm hơn Trung Quốc vài năm. Trước các nền công nghiệp phát triển, Trung Quốc đã giúp đỡ các nước chậm tiến. Chữ giúp đỡ ở đây cần phải được giải thích thêm và đặt lại trong bối cảnh chung ». Antoine Bondaz giải thích rõ hơn về hai chữ « giúp đỡ » mà Bắc Kinh thường xuyên rao giảng Antoine Bondaz : « BRI – Dự án Một vành đai một con đường được đưa ra theo hai giai đoạn. Đầu tiên hết là được thông báo vào năm 2013 tại Indonesia rồi tại Kazakhstan. Đến 2015 Trung Quốc bắt đầu thực hiện. Đây không là một cử chỉ cho không. Bắc Kinh cấp tín dụng cho các nước đang phát triển để giúp họ xây dựng cơ sở hạ tầng. Về phía các nước tham gia dự án Con Đường Tơ Lụa mới thế kỷ 21 kết nối Trung Quốc với phần còn lại của thế giới, thì số này trở thành con nợ của Bắc Kinh. Để xây dựng các công trình đồ sộ trị giá hàng chục, thậm chí hàng trăm triệu đô la, các quốc gia này phải đi vay tín dụng của Trung Quốc, phải huy động thêm cả vốn được Ngân Hàng Thế Giới, Quỹ Tiền Tệ Quốc Tế cấp cho trong khuôn khổ các chương trình viện trợ phát triển. Họ cũng phải huy động luôn cả tín dụng vay của Mỹ hay châu Âu trong các chương trình cộng tác song phương. Nói tóm lại Bắc Kinh quảng bá rầm rộ cho dự án Một vành đai một con đường BRI và đã thành công vì tới nay đây là một trong những chính sách đối ngoại hiếm hoi được cả thế giới biết đến. Nhưng về thực chất của viện trợ phát triển, G7 mới là nguồn tài trợ quan trọng nhất. Điểm thứ nhì là rất, rất nhiều những dự án đầu tư của Bắc Kinh diễn ra một cách mờ ám để cuối cùng, các nước đi vay, rơi vào bẫy nợ Trung Quốc. Điển hình là trường hợp của Montenegro đang phải cầu cứu châu Âu giúp đỡ để trả nợ cho Trung Quốc và đang xin khất nợ với Bắc Kinh ». Bài học TPP còn đó B3W hay Xây Dựng Lại Một Thế Giới Tốt Đẹp Hơn tới nay mới chỉ là một sáng kiến được nhóm G7, gồm Mỹ, Canada, Nhật, và bốn nước châu Âu là Anh, Pháp, Đức và Ý đề xuất. Bản thân nước Ý đã tham gia dự án Một vành đai một con đường của Trung Quốc và Roma không dễ thay đổi lập trường. Bản thân châu Âu thì luôn trong cảnh « 9 người, 10 ý ». Còn nước Mỹ là một nền dân chủ với lá phiếu có thể thay đổi cục diện chính trị của đất nước. Chỉ cần thay đổi chính quyền, ngay cả những hiệp định mà Washington từng đặt bút ký vẫn có thể bị hủy bỏ. Điều đã được chứng minh với thỏa thuận hạt nhân Iran và nhất là hiệp định tự do mậu dịch xuyên Thái Bình Dương TPP khi Hoa Kỳ từng đóng vai trò đầu tầu để rồi cũng nước Mỹ đã rút lui khỏi những hiệp định « lịch sử » và « đầy tham vọng » đó.

ICMA’s Mushtaq Kapasi speaks to Sir Danny Alexander, Vice President and Corporate Secretary of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank about the AIIB's mission and strategy to develop sustainable infrastructure in Asia. Sir Danny discusses in particular the AIIB’s Climate Change Investment Framework and COVID-19 Crisis Recovery Facility, along with other innovations in the sustainable capital markets.

① Delay in Pfizer vaccine shipments frustrate Europe, Canada. ② Joe Biden stresses COVID, climate change in first calls with foreign leaders. ③ Pacific island nations turn to AIIB as pandemic sinks economies.

①22 gold miners still trapped underground in E China ②Howard Schultz: Starbucks' best days are ahead in China ③China, Brunei vow to push bilateral cooperation to new high ④AIIB is marking five years of operation ⑤Liaoning grants women two days paid period leave

As the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank celebrates its fifth anniversary of operation this week, the multilateral development bank is rethinking its strategy. From financing traditional infrastructure to those that are green and human-centered, the bank has also been active in making the best use of technology.

In today's daily round-up of export, trade and commodity finance news, TXF's Max Thompson covers the latest stories and trends across the market: The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has appointed Erik Berglof as its first Chief Economist Berkshire Hathaway has bought a 5% stake in each of Japan’s five biggest trading houses, together worth over $6 billion, marking a departure for chairman Warren Buffett as he looks beyond the United States to diversify his conglomerate London-headquartered Tysers Insurance Brokers has appointed John Lentaigne as its new Global Head of Political Risk Trade Like what you hear? Hit subscribe to stay up to date and for all the latest news online visit www.txfnews.com today.

