Podcasts about asian research

What kind of external pressures and foreign interference is Taiwan facing? How does Taiwan balance its status as a global tech giant with its regional security vulnerabilities? In what ways are Australia's interests intertwined with the security and resilience of Taiwan? In this episode, Ketty Chen and Mark Harrison join Susan Dietz to discuss Taiwan's national security challenges, focusing on the influence of China, the complexities of Taiwan's domestic politics, and the implications of its role in the global tech supply chain. Dr Ketty Chen is Advisor for the National Bureau of Asian Research and an Expert Associate at the ANU National Security College (NSC). Dr Mark Harrison is Senior Lecturer in Chinese Studies in the School of Social Sciences at the University of Tasmania and an Expert Associate at NSC. Susan Dietz is Senior Executive Advisor, China at NSC. TRANSCRIPT  Show notes NSC academic programs – find out more. Revolutionary Taiwan: Making Nationhood in a Changing World Order President Lai introduced 17 major strategies to respond to five major national security and united front threats faced by Taiwan Disinformation in Taiwan – report We'd love to hear from you! Send in your questions, comments, and suggestions to NatSecPod@anu.edu.au.You can contact us on X (formerly Twitter) @NSC_ANU and Bluesky @nscanu.bsky.social, and be sure to subscribe so you don't miss out on future episodes.  Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

US-China relations during the Biden administration have been marked by competition and rivalry. Many of the aspects of US-China relations of the first Trump presidency were retained by the Biden administration. We have now returned to President Trump. What are we likely to see now in US foreign policy under a second Trump presidency; what will be US-China relations going forward? To explore all this I invited back into the Virtual Studio my good colleague Yves Tiberghien. Yves currently is a Professor of Political Science, Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research, Konwakai Chair in Japanese Research, and Director of the Center for Japanese Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC) in Vancouver, Canada. Yves recently completed a study leave and was a visiting scholar at the Taipei School of Economics and Political Science (2023-2024). Yves specializes in comparative political economy and international political economy with an empirical focus on China, Japan, and Korea. His latest book is The East Asian Covid-19 Paradox, August 2021. Come join Yves in the Virtual Studio to examine these issues.

Nadège Rolland, Distinguished Fellow, China Studies, at the National Bureau of Asian Research and author of Mapping China's Strategic Space, joins the show to discuss how to better understand the geopolitical premises of China's strategic elites. ▪️ Times      •      01:36 Introduction     •      02:04 Strategic space      •      05:05 Mao's strategic vision       •      11:12 Origin points       •      17:10 Geopolitical dimensions      •      20:25 Finding answers      •      26:35 Encirclement        •      33:55 Core interests      •      38:56 China's end goal      •      45:37 Multilateralism        •      49:04 Risk and overextension  Follow along on Instagram or YouTube @SchoolofWarPodcast Find a transcript of today's episode on our School of War Substack

Host Adam Lowther interviews retired Lieutenant General In-Bum Chun about the recent political turmoil in South Korea, including President Yoon's declaration of martial law and the ongoing impeachment process. General Chun provides insights into the historical context of South Korean politics, the current political divide, and the implications of these events for the future of the country. He emphasizes the need for unity and support from the United States during this critical time.Lieutenant General In-Bum Chun (ROK, Ret) served his country with both honor and integrity for nearly four decades. Chun retired in 2016 after distinguished service in the South Korean Army.During his military career which started in 1978 at the Korea Military Academy he ascended to positions of leadership that included, the Chief of the Election Support Branch, Civil Military Affairs/Strategic Operations Directorate of the Multinational Forces in Iraq, the Director of U.S. Affairs at the Ministry of National Defense (ROK), Deputy Assistant Chief of Staff of Operations for the U.S.-ROK Combined Forces Command, Senior member of the UNCMAC, the Commander of the ROK Special Warfare Command, and the Deputy Commander for the First ROK Army.Chun is a holder of three U.S Legions of Merit, the US Bronze Star Medal and the USSOCOM Medal.His interests and expertise in national defense and security policy saw him awarded positions that included Visiting Fellow at the Center for East Asia Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution, Visiting researcher at the US-Korea Institute at SAIS, Johns Hopkins University and as Visiting fellow at the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs, Georgia Tech.Currently, Chun is serving as a Senior Fellow with the Association of the United States Army (AUSA) and the Vice-president of the Air and Space Forces Association (AFA) MIG Alley Chapter and is on the Advisory board for the National Bureau of Asian Research, the Global SOF Foundation, the Global American Business Institute and the Korean Modelers Association as well as a Senior Contributor for the Asia Society Korea and a fellow with the Institute of Corea American Studies and Distinguished Military Fellow with the Institute of Security and Development Policy in Sweden.Chapters00:00 Introduction to the Political Crisis in South Korea05:48 Martial Law Declaration and Its Implications11:48 Impeachment Process and Political Dynamics22:50 Historical Context of South Korean Politics29:59 Wishes for the Future of South Korea