Từ đầu năm 2020, Trung Quốc thúc đẩy cường độ và quy mô các cuộc tập trận ở Biển Đông. Hoa Kỳ cũng tăng cường các chuyến tuần tra vì tự do lưu thông hàng hải. Căng thẳng giữa hai cường quốc tăng thêm một bậc khi Washington bác bỏ yêu sách chủ quyền của Trung Quốc chiếm hơn 80% diện tích Biển Đông. Không chỉ đích danh Trung Quốc, nhưng Sách trắng Quốc Phòng Việt Nam 2019 (công bố tháng 11/2029) đã lưu ý đến « các hành động đơn phương, áp đặt dựa trên sức mạnh, bất chấp luật pháp quốc tế và các hoạt động quân sự hóa, làm thay đổi nguyên trạng, xâm phạm chủ quyền, quyền chủ quyền, quyền tài phán của Việt Nam theo luật pháp quốc tế, ảnh hưởng đến lợi ích của các quốc gia liên quan, đe dọa hòa bình, ổn định, an ninh, an toàn hàng hải, hàng không trong khu vực » (tr. 20). Ngoài ra, Biển Đông hiện trở thành « điểm nóng » cạnh tranh chiến lược giữa các nước lớn, thậm chí có nguy cơ dẫn đến xung đột. Trước sự cạnh tranh và đối đầu ngày càng gay gắt giữa Mỹ và Trung Quốc, khối ASEAN từ chối chọn phe. Việt Nam duy trì chiến lược cân bằng giữa các cường quốc và chủ trương chính sách « Bốn Không » : không tham gia liên minh quân sự ; không liên kết với nước này để chống nước kia ; không cho nước ngoài đặt căn cứ quân sự hoặc sử dụng lãnh thổ Việt Nam để chống lại nước khác ; không sử dụng vũ lực hoặc đe dọa sử dụng vũ lực trong quan hệ quốc tế. Điểm « Không » thứ tư được chính thức đưa vào Sách trắng Quốc Phòng Việt Nam 2019. Trước đó, chính sách « Ba Không » xuất hiện lần đầu tiên năm 1998, sau đó được tiếp tục nêu trong sách trắng những năm 2004 và 2009. Tình hình Biển Đông hiện nay với những căng thẳng Mỹ-Trung có tác động đến chính sách « Bốn Không » của Việt Nam không ? RFI Tiếng Việt phỏng vấn nhà nghiên cứu Benoît de Tréglodé, giám đốc khu vực châu Phi - châu Á - Trung Đông, Viện Nghiên cứu Chiến lược của Trường Quân sự Pháp (IRSEM). ***** RFI : Theo ông, tình hình hiện nay ở Biển Đông có tác động đến chính sách « Bốn Không » của Việt Nam không ? Benoît de Tréglodé : Trước tiên phải nói là tình hình đang thay đổi thực sự. Bối cảnh hiện nay đã rất khác, trật tự hậu Chiến tranh lạnh bị suy yếu rõ ràng. Hiện nay, Trung Quốc phản đối hoàn toàn trật tự tồn tại ở châu Á từ cuối Thế Chiến II, về nền Hòa bình kiểu Mỹ (Pax Americana) mà Bắc Kinh coi là chiến lược vây tỏa. Đây là yếu tố vô cùng quan trọng để có thể hiểu được sự thay đổi lập trường của Trung Quốc. Yếu tố thứ hai cần nhắc đến, đó là giai đoạn hiện nay vô cùng bấp bênh bởi vì ba nước chính trong vùng đang trong bối cảnh chính trị nội bộ rất quan trọng. Tại Trung Quốc, đảng Cộng Sản kỷ niệm 100 năm thành lập vào năm 2021. Đây là thời điểm rất quan trọng về mặt huy động quần chúng ủng hộ đảng Cộng Sản. Đối với chủ tịch Tập Cận Bình, khích động tinh thần dân tộc chủ nghĩa có ý nghĩa quan trọng cho chính quyền Trung Quốc. Tại Hoa Kỳ, chúng ta biết là tổng thống Donald Trump vận động để tái đắc cử trong cuộc bỏ phiếu vào đầu tháng 11/2020. Vì thế, phải chứng tỏ được tinh thần dân tộc cao nhất có thể, đồng thời đây cũng là một thách thức chính trị nội bộ Hoa Kỳ. Ở Việt Nam, Đại Hội đảng Cộng Sản XIII sắp diễn ra (dự kiến vào đầu năm 2021) với sự kiện bầu ra một dàn lãnh đạo mới của Đảng và Nhà nước. Vì thế, yếu tố yêu nước cũng mang ý nghĩa vô cùng quan trọng để thể hiện rằng Đảng bảo vệ đất nước, Đảng cố gắng hết sức và sẵn sàng bảo vệ lợi ích của Việt Nam bằng mọi giá. Có thể nói bối cảnh hiện nay rất sôi sục và rất đặc biệt. Ý thứ hai, để trả lời câu hỏi : Liệu chính sách « Bốn Không » còn thích hợp trong bối cảnh biến động này không - bối cảnh được coi là tái lập trật tự có từ sau Chiến tranh lạnh ? Cần phải biết là chính sách « lúc nóng, lúc lạnh » mà ngoại trưởng Mỹ Mike Pompeo tiến hành ở Đông Nam Á khá chệch với thực tế chính trị và lịch sử của đa số các quốc gia trong vùng. Tôi hơi ngạc nhiên là đội ngũ cố vấn của ngoại trưởng Mỹ đã không giải thích cho ông ấy rằng ở Đông Nam Á có truyền thống từ xưa là duy trì chính sách cân bằng giữa các cường quốc, cũng như là các nước trong vùng luôn bận tâm về nguy cơ một nước thứ ba gây ra một cuộc chiến trong khu vực. Việt Nam như đang trở thành con tin trong mối quan hệ căng thẳng giữa Mỹ và Trung Quốc kéo dài từ vài tháng nay, đầu tiên là căng thẳng thương mại, tiếp theo là quan hệ thương mại trong giai đoạn đại dịch Covid-19 và hiện giờ là chính sách ngày càng hiếu chiến hơn giữa các bên liên quan đến Biển Đông. Có thể nói sự pha trộn các yếu tố bên ngoài đang đối đầu trực tiếp với những lợi ích và lịch sử của các nước Đông Nam Á, đặc biệt là Việt Nam, về vấn đề Biển Đông. Đây là điều cần phải lưu ý ! RFI : Trong bối cảnh hiện nay, chính sách « Bốn Không » có những lợi ích và bất lợi nào ? Benoît de Tréglodé : Trước tiên, cần phải nhắc lại là hiện Việt Nam không có ý định xem xét lại chính sách « Bốn Không ». Thực ra, chính sách đối ngoại của đa số các nước trên thế giới cũng được xây dựng theo kiểu chiến lược này, trong đó có Việt Nam, quốc gia luôn có chuyện với nước láng giềng là một cường quốc, và không phải lúc nào cũng dễ dàng xử lý được. Chính sách này được triển khai từ nhiều thập niên trước đây dựa trên thực tế chính trị, kể cả trong thời Chiến tranh lạnh. Nhưng thực tế chưa bao giờ để Việt Nam được tự do xác định chính sách đối ngoại, mà phải dung hòa với một ràng buộc, một nền độc tài trong vùng, như nhiều nhà phân tích vẫn nói, Việt Nam phải quản lý cả tính chất khó lường của Trung Quốc. Do đó, Hà Nội không thể quyết định một sớm một chiều việc xem xét lại hoàn toàn chiến lược duy trì cân bằng hay nguyên tắc trung tâm của chính sách đối ngoại của Việt Nam đối với tính hiếu chiến gần đây của Trung Quốc ở Biển Đông. Tại vì, xét về khía cạnh kinh tế và chính trị, thậm chí là cả về chiến lược, hai nước có mối liên hệ chặt chẽ với nhau. Nguyên lý này từng được nhà chính trị Nguyễn Trãi đề cập đến từ thế kỷ 15 rằng mối quan hệ với Bắc Kinh được lần lượt hình thành từ hợp tác và đối đầu. Thực tế đang diễn ra như vậy, và nhất là đang đến gần kỳ Đại Hội đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam lần thứ 13 (diễn ra 5 năm một lần). Cứ gần đến sự kiện này thì căng thẳng song phương lại nổi lên cùng với các cuộc đàm phán cũng được tổ chức liên tục. Bối cảnh hiện nay còn đặc biệt hơn vì có các nhân tố nước ngoài can thiệp, có vẻ khiêu khích hơn như tôi đã đề cập ở trên, nhưng cũng vì đây là giai đoạn điều chỉnh lại, chuẩn bị bổ nhiệm các chức vụ và xem xét, đánh giá mối quan hệ Việt-Trung. RFI : Trước sự đe dọa quân sự của Trung Quốc ở Biển Đông, ngày càng rõ nét với sự hiện diện của Mỹ, hiện Việt Nam « lách » chính sách « Bốn Không » như thế nào ? Benoît de Tréglodé : « Lách » thế nào ? Đây là một câu hỏi thực sự. Khi họp vào tháng 06/2020, khối ASEAN đã khó xác định được quan điểm rõ ràng trước diễn biến căng thẳng ở Biển Đông. Bản thông cáo của khối có vẻ thận trọng và mập mờ, chỉ nhấn mạnh vào thái độ quan ngại của các nước Đông Nam Á, trong đó có Việt Nam, về việc Hoa Kỳ và Trung Quốc gia tăng quân sự trong vùng, và không đề cập nhiều đến những vụ đụng độ lẻ tẻ vẫn xảy ra giữa lực lượng tuần duyên hoặc ngư dân Trung Quốc và Việt Nam ở Hoàng Sa và Biển Đông. Chí ít, các bên ký thông cáo, trong đó có Việt Nam, cũng nêu lên rằng những gì đang xảy ra, nếu căng thẳng gia tăng, đó là do các nhân tố bên ngoài ASEAN. Sau đó, có vẻ kín đáo hơn, thứ trưởng Ngoại Giao Trung Quốc và Việt Nam gặp nhau vào tháng 07/2020, để cố tìm ra một giải pháp. Sau sự kiện này, có một điểm có thể không được nói nhiều lắm, đó là phía Việt Nam ra quyết định chấp nhận đền bù khoảng 1 tỉ đô la cho các tập đoàn dầu khí quốc tế để hủy thăm dò ở Biển Đông sau khi Bắc Kinh yêu cầu và mạnh mẽ gây sức ép. Sau đó, như có phép mầu, Ngân hàng Đầu tư châu Á (AIIB) do Trung Quốc đứng đầu, thông qua khoản tín dụng 100 triệu đô la cho một ngân hàng thương mại Việt Nam (VPBank). Kể từ khi ngân hàng AIIB được thành lập, lần đầu tiên một quyết định như vậy được đưa ra. Chúng ta thấy rõ đây không phải là một kiểu công khai đối đầu mà là thương thuyết. Điều này cho thấy mong muốn tránh đối đầu trực diện. RFI : Liệu Bắc Kinh có thể tận dụng chính sách « Bốn Không » của Việt Nam như một điểm yếu để áp đặt chính sách chủ quyền của nước này ở Biển Đông vì biết rằng Hà Nội sẽ không tham gia liên minh quân sự ? Benoît de Tréglodé : Thách thức nằm ở khối ASEAN. Vấn đề nằm ở chỗ phải thực sự cân nhắc vấn đề Biển Đông, cũng như mối quan hệ giữa Trung Quốc và các nước Đông Nam Á, cho tương lai của chính sách « Bốn Không » của Việt Nam và phần nào đó, cho tương lai của các chính sách ngoại giao, quốc phòng của các nước ASEAN với Bắc Kinh và Washington. Một lần nữa cần phải nhắc lại là sẽ không có khả năng xem xét lại hoàn toàn trật tự đã được thiết lập trong quan hệ giữa các cường quốc. Đây là điểm rất quan trọng ! Vấn đề tiếp theo là những căng thẳng hiện nay, đôi khi do Mỹ và Trung Quốc khích động, chưa có được giải pháp trên thực địa, ngay cả giữa các bên có liên quan, về những tranh chấp hàng hải, chủ quyền ở Đông Nam Á, có nghĩa là giữa Việt Nam với Philippines, với Malaysia hay Brunei. Có nghĩa là có hai vấn đề cùng lúc khiến chính sách « Bốn Không » khó có thể bị từ bỏ bởi vì không có nhiều giải pháp rõ ràng được đề xuất thay thế. Những mối liên hệ đan xen về kinh tế, chính trị và chiến lược giữa Bắc Kinh và Hà Nội vẫn hiện hữu, vì thế không phải Việt Nam có thể thay đổi đối tác và đổi hướng, như phía Washington thỉnh thoảng vẫn thích nhắc đến. Theo tôi, khả năng này khó xảy ra và quá nguy hiểm về mặt chính trị cho các nhà lãnh đạo Việt Nam. RFI Tiếng Việt xin chân thành cảm ơn nhà nghiên cứu Benoît de Tréglodé, giám đốc khu vực châu Phi - châu Á - Trung Đông, Viện Nghiên cứu Chiến lược của Trường Quân sự Pháp.