China's push to revise the international security order entered a new phase with the launch of the Global Security Initiative (GSI) in April 2022. A few months after Xi Jinping proposed GSI, host Bonnie Glaser did a podcast episode with Manoj Kewalramani to discuss the drivers behind GSI and analyze the initial statements outlining its content. More than 2 ½ years have elapsed since then, and scholars have begun to investigate how China is implementing GSI in various regions around the world. A new report from the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) examines how GSI is being operationalized and received in two priority regions of Chinese foreign policy: mainland Southeast Asia and Central Asia. The study draws on field research in both regions. The report is titled “China's Global Security Initiative Takes Shape in Southeast and Central Asia.” The report has three authors: Bates Gill, Carla Freeman and Alison McFarland. Bonnie Glaser is joined by Bates Gill for this episode to discuss the report's findings. Bates is a senior fellow with the National Bureau of Asian Research, a Senior Associate Fellow with the Royal United Services Institute, and associated with USIP.Timestamps[00:00] Start[01:53] Objectives of China's Global Security Initiative [04:22] GSI as an Additive or a Replacement[07:21] Fieldwork in Southeast and Central Asia[12:06] Concerns about China's Intentions and Influence[15:24] GSI Initiatives and Sources of Funding[19:58] GSI and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation[23:55] Moscow's View of GSI [29:27] Implications of GSI for the United States

For the first time since the Black Death in the 1300s, the world is heading towards an era of depopulation. And for the first time in human history, this era of depopulation will be by choice. All over the world, women are choosing to have fewer and fewer children even as medical advances continue to prolong life. The result will be that people born today will live in graying societies in which the elderly and retired vastly outnumber the young and employed who are critical in supporting older generations. Why are people around the world choosing to have fewer children? And what do graying societies mean for the global economy? Nicholas Eberstadt is the Henry Wendt Chair in Political Economy at the American Enterprise Institute where he researched demographics, economic development, and international security in the Korean peninsula and Asia. He is also a senior advisor to the National Bureau of Asian Research, a founding board member of the US Committee on Human Rights in North Korea, and has served as a consultant or adviser to the US Government and international organizations. His most recent book is the Post-Pandemic Edition of Men Without Work (Templeton, 2022).Read the transcript here. Read Eberstadt's Foreign Affairs article here. Subscribe to our substack here.

Robert Ward hosts Dr Matsuda Takuya, Adjunct Lecturer at Aoyama Gakuin University, Dr Vida Macikenaite, Assistant Professor at the Graduate School of International Relations of the International University of Japan, and Dr Wrenn Yennie Lindgren, Senior Research Fellow and Head of the Centre for Asian Research at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Robert, Takuya, Vida and Wrenn discuss:  The recent development of Japan's relationship with the Nordic and Baltic statesJapan's security cooperation with the Nordic and Baltic states from defense equipment to cyber securityThe Nordic and Baltic approach to authoritarian powers, including their eyes on the potential cooperation between Russia and China in the High NorthThe similarities and differences in the security architecture of the Euro-Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific regions We hope you enjoy the episode and please follow, rate, and subscribe to Japan Memo on your podcast platform of choice. If you have any comments or questions, please contact us at japanchair@iiss.org. Date recorded: 6 September 2024  Japan Memo is recorded and produced at the IISS in London.  Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