This week on Sinica, Kaiser chats with Sir Danny Alexander, vice president and corporate secretary of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and former Liberal Democrat MP and chief secretary to the Treasury of the United Kingdom. Sir Danny gives an overview of how Asia’s financial sector has been impacted by COVID-19.5:27: The United Kingdom’s decision to join AIIB11:49: AIIB and its accountability framework in decision making25:16: How U.S.-China relations have affected AIIB34:00: What AIIB is pushing investors toward nowRecommendations:Danny: Tengger Cavalry, a heavy metal band from Inner Mongolia. Kaiser: The heavy metal bands Ego Fall and Nine Treasures.

Beijing reports two new Covid-19 cases after registering its first case in nearly two months. Wuhan whistleblower's widow gives birth to a baby boy. AIIB issues $425 million panda bonds. Much easier for mainland firms to list on the country's Nasdaq-like board. Plus, iQiyi hires a former Netflix executive for global expansion.

October 8, 2019 The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) provides financing for public and private infrastructure projects for Asia, but also beyond. When the AIIB was launched in January 2016 with 57 founding members, many observers argued that it will become a Chinese dominated bank instead of a multilateral one: For the first time a new multilateral development bank championed by China – with Beijing sitting at the center of the table, setting the agenda, defining the priorities, making the rules. Almost five years later, the AIIB has progressed faster than many expected and counts 100 members already. In the latest episode of the MERICS experts podcast, Gregory Chin, a former Canadian diplomat and Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at York University (Canada), talks to Kerstin Lohse-Friedrich about the AIIB, potential new members, and China’s priorities.

I talk about the AIIB, and possible implications of it's activities --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/tstuch/support

I discuss some recent moves by the AIIB, and how European countries are being tied closer and closer to China --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/tstuch/support

Launched by China in June 2015, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank ("AIIB") currently has eighty-six members and, with $100 billion in capital, has lent around $4 billion to infrastructure projects throughout Asia. The AIIB's very creation is an important marker in China's economic and strategic rise over the past forty years, from a poor country that was entirely outside of the Bretton Woods financial system, to the largest borrower from the World Bank, and now, to the creator of a competitor institution designed to address some of the World Bank's deficiencies. In this episode, the inaugural general counsel of the AIIB, Natalie Lichtenstein, discusses with Neysun Mahboubi the background and early history of the Bank, informed by her distinguished thirty-year career in the legal department of the World Bank, where she advised on lending operations in China from their inception. The episode was recorded on January 23, 2018. Natalie Lichtenstein was chief counsel for the establishment of the AIIB, and the principal drafter for its Charter, before serving as the Bank's inaugural general counsel. She has just published a new book with Oxford University Press, A Comparative Guide to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which is the most comprehensive account of the AIIB thus far. Earlier in her career, she served in the legal department of the World Bank for thirty years, including as Chief Counsel for East Asia. Before that, as a junior attorney in the U.S. Treasury Department, she worked on legal issues related to normalization of relations between the U.S. and China. She has taught Chinese law as an adjunct professor since the 1980s, most recently at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. Music credit: "Salt" by Poppy Ackroyd, follow her at http://poppyackroyd.com  Special thanks to Kaiser Kuo and Nick Marziani

In 2014, China announced the creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), an ambitious multilateral project aimed at fostering economic development throughout Asia. The AIIB, to be led by China, raised concerns for policymakers in Washington: would AIIB undermine the existing global financial infrastructure and lead to a lowering of standards? Yet, in a dramatic setback for the United States, nearly 60 nations ultimately announced their intentions to join AIIB in 2015, including close allies such as the U.K., Germany, France, Korea, Australia and Israel. In the two years following the bank’s official launch in January 2016, AIIB has emerged as a regional powerhouse, financing numerous diverse projects throughout Asia. AIIB now commands an impressive capital holding which rivals that of the Asian Development Bank, and a AAA credit rating on par with that of the World Bank. Amid growing economic tensions between the United States and China, the AIIB has remained largely unknown to the American public. In a new book, A Comparative Guide to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, former AIIB General Counsel Natalie Lichtenstein draws upon her role as an architect of the AIIB charter to provide an in-depth analysis of the bank’s operations, and how the bank compares to other development banks. Ms. Lichtenstein discussed her book and the future of the AIIB with the National Committee on May 2nd in New York City.   Natalie Lichtenstein is a U.S. lawyer who has specialized in legal issues at international financial institutions, and legal development in China, since the 1970s. She was the inaugural general counsel of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the principal drafter of the AIIB Charter. Her work for AIIB drew on her 30-year legal career at the World Bank, where she advised on lending operations in China and other countries for 20 years. During her last decade there, she served in senior positions, specializing in institutional governance issues and reforms. As a young lawyer at the U.S. Treasury Department, she worked on international financial institution matters and normalization of U.S.-China relations. Ms. Lichtenstein has taught Chinese law in the U.S. since the 1980s, and has consulted on Chinese legal development projects. She is an adjunct professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, and a member of the advisory board of the Duke-Kunshan University. In addition to her book on the AIIB, she is the author of numerous articles in professional journals. She received her AB summa cum laude in East Asian Studies and JD from Harvard University.

In conversation with NCUSCR President Stephen Orlins, former AIIB General Counsel Natalie Lichtenstein discusses the process behind drafting the bank's charter.    Natalie Lichtenstein is a U.S. lawyer who has specialized in legal issues at international financial institutions, and legal development in China, since the 1970s. She was the inaugural general counsel of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the principal drafter of the AIIB Charter. Her work for AIIB drew on her 30-year legal career at the World Bank, where she advised on lending operations in China and other countries for 20 years. During her last decade there, she served in senior positions, specializing in institutional governance issues and reforms. As a young lawyer at the U.S. Treasury Department, she worked on international financial institution matters and normalization of U.S.-China relations. Ms. Lichtenstein has taught Chinese law in the U.S. since the 1980s, and has consulted on Chinese legal development projects. She is an adjunct professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, and a member of the advisory board of the Duke-Kunshan University. In addition to her book on the AIIB, she is the author of numerous articles in professional journals. She received her AB summa cum laudein East Asian Studies and JD from Harvard University.

The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank is a $100 billion multilateral development bank that first opened in 2016. Initiated by China, its membership is global, with regional powers, from Korea to Saudi Arabia, and key players from Europe, Africa, and Latin America. Its arms reach far: in its first two years, it has financed a geographically and sectorally diverse set of projects in Pakistan, Oman, India, Azerbaijan, Tajikistan, and Indonesia. Please join the Simon Chair's Reconnecting Asia Project for a conversation with Natalie Lichtenstein, Chief Counsel for the 57-country negotiations that led to the AIIB's founding and the principal drafter of the Bank's charter, to discuss her new book: A Comparative Guide to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.   This event is made possible through general support to CSIS.

Bruegel and the Egmont Institute are pleased to host a conversation with Jin Liqun, the president of Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), a multilateral development bank with a mission to improve social and economic outcomes in Asia and beyond. At this event we discussed the role of the AIIB in contributing to key projects for Europe-Asia economic cooperation.

Dr. Somkiat Tangkitvanich, President of the Thailand Development Research Institute, discusses current Thailand-China relations and the impact of Chinese investment and infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia. Dr. Tangkitvanich is a leading Thai expert in the areas of trade and investment policies, innovation policy, education policy and information, communication and technology policy. He is an Eisenhower Fellow and a member of the Trilateral Commission. He obtained his Ph.D. in computer science from Tokyo Institute of Technology. Dr. Tangkitvanich is a weekly commentator for Thai PBS, Thailand’s public television. He has been instrumental in drafting many laws in Thailand. Under his leadership, the team of thinkers and researchers at Thailand Development and Research Institute was nominated “Person of the Year” in 2012 by the Bangkok Post, for demonstrating that rational debate is the key to healing a fractured nation and advancing development. Dr. Tangkitvanich was a Pacific Leadership Fellow at the Center on Global Transformation in November 2017. This episode was recorded at UC San Diego Host: Samuel Tsoi Editors: Mike Fausner, Anthony King Production Support: Lei Guang, Susan Shirk, Amy Robinson, Michelle Fredricks Music: Dave Liang/Shanghai Restoration Project Episode illustration credit: Xinhua

The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is expected to have great investment finance support from new member Hong Kong, according to Luky Wuryanto, the Bank’s Vice President and Chief Administration Officer. Hong Kong will be an operational site for finance while the Belt and Road Initiative lies at the “heart of the mission” with the AIIB dedicated to infrastructure investment.

Top-level comments on Hong Kong’s second Belt and Road Summit theme “from Vision to Action”, a new cooperation agreement and central government support turned to where “action” is happening. Glendy Choi of Hong Kong asphalt firm D&G Technology spoke of new operations in Pakistan while Ivan Teh of Malaysia’s Fusionex expected Belt and Road Big Data to grow 650 per cent. The AIIB’s Luky Wuryanto commented on Hong Kong’s great support for the development bank.

The Belt and Road initiative has the goal to promote regional and cross-continental connectivity between China and Eurasia. The ‘One Belt’ and ‘One Road’ refer to China’s proposed ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ and ‘Maritime Silk Road’, and will consist of a series of infrastructure investments to facilitate trade between the regions involved. Potential challenges abound with financing the planned $890bn in investments. What will be the role of AIIB, a China-led multilateral institution with 57 member countries? Could European banks help finance the Belt and Road through cross border lending? More information about the event: http://bruegel.org/events/financing-the-belt-and-road-initiative/

The battle over the planet earth is coming to an end as the final Khazarian mafia underground bases and strongholds fall, White Dragon Society sources report. However, there is still some heavy duty last minute horse trading going on between East and West as the January 20th start of the presidency of Donald Trump approaches, according to sources involved in the negotiations. The future of our planet and our species is what is at stake. The big battle still to be concluded is the one over who exactly will be controlling the process of creating and distributing money, which is the real source of power on this planet. Put another way, what is at stake is the process of deciding what we, as a species, do in the future. With a little over one week to go before the Trump presidency begins, it is a good time to take note that, despite his name, he is not the one holding the trump cards in this high stakes world poker match. When the US dollar became the de facto world currency after World War 2, it was backed by gold and US GDP was worth 50% of world GDP. Now, the so-called US dollar is backed by nothing (the US has no gold) and US GDP, as measured by the IMF, is just 15.6% of world GDP on a purchasing power parity (real) basis. Furthermore, the US was the worldâ??s greatest creditor nation at the end of WW2 and now it is the most deeply indebted nation in the history of this planet. By contrast, China now controls 17.9% of world GDP, has plenty of gold and is the worldâ??s greatest creditor nation. The members of the China led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, now over 100 countries, control close to 80% of world GDP while the US and its slave state Japan, the final anti-AIIB hold outs, control less than 20%. This means that if China and its Western allies make a grab for control of the worldâ??s financial system, they will succeed. http://benjaminfulford.net/

I dagens ekonomispecial avhandlas bland annat kaos i Indien efter hastigt sedelförbudsbeslut, AIIB:s chef öppnar för samarbete med USA efter Trumpseger, Italiens största bank tvingas till nyemission efter dåliga lån, brittiska Tobleroneförpackningar kryper 10% men behåller samma pris samt överreglering i USA driver innovationer utomlands. http://radio.bubb.la/radio-bubb-la-2311-tema-ekonomi/

On this week's podcast, Jerry Robinson explores the latest news on the Saudi-9/11 connection, plus Canada applies for AIIB, and a top economist calls for end of paper money.

On this week's podcast, Jerry Robinson explores the latest news on the Saudi-9/11 connection, plus Canada applies for AIIB, and a top economist calls for end of paper money.