It is with great pleasure that I have invited my colleague Yves Tiberghien back into the Virtual Studio for this episode on ‘Shaking the Global Order'. The US-China relationship has been marked by continuing competition and rivalry. So, I sat down again with Yves Tiberghien to examine what the current state of the US-China relationship is today while remaining mindful of the upcoming US election. I was particularly curious to see what the impact, if any, of the recent visit to Beijing by National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan might have had on current US-China relations. Yves is a Professor of Political Science, Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research, Konwakai Chair in Japanese Research, and Director of the Center for Japanese Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC) in Vancouver, Canada. Yves recently completed a study leave and was a visiting scholar at the Taipei School of Economics and Political Science (2023-2024). Yves is an International Steering Committee Member at Pacific Trade and Development Conference (PAFTAD) and a visiting professor at Tokyo University and Sciences Po, Paris. He has held other visiting positions at National Chengchi University (Taiwan), GRIPS (Tokyo), and the Jakarta School of Public Policy (Indonesia). So, let's join Yves in the Virtual Studio to examine the current state of US-China relationship.

It is with great pleasure that I continued the conversation with my colleague Yves Tiberghien for this episode on ‘Shaking the Global Order'. After a short break I continued the discussion with Yves as to the current state of relations with the US and China. I was also able to extend our examination to include the impact of this competition on the Middle Power countries in the Indo-Pacific. The discussion extended to Japan, Korea, Taiwan and others. Yves is a Professor of Political Science, Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research, Konwakai Chair in Japanese Research, and Director of the Center for Japanese Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC) in Vancouver, Canada. Yves recently completed a study leave and was a visiting scholar at the Taipei School of Economics and Political Science (2023-2024). Yves specializes in comparative political economy and international political economy with an empirical focus on China, Japan, and Korea. His latest book is "The East Asian Covid-19 Paradox" (August 2021) with work forthcoming on a new book titled "Game-Changer: How Covid-19 Has Reshaped Societies and Politics in East Asia". So, let's rejoin Yves in the Virtual Studio in this examination of US-China relations and its impact on the Indo-Pacific.

Jess DiCarlo joins Juliet and Keren for a dynamic discussion about China's identity as an infrastructural state, the myth of the debt trap narrative, cycling as academia (and Jess's experience biking along the China-Laos train route), the impact of the BRI in Laos, and much more.  Dr. Jess DiCarlo is an assistant professor in Geography, Environment, and Asian Studies at the University of Utah. She has been a Wilson China Fellow, a Public Intellectual Program Fellow of the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, and the Chevalier Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Transportation and Development in China at the University of British Columbia's Institute of Asian Research in the School of Public Policy and Global Affairs. She holds a Ph.D. in geography from the University of Colorado Boulder and a masters in development studies from the University of California Berkeley. Her research focuses on China, its borderlands, infrastructure, issues at the environment-society nexus, and China's global integration. DiCarlo is on the editorial board of The People's Map of Global China (the launch of which we covered on this show) and its related Global China Pulse journal, and the co-founder of the Second Cold War Observatory and co-host of its podcast, The Roundtable podcast.Recommendations:Jess:Ecological States: Politics of Science and Nature in Urbanizing China by Jesse Rodenbiker Juliet:The Three Body Problem series on Netflix, adapted from the trilogy by Cixin LiuKeren:Peter Hessler's writings, specifically River Town, Oracle Bones, Country Driving