Reliable Russian and CIA contacts both told the White Dragon Society that the top bosses of the Khazarian mafia are seeking to trade shelter in Russia for gold. This is just the latest in a whole slew of signs Khazarian mafia rule of the planet earth is crumbling. The White Dragon Society and its allies will continue to press the offensive with the aim of permanently ending their rule as early as this autumn. Another big sign of Khazarian mafia defeat has been the degrading treatment given to UNITED STATES OF AMERICA corporate spokesperson Barack Obama in Asia and elsewhere. Obama was literally denied red carpet treatment on his arrival in China for last weekendâ??s G20 summit. This was in sharp contrast to the super VIP treatment given to Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau who has been recommended to China by the WDS as a better leader for North America than either Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump. Trudeau was treated like a superstar in China during a one week visit that resulted in Canada publicly dumping its support of the US corporate government by announcing its intention to join the China led AIIB. Japan is now expected to follow suit, leaving the US corporate government isolated on the world stage. Obama was also forced to cancel a planned meeting with Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte after Duterte called him a â??son of a whore.â?? https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/sep/05/philippines-president-rodrigo-duterte-barack-obama-son-whore Barack Obama cancels meeting after Philippines president â?¦ www.theguardian.com Rodrigo Duterte further strains diplomatic ties with Washington as he warns US leader not to question him on extrajudicial killings This matters because the US corporate shift to Asia depended in large part on stoking territorial disputes between China the Philippines and other ASEAN countries. Instead, the ASEAN countries agreed with China to settle their territorial disputes peacefully. There is a lot more humiliation and hopefully oblivion in store for the US corporate government as the September 31st fiscal year end approaches. Efforts to finally bankrupt them center on international dumping of US Treasury bonds combined with gold buying. There is also a huge campaign under way now to make sure the supply of drug and oil money to the Federal Reserve Board and its US corporate government subsidiary is cut off so they will be unable to kick the bankruptcy can down the road any further. Duterteâ??s murderous campaign against drug dealers in the Philippines is just one aspect of this. The big campaign to cut off cocaine money from South America is also intensifying. The US military white hats are doing their part by cutting off all Bush/Clinton Nazi faction CIA drug flights through the Incirlik airbase in Turkey, the Ramstein airbase in Germany and the Bondsteel base in Kosovo, Pentagon sources say. The recent confusing and contradictory news about ISIS in Iraq and Syria is all about cutting off oil revenue to the Bush/Clinton faction of the cabal. The Russians and US military white hats are now cooperating with the Turks, the Iranians and the Syrians to make this happen. The situation has reached the point where the handlers of Hillary Clinton contacted the WDS to say they

The Chinese build more infrastructure in Africa than any other country (foreign or African). Chinese banks are financing billions of dollars in new loans, aid packages and other deals to build badly-needed infrastructure across the continent and it's Chinese companies that are doing most of the engineering and construction work. Between 2009 and 2014, the Chinese signed $328 billion in construction projects in Africa, an average of $54 billion a year, according to data from the international law firm Baker & McKenzie. This trend is widely expected to continue as Beijing turns to its new development bank, the AIIB, to focus more of its economic diplomacy around the world on building infrastructure. Even though the Chinese are making an enormous contribution to Africa's infrastructure development, there is a still a pervasive misperception that Chinese-built roads, bridges and other construction projects are of poor quality. Media reports of Chinese-made roads that quickly fall apart in Ethiopia or hospitals built by Chinese contractors in Angola that never opened due to cracks, have come to dominate many peoples' perceptions of the quality of work performed by the Chinese. New research, though, demonstrates that those anecdotes do not reflect the reality about the build-quality and reliability of Chinese construction work in Africa. Jamie Farrell, a master's candidate at Johns Hopkins University in the United States, researched how Chinese contractors performed in World Bank contracts in Africa compared to those from OECD countries. The World Bank is probably one of the best sources for information to do this kind of comparison given that China now wins more construction contracts from the Bank than any other country in the world. In fact, between 2007 and 2015, Chinese companies won almost a third of all World Bank infrastructure projects in Africa. So there is a lot of data to work with to compare both Chinese and OECD countries' performance. Jamie joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why the Chinese continue to have such a bad reputation for the quality of their infrastructure development work in Africa despite the fact that the data proves otherwise. Join the discussion. What do you think of Chinese construction projects in Africa and the quality of the roads, bridges, hospitals, airports, power plants and other vital infrastructure developments that they're building across the continent? Tell us what's on your mind: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @standenesque    

Some people argue that the global balance of power is shifting away from the North Atlantic and toward the Asia-Pacific as countries such as India and China gain economic, military, and political influence. India and China may appear to be developing new international systems – for example, through the AIIB – that could threaten the post-war order developed by the United States and Western Europe. However, long-simmering tensions between India and China make it clear that they do not form a united bloc, and present an opportunity for the United States to play a role in re-shaping the balance of power throughout the world.  Given the considerable differences arising between New Delhi and Beijing, and the fact that each country confronts enormous domestic issues including poverty, corruption, and environmental degradation on a huge scale, how can the United States manage its relationships with the two rising Asian powers?  For the third installment of our 50th Anniversary series, China and the World, Ms. Anja Manuel, author of This Brave New World: India, China and the United States, described the Sino-Indian relationship and the role the United States may play in creating a new balance of power with both India and China. Moderated by National Committee President Stephen Orlins, the program was held on May 9, 2016 in New York City.  Anja Manuel is co-founder and partner, along with former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, former National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley and former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, of RiceHadleyGates LLC, a strategic consulting firm. Anja Manuel is also a lecturer in the International Policy Studies Program at Stanford University where she designed and teaches a course on U.S. foreign policy in Asia. From 2005 to 2007, Anja Manuel served as special assistant to Under-Secretary for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns at the U.S. Department of State. In this role, Ms. Manuel was responsible for South Asia policy, Congressional outreach and legal matters. She was part of the negotiating team for the U.S.-India civilian nuclear accord, helped to secure passage of the accord in the U.S. Congress, and was deeply involved in developing U.S. policy toward Afghanistan and Pakistan.  

Drs Matteo Dian and Silvia Menegazzi give a talk on the AIIB at the International Political Economy of East Asia Seminar This presentation will analyse the strategy that led China to establish the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and its likely consequences for the regional and global economic order. The creation of the AIIB embodies a considerable shift for the Chinese approach to regional and global governance, constituted by an increasing will to promote a transition from a 'Western-led governance' to a more inclusive 'East-West co -governance'. Is the AIIB initiative just an instrument created to sustain China’s economic prosperity and Xi Jinping’s call for a 'Chinese Dream'? Is it a consequence of China's growing frustration with the Bretton Woods' architecture? Or, is it rather a first stepping stone towards a new China-centered financial and economic order? Does this entail a relevant threat to the world's economic order and its institutions? Or is it more simply a symptom of the increasing normative and institutional plurality of the current international order? In this light, the seminar will scrutinize Beijing's new multilateral project taking into account China's growing regional role, and in particular, it’s renewed centrality in the East Asian region. In the course of the seminar, particular attention will be devoted to the analysis of the challenges and priorities as discussed by Chinese scholars, policy analysts and think tank experts.

Jason Burack of Wall St for Main St had on returning guest, editor of The Hat Trick Letter found at Golden Jackass http://www.goldenjackass.com/, Jim Willie for another in depth interview. During this hour+ long interview, Jason asks Jim about major topics including: 1) Why are the banks and politicians moving things towards a cashless society?2) Why don't Keynesian economists consider asset prices going up a lot as evidence of inflation?3) China QE coming and China Gold Reserves update- Will China announce a public update to its gold reserves in the next 12 months to join the SDR basket? Does China plan to take apart the IMF from the inside out by joining the SDR while it builds the AIIB?4) Is there a global currency war or are governments & central banks coordinating things and taking turns with QE to devalue currency and prop up markets?5)George Soros says WWIII is coming soon between the US and China. Do you agree with him?6)Hillary Clinton scandals- Why do political elites like her get mostly a free pass from the mainstream media, justice department, etc?7)New Technology- Is it causing massive amounts of damage to the global economy while also stripping us of all our privacy and civil liberties? For answers to these questions and other interesting topics please listen to the interview! 

Rayyan Hassan is a Bangladeshi development expert based in the Philippines, who is the executive director of the NGO Forum at the Manila-based multilateral financial institution, Asian Development Bank.

The advent of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, sometimes called a Chinese-led rival to the World Bank, is one of the most genuinely interesting developments in global affairs. Thought not yet operational, it is being formed despite the strong opposition of the USA. The creation of the AIIB, with many US allies joining as founding partners, reflects the rise of China, waning American global influence, the declining relevance of international institutions created after World War Two, and the ways in which political polarization in the USA is influencing global affairs. Or does it? Scott Morris of the Center for Global Development is on the line to discuss the the new bank and why it matters to international development and international relations.  This is a super interesting conversation about a key development in global affairs. 

In this episode, we bring you a reading from 求是网 about Beijing's proposed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, or AIIB. If you'd like to read along, follow the link below: http://www.qstheory.cn/wp/2015-03/15/c_1114645311.htm

China continues to push against the dollar's seven decade dominance...and many of America's closest allies shocked the world when they got on board with China's new Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Headlines say the dollar is strong right now.  But will it survive long term...and more importantly... what does it mean to YOU and YOUR real estate investing? Find out in this intriguing and surprisingly relevant edition of The Real Estate Guys radio show! The Real Estate Guys™ radio show provides real estate investing news, education, training and resources to help real estate investors succeed.  Learn more and subscribe to the free newsletter! Visit www.realestateguysradio.com.

ITRH Podcast ArtIn this episode Aaron and Jason discuss a possible economic collapse coming in the near future. Some of you are familiar with what China and Russia are up to. But this episode sheds new light on details and new developments you need to know. Many of our allies in the world may be turning on us to save their own skins. For instance, did you know Japan, Australia, and South Korea recently gave strong indications of joining the AIIB? (China's most recent attempt to decouple from the US Dollar as reserve currency and the IMF.) And who can blame them after watching the US take on ever increasing amounts of irresponsible debt and spend wildly. So join us as we discuss... The Coming Economic Collapse: * What causes it. * What does it look like. * What is China and Russia's role. * BRICS Nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) * Last year's summit of BRICS nations in Fortaleza, Brazil. * Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) * New Development Bank * Who is working to dump the US Dollar as a receiver currency and why. * Bitcoins as a backing for a new world reserve currency. * Lessons form the 2008 crunch. * Historical indications of a spiking US Dollar value. * Social welfare policy creating society of takers and entitled mentality generation. * ...and what this all means to you. ~ Become a supporting member here: http://www.itrh.net ~ Resources from this episode can be found at: http://www.intherabbithole.com/e128  

57 countries including two from Africa are among the founding members of China's new development bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. While the new bank's primary objective will be develop infrastructure projects in Asia, as its name suggests, there is widespread anticipation (mixed with some hope) the bank will expand its scope of work to eventually include Africa and beyond. Tsinghua University Associate Professor and Resident Scholar at the Carnegie–Tsinghua Center for Global Policy, Dr. Tang Xiaoyang, joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss the new AIIB and what implications it could have on development finance in Africa.

Jason Burack of Wall St for Main St had on returning guest, editor of The News Doctorshttp://thenewsdoctors.com/ and former technology executive, Eric Dubin.During this 50+ minute long discussion, Jason asks Eric about the goals and logic of the US' foreign policy? Eric talks about the past strategies of the Roman Empire and the British Empire for divide and conquer and controlled chaos strategies to weaken key areas the US wants to control. Jason and Eric talk about how Machievllian US foreign policy is and how the US collects people in power in countries like the Ukraine as puppets. Next, Jason asks Eric about Hillary Clinton and her scandals and how the mainstream media is trying to help her become the next president in the 2016 elections. Eric says how the propaganda from the mainstream media is at an all time high and how bread ad circuses combined with the propaganda and lies about many things including how well the economy is doing is allowing Wall St and the US government to do whatever it wants because most Americans still don't have a clue about what's really going on or they don't care or they are blind ideologues. To wrap up the discussion, Jason and Eric talk about the SDR, the new Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and precious metals. 

This week we cover China's Great Cannon and its ongoing cyber espionage activities. CSIS Strategic Technology Program Senior Fellow Denise Zheng joins to explain China's new offensive censorship tool and to discuss what governments and organizations can do to protect their networks. Then we move to India's economy, with Finance Minister Arun Jaitley discussing India's plans for equitable growth. We also review the region's news, profile Natalie Lichtenstein of the AIIB, and share our One to Watch. Hosted by Colm Quinn. Audio edited by Sam Ellis. Produced by Jeffrey Bean. To learn more visit the CSIS Asia Policy blog at www.CogitAsia.com.

The ICRT news team and correspondents discuss the week's top news stories including Taiwan's failed bid to join the AIIB as a founding member and big developments in the 2016 presidential election.