It is with great pleasure that I have invited my colleague Yves Tiberghien back into the Virtual Studio for this episode on ‘Shaking the Global Order'. ‘The US-China relationship has been marked by growing competition and rivalry. This increasing tension seemed to reach a dramatic moment when a high-altitude balloon originating from China flew across North American airspace from January 28 to February 4, 2023 only to be shot down over U.S. territorial waters off the coast of South Carolina. As a result China suspended all military to military communications. Meanwhile, Secretary of State Antony Blinken postponed a visit. US-China relations languished until the recent Xi-Biden summit on November 15th that took place near San Francisco at the margin of the APEC Summit. So, what is the current state of the US-China relationship today and how are the two reshaping the global order in the face of US-China relations? Yves currently is a Professor of Political Science, Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research, Konwakai Chair in Japanese Research, and Director of the Center for Japanese Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC) in Vancouver, Canada. Yves is currently on study leave from UBC and is a visiting scholar at the Taipei School of Economics and Political Science (2023-2024). Yves specializes in comparative political economy and international political economy with an empirical focus on China, Japan, and Korea. His latest book is The East Asian Covid-19 Paradox. August 2021 with work forthcoming on a new book (titled 'Game-Changer: How Covid-19 Has Reshaped Societies and Politics in East Asia'). So, let's join Yves in the Virtual Studio to examine the US-China relationship

On this episode of the Energy Security Cubed Podcast, Kelly Ogle talks with Amanda Doyle about her recent policy perspective paper for the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, "The Race to Secure Sustainable Supply Chains: Why Canada and South Korea Ought to be ‘Best Friends'". You can find her paper here: https://www.cgai.ca/the_race_to_secure_sustainable_supply_chains_why_canada_and_south_korea_ought_to_be_best_friends Guest Bio: - Amanda is a Master of Public Policy and Global Affairs student at the University of British Columbia. She is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Asian Research with a focus on global governance and security in the Asia-Pacific Region. She spent eight years as a senior political strategist, advising multiple levels of government and industry. Her interests and perspectives are also shaped by her experience living and working in Daegu, South Korea. Host Bio: - Kelly Ogle in the CEO of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute Interview recording Date: October 17, 2023 Energy Security Cubed is part of the CGAI Podcast Network. Follow the Canadian Global Affairs Institute on Facebook, Twitter (@CAGlobalAffairs), or on LinkedIn. Head over to our website at www.cgai.ca for more commentary. Produced by Joe Calnan. Music credits to Drew Phillips.

Desde o governo Lee Teng-hui, Taiwan tem voltado os olhos para o Sudeste Asiático: nas últimas décadas desenvolveu-se uma diplomacia não oficial com os países da ASEAN e uma reivindicação de seu status de berço das línguas e civilização austronésias. Hoje, a maioria dos jovens taiwaneses se definem como não chineses; minorias étnicas indonésias, vietnamitas e filipinas ganham proeminência inédita na vida política da ilha; o idioma hokkien vem substituindo o mandarim em repartições públicas, nas artes e na esfera pública. Para pensarmos o atual cenário, discutimos as origens da província taiwanesa com o regime autoritário do Kuomintang, a "Política Rumo ao Sul" de Lee Teng-hui e sua sucessora (1993-2015), além de tensões geopolíticas com a China de Xi Jinping e o recente Movimento Girassol (2015). PESQUISA/TEXTO: F. V. Silva MÚSICA DE DESFECHO: 珂拉琪 Collage／Talacowa (2021) BIBLIOGRAFIA Ann Heylen & Scott Sommers. "Introduction" In: Ann Heylen & Scott Sommers (ed.). Becoming Taiwan: From Colonialism to Democracy. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2010, p. 7-18. Donald Emerson. "Southeast Asia": What's in a Name? Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Mar., 1984), pp. 1-21. Hanns Günther Hilpert / Alexandra Sakaki / Gudrun Wacker (Hg.) Vom Umgang mit Taiwan. Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2022. J. Bruce Jacobs & I-hao Ben Liu. Lee Teng-Hui and the Idea of "Taiwan". The China Quarterly, No. 190 (Jun., 2007), pp. 375-393. Ja Ian Chong. "Rediscovering an Old Relationship: Taiwan and Southeast Asia's Long, Shared History". The National Bureau of Asian Research, 11/jan/2018, pp. 1-6 Disponível em: https://www.nbr.org/publication/rediscovering-an-old-relationship-taiwan-and-southeast-asias-long-shared-history/ Jeremy Chiang & Alan Hao Yang. "A Nation Reborn? Taiwan's Belated Recognition of Its Southeast Asian Heritage". The Diplomat, 28/set/2018. Disponível em: https://thediplomat.com/2018/09/a-nation-reborn-taiwans-belated-recognition-of-its-southeast-asian-heritage/ Lee Lai To. Taiwan and Southeast Asia: "Realpolitik Par Excellence?". Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vol. 7, No. 3 (December 1985), pp. 209-220. Michael Leifer. Taiwan and South-East Asia: The Limits to Pragmatic Diplomacy. The China Quarterly, No. 165, Taiwan in the 20th Century (Mar., 2001), pp. 173-185. Rafael Moura. Industrialização, desenvolvimento e emparelhamento tecnológico no leste asiático : os casos de Japão, Taiwan, Coreia do Sul e China. Rio de Janeiro: Ideia D, 2021, p. 273-346. Richard Kagan. Taiwan's Statesman: Lee Teng-Hui and Democracy in Asia. Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2014. Russell H. Fifield. Southeast Asia as a Regional Concept. Southeast Asian Journal of Social Science , 1983, Vol. 11, No. 2, IDEOLOGY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA (1983), pp. 1-14. Samuel C. Y. Ku. The Political Economy of Taiwan's Relations with Vietnam. Contemporary Southeast Asia , December 1999, Vol. 21, No. 3 (December 1999), pp. 405-423. Samuel C. Y. Ku. The Political Economy of Regime Transformation: Taiwan and Southeast Asia. World Affairs, Vol. 165, No. 2 (FALL 2002), pp. 59-78.

Lieutenant General In-Bum Chun (ROK, Ret) served his country with both honour and integrity for nearly four decades. Chun retired in 2016 after distinguished service in the South Korean Army.During his military career which started in 1978 at the Korea Military Academy he ascended to positions of leadership that included, the Chief of the Election Support Branch, Civil Military Affairs/Strategic Operations Directorate of the Multinational Forces in Iraq, the Director of U.S. Affairs at the Ministry of National Defense (ROK), Deputy Assistant Chief of Staff of Operations for the U.S.-ROK Combined Forces Command, Senior member of the UNCMAC, the Commander of the ROK Special Warfare Command, and the Deputy Commander for the First ROK Army.Chun is a holder of three U.S Legions of Merit, the US Bronze Star Medal and the USSOCOM Medal.His interests and expertise in national defense and security policy saw him awarded positions that included Visiting Fellow at the Center for East Asia Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution, Visiting researcher at the US-Korea Institute at SAIS, Johns Hopkins University and as Visiting fellow at the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs, Georgia Tech.Currently, Chun is serving as a Senior Fellow with the Association of the United States Army (AUSA) and the Vice-president of the Air and Space Forces Association (AFA) MIG Alley Chapter and is on the Advisory board for the National Bureau of Asian Research, the Global SOF Foundation, the Global American Business Institute and the Korean Modelers Association as well as a Senior Contributor for the Asia Society Korea and a fellow with the Institute of Corea American Studies and Distinguished Military Fellow with the Institute of Security and Development Policy in Sweden.He is also a board member for the Korean Animal Welfare Association which advocates for animal rights and humane treatment of all animals.In addition to his many roles with various military and defense organizations, he is active on social media as a military analyst with his YouTube channel where he uploads videos discussing defense and security matters related to South Korea and Northeast Asia.EPISODE NOTES:Follow NucleCast on Twitter at @NucleCastEmail comments and story suggestions to NucleCast@anwadeter.orgSubscribe to NucleCast podcastRate the show