The ICRT news team and correspondents discuss the week's top news stories including Taiwan's failed bid to join the AIIB as a founding member and big developments in the 2016 presidential election.

Lionel Barber describes how Li Keqiang, China's second most powerful man, told the FT that his country had no desire to create a new world order See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

뉴스투데이: AIIB가입과 홍역 발병 오보의 원인은? 오늘의 댓글

中国が設立したアジアインフラ投資銀行に日本とアメリカだけが参加せず、他の主要国は軒並み参加の状況となりました。アメリカは日本のメンツを尊重し、日本はアメリカの顔色をうかがっただけ...では、日本は今後アジア諸国への進出に大きなハンティを背負うことになります。不参加でもかまわないとは思いますが、その理由としてキチンとした戦略を描いてのことでなければならないと考えます。役人や政治家の皆さんにはそのあちりをキッチリと示して戴きたいと思います。

The ICRT news team discusses the week's top news stories including Taiwan's controversial bid to join the China backed AIIB, and a poll revealing the most popular mayors of Taiwan's major cities.

Het doet de Verenigde Staten en Japan knarsetanden: steeds meer westerse landen, waaronder Nederland, willen meedoen met de ‘Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank' (AIIB). Dat is de nieuwe Chinese investeringsbank die er eind dit jaar moet komen. Ook andere grote internationale organisaties zoals het Internationaal Monetair Fonds (IMF) en de Wereldbank kijken met een schuin oog naar China's nieuwste economische project. Want tot nu toe zijn zij op het wereldtoneel de belangrijke economische spelers. Maar voor hoelang nog? In ons Geobureau nemen we de Chinese investeringsbank en de veranderingen in de economische verhoudingen onder de loep met drie experts: Frank Heemskerk, oud-staatssecretaris Economische Zaken en nu bewindvoerder bij de Wereldbank in Washington. Ook met Age Bakker, oud-bewindvoerder bij het IMF en emeritus hoogleraar monetaire en bancaire vraagstukken aan de VU, en sinologe Ingrid d'Hooghe, eigenaar van adviesbureau China Relations en verbonden aan het Instituut Clingendael.

1-L'accordo sul nucleare iraniano, il giorno dopo. Rouhani e Obama pronti alla battaglia con le opposizioni interne. A Tehran ottimismo ma anche molta prudenza...L'intervista di Esteri all'analista iraniano Mojtaba Mousavi.2-Il terrorismo rischia di cambiare l'Africa. Dopo l'attacco in Kenya sempre più evidente la minaccia dell'islam radicale. La geografia dei gruppi armati va oltre Shebab e Boko Haram (Raffaele Masto).3-Banca Asiatica degli Investimenti e Nuova Via della Seta. La strategia cinese per tornare al centro del mondo. Pechino riempie con successo il vuoto lasciato dalle ex-potenze globali (Gabriele Battaglia, Alfredo Somoza).4-Serie TV. Inside number nine. Quando il teatro arriva sul piccolo schermo (Massimo Alberti).

The ICRT news team discusses the week's top news stories including Taiwan's controversial bid to join the China backed AIIB, and a poll revealing the most popular mayors of Taiwan's major cities.

1-L'accordo sul nucleare iraniano, il giorno dopo. Rouhani e Obama pronti alla battaglia con le opposizioni interne. A Tehran ottimismo ma anche molta prudenza...L'intervista di Esteri all'analista iraniano Mojtaba Mousavi.2-Il terrorismo rischia di cambiare l'Africa. Dopo l'attacco in Kenya sempre più evidente la minaccia dell'islam radicale. La geografia dei gruppi armati va oltre Shebab e Boko Haram (Raffaele Masto).3-Banca Asiatica degli Investimenti e Nuova Via della Seta. La strategia cinese per tornare al centro del mondo. Pechino riempie con successo il vuoto lasciato dalle ex-potenze globali (Gabriele Battaglia, Alfredo Somoza).4-Serie TV. Inside number nine. Quando il teatro arriva sul piccolo schermo (Massimo Alberti).

It seems odd that an international bank for building roads and airports in Asia should become a yardstick for the rise of China as a global power and of the relative decline of the US. But that is what Beijing appears to achieved with its Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank. Some of Washington's closest allies have signed up even though it had lobbied furiously to dissuade them from doing so. Ben Hall discusses the development with Alan Beattie and Ed Luce. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

China's role in international affairs is growing rapidly, but how much do we really understand about who is making decisions in China, and why? In the Lowy Institute's annual China lecture, Professor Cheng Li, Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution, examined how the current Chinese leadership under Xi Jinping sees the connection between the international and China's domestic situation, and analysed what implications these views have for Chinese foreign policy. Professor Li discussed how the Xi leadership sees China's relationship with existing norms and institutions, and the rationale behind creating new institutions such as the AIIB and the 'One Belt One Road'. He also looked at what Chinese leaders want to achieve when they head up the G20 in 2016. The Lowy Institute is grateful to AMP for their kind support of this event series.

-정부, 중국 주도 AIIB 참여 결정 -홍준표에 성난 경남 학부모들, 잇따라 등교거부-1인시위 -이정현, '광주시민들이 저를 쓰레기통에 버렸다'

-정부, AIIB 참여? 사드 배치와 주고 받기 할까 -1천원 백반 식당 김선자 할머니 별세.. 각계 애도 잇따라 -검찰, MB정부 자원외교 비리 수사 박차, MB맨 기업들 줄줄이 수사선상 -성균관대, 또 ‘세월호 유가족 간담회' 불허

-朴대통령-김무성 vs 문재인, 경제해법 정면 대립 -박정희 신당동 가옥 논란 속에 시민 개방 -2월 체감실업률 12.5% '역대 최고', 327만명 고통 -프랑스-독일-이탈리아도 AIIB 가입. 한국 '선택 임박' -경남도민 60% ‘홍준표의 무상급식 중단은 잘못'

'아시아인프라투자은행 AIIB' (LG경제연구원 김형주 박사)중국 주도 AIIB 설립 계획, 미국은 반대 참여요청 받은 우리나라는 어떻게... 국제경제질서에 가져올 변화..