Amid the kaleidoscopic changes testing and recasting the post-1945 liberal world order, none is more significant—and consequential—than the ascent of India.India and the United States have long maintained a unique relationship. Each nation is a post-colonial power. Each achieved independence from Great Britain after protracted struggle. Each is a demographically diverse nation governed by a representative democracy. The Council on Foreign Relations has created a useful timeline for US-India Relations from 1947-2020. Today, India is confronting a series of challenges:—rising nationalist populism;—financial and economic stresses amid ongoing growth;—new international alignments, including with China, Russia, and other G-20 nations;—rising nuclear competition with China and its impact on the global non-proliferation regime.In this episode of the Serve to Lead podcast, renowned strategist Ashley Tellis discusses these and other major issues at this hinge moment in history.Tellis' new book, Grasping Greatness: Making India a Leading Power, is published by India Viking. The introduction—a brilliant, comprehensive synthesis—is available now, free-of-charge—in pdf.The Next Nationalism is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support the work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.About Ashley TellisAshley J. Tellis is the Tata Chair for Strategic Affairs and a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, specializing in international security and U.S. foreign and defense policy with a special focus on Asia and the Indian subcontinent.While on assignment to the U.S. Department of State as senior adviser to the undersecretary of state for political affairs, he was intimately involved in negotiating the civil nuclear agreement with India.Previously he was commissioned into the U.S. Foreign Service and served as senior adviser to the ambassador at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi. He also served on the National Security Council staff as special assistant to President George W. Bush and senior director for strategic planning and Southwest Asia. Prior to his government service, Tellis was senior policy analyst at the RAND Corporation and professor of policy analysis at the RAND Graduate School.He is a counselor at the National Bureau of Asian Research, the research director of its Strategic Asia program, and co-editor of the program's seventeen most recent annual volumes, including the latest Strategic Asia 2021–22: Navigating Tumultuous Times in the Indo-Pacific.He is the author of Striking Asymmetries: Nuclear Transitions in Southern Asia (2022) and India's Emerging Nuclear Posture (2001), the co-author of Interpreting China's Grand Strategy: Past, Present, and Future (2000), and the co-editor of Getting India Back on Track (2014). Other significant publications include Revising U.S. Grand Strategy Toward China (2015, co-author), Balancing Without Containment: An American Strategy for Managing China (2014), Atoms for War? U.S.-Indian Civilian Nuclear Cooperation and India's Nuclear Arsenal (2006), India as a New Global Power: An Action Agenda for the United States (2005), Measuring National Power in the Post-Industrial Age (2000, co-author), and Stability in South Asia (1997). In addition to many more Carnegie and RAND reports, his academic publications have appeared in several edited volumes and peer-reviewed journals.Tellis serves as an adviser to the Chief of Naval Operations. He is a member of several professional organizations related to defense and international studies including the Council on Foreign Relations, the International Institute of Strategic Studies, the United States Naval Institute, and the Navy League of the United States.He earned his PhD in political science from the University of Chicago. He also holds an MA in political science from the University of Chicago and both BA and MA degrees in economics from the University of Bombay.Image Credit | Author photo, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Get full access to The Next Nationalism at jamesstrock.substack.com/subscribe

Links from the show:* Getting China Wrong* Surveillance State: Inside China's Quest to Launch a New Era of Social Control* Subscribe to the newsletterAbout my guest:Aaron L. Friedberg is Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University, where he has taught since 1987, and co-director of the Princeton School of Public and International Affairs's Center for International Security Studies. He is also a non-resident senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States and a Senior Advisor to the National Bureau of Asian Research.Friedberg is the author of The Weary Titan: Britain and the Experience of Relative Decline, 1895-1905 and In the Shadow of the Garrison State: America's Anti-Statism and its Cold War Grand Strategy, both published by Princeton University Press, and co-editor (with Richard Ellings) of three volumes in the National Bureau of Asian Research's annual "Strategic Asia" series. His third book, A Contest for Supremacy: China, America and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, was published in 2011 by W.W. Norton and has been translated into Japanese, Chinese and Korean. His most recent monograph, Beyond Air-Sea Battle: The Debate Over U.S. Military Strategy in Asia was published in May 2014 as part of the International Institute for Strategic Studies' Adelphi Paper series. Friedberg's articles and essays have appeared in a number of publications, including The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times, Commentary, The National Interest, The American Interest, The Weekly Standard, Foreign Affairs, The Washington Quarterly, Survival, and International Security.In 2001-2002 Friedberg was selected as the first occupant of the Henry A. Kissinger Chair at the Library of Congress. He has been a research fellow at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, the Norwegian Nobel Institute, the Smithsonian Institution's Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and Harvard University's Center for International Affairs. Dr. Friedberg served from June 2003 to June 2005 as Deputy Assistant for National Security Affairs in the office of the Vice President. After leaving government he was appointed to the Defense Policy Board and the Secretary of State's Advisory Committee on Democracy Promotion. Friedberg received his AB in 1978 and his PhD in 1986, both from Harvard University. He is a member of the editorial boards of Joint Forces Quarterly and The Journal of Strategic Studies and a member of the International Institute for Strategic Studies and the Council on Foreign Relations. Get full access to Dispatches from the War Room at dispatchesfromthewarroom.substack.com/subscribe

On this week's episode, Francine sits down with Dr. Hitomi Fujimura, a Postdoctoral Fellow at the York University in Toronto, to unpack her research on Karen Baptists, the resurgence of Karen national identity, and the historicity of claiming national identity. Stay tuned till the end for some wonderful movie and reading recommendations!  Lightning Round: 03:38 Research and lecture summary: 14:45 Advice for researchers and recommendations: 36:30 Dr. Fujimura's Top Recommendations: Belonging Across the Bay of Bengal by Michael Laffan (link) Stateless Short Film on Youtube (link) The music on the podcast is from "Me and Some Friends", a musical project by a group of friends at Cornell, to experiment with how the beautiful timbres of Gamelan music can meld with hypnotic guitar parts to create a contemplative and unique experience. Check them out here. 

In January 2022, you joined Beyond the Headlines to learn about the past and present of Canada's relationship with China. Today, we bring you a panel discussion about the future of Canada - China relations. China is rapidly ascending to become the world's most powerful economy, and there is no denying that China has added value to the lives of many Canadians who regularly purchase goods and services developed in China. However, China is a complex nation, much larger in terms of population than Canada, and with a radically different worldview than our own. Some would even argue that China is a hostile power which threatens western civilization. In this spirit, we sit down with an open mind to understand a basic set of questions: What does China want (and why)? What does Canada want (and why)? And are there any notable areas of overlap & divergence that could enable us to either create or destroy value in the future.  Guests: Professor Bernie Frolic, is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at York University where he is executive director of the Asia Business and Management Program. He first visited China in 1965 and was First Secretary in the Canadian Embassy Beijing in the 1970s. Professor Frolic is notably the author of Mao's People: Sixteen Portraits of Life in Revolutionary China, and Canada and China: A Fifty-Year Journey which was published in May 2022 and draws upon interviews with 5 Canadian Prime Ministers, 35 ministers, and 40 members of Global Affairs Canada, in addition to extensive archival research and his own personal experiences. Professor Paul Evans is based at the Institute of Asian Research and the Liu Institute for Global Issues within the University of British Columbia where he is the HSBC Chair in Asian Research. Professor Evans is author of the 2014 book: Engaging China: Myth, Aspiration and Strategy in Canadian Policy from Trudeau to Harper, as well as co-editor of the 1991 essay collection: Reluctant Adversaries: Canada and the People's Republic of China, 1949-1970.  Further Reading: Frolic, B. M. (2022). Canada and China : A Fifty-Year Journey. University of Toronto Press. Evans, P. M. (2014). Engaging China : Myth, Aspiration, and Strategy in Canadian Policy from Trudeau to Harper. University of Toronto Press. Chase, S. (2022, October 17). Western countries already embracing ‘friend-shoring' to reduce trade with authoritarian regimes, Freeland says. The Globe and Mail.  Attributions: Intro by Quantum Jazz is licensed under a Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 International License. Jingle Jazz by Quantum Jazz is licensed under a Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 International License Producers: Connor Fraser - @RealCJFraser

The competitive and often antagonistic relationships between China, India, and Pakistan have roots that predate their possession of nuclear weaponry. Yet the significant transformation of the nuclear capabilities that is now underway in all three countries simultaneously complicates and mitigates their geopolitical rivalries.This is one of the central arguments advanced by a new report authored by Ashley J. Tellis, the Tata Chair for Strategic Affairs at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The report, Striking Asymmetries: Nuclear Transitions in Southern Asia, is an authoritative account of the transitions in the nuclear weapons programs in China, India, and Pakistan over the last two decades.Ashley joins Milan on the show this week to discuss his new report and its implications. Milan and Ashley discuss China's post-Cold War shift to its conservative nuclear posture, the developmental underpinnings of India's nuclear program, and Pakistan's diverse, burgeoning nuclear weapons arsenal. Plus, the two discuss U.S. policy options to manage China's nuclear modernization and the logic of an India-France-United States nuclear partnership.  “How China Sees India With Ambassador Shyam Saran,” Grand Tamasha, September 7, 2022.“When and Why Do India and Pakistan Fight (with Christopher Clary),” Grand Tamasha, September 14, 2022.Ashley J. Tellis, India's Emerging Nuclear Posture: Between Recessed Deterrent and Ready Arsenal (RAND Corporation, 2001).Ashley J. Tellis, Alison Szalwinski, and Michael Wills, eds. Strategic Asia 2019: China's Expanding Strategic Ambitions(Washington, D.C.: National Bureau of Asian Research, 2019).

This week on Breaking Battlegrounds, we are joined by Dr. Aaron Friedberg, a nonresident senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and an expert on China. Later in the show, Kerry Picket of the Washington Times calls in to discuss some of the week's biggest headlines. -Aaron L. Friedberg is a nonresident senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he focuses on China and US-China relations, great-power competition, and US foreign and defense policy. Concurrently, he is a professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University, where he is codirector of the Center for International Security Studies.Dr. Friedberg serves on the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission. In addition, he is a counselor of the National Bureau of Asian Research, nonresident senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund, and president and founding board member of the Alexander Hamilton Society. From 2003 to 2005, Dr. Friedberg served as deputy assistant for national security affairs in the Office of the Vice President of the United States. After leaving government, he was appointed to the Defense Policy Board and the Secretary of State's Advisory Committee on Democracy Promotion.Dr. Friedberg is the author, coauthor, or editor of several books, monographs, and book chapters. His books include Getting China Wrong (Polity Books, June 2022); Beyond Air-Sea Battle: The Debate over US Military Strategy in Asia(Routledge, 2014); A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia (W. W. Norton & Company, 2011); In the Shadow of the Garrison State: America's Anti-Statism and Its Cold War Grand Strategy(Princeton University Press, 2000); and The Weary Titan: Britain and the Experience of Relative Decline, 1895–1905(Princeton University Press, 1988).Dr. Friedberg has been widely published in policy journals, academic publications, and the popular press, including in Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, Commentary, the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, War on the Rocks, the American Political Science Review, Asia Policy, China Economic Quarterly International, Daedalus, Harvard International Review, and Washington Quarterly.Dr. Friedberg has a PhD and AB in government from Harvard University.-Kerry Picket is a senior congressional reporter for The Washington Times and fill-in radio host at SiriusXM Patriot 125. She previously covered the hill at other DC-based outlets including the Daily Caller and the Washington Examiner. Before that, she produced news for Robin Quivers of The Howard Stern Show on SiriusXM, wrote entertainment news for MTV Radio, and worked as a production assistant at MTV.com. She appears frequently as a guest commentator on cable news programs and syndicated radio shows.-Connect with us:www.breakingbattlegrounds.voteTwitter: www.twitter.com/Breaking_BattleFacebook: www.facebook.com/breakingbattlegroundsInstagram: www.instagram.com/breakingbattlegroundsLinkedIn: www.linkedin.com/company/breakingbattlegrounds This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit breakingbattlegrounds.substack.com

So, it is my pleasure to sit down with my colleague, again, Yves Tiberghien. I wanted bring Yves into the Virtual Studio to talk about the recently assassinated Prime Minister of Japan, Shinzo Abe. What was Abe's impact on Japan and Japanese foreign policy of this long serving Japanese Prime Minister. Yves is the Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC) and is currently a Professor of Political Science. The Director of the Centre for Japanese Research and the current holder of the Konwakai Chair in Japanese Research at the University of British Columbia. He is also a Distinguished Fellow at the Asia-Pacific Foundation of Canada and the Canadian PAFTAD Chair. His most recent publication is The East Asian Covid-19 Paradox, published in 2022 with Cambridge Elements. So come join Yves and I as we explore the impact of Shinzo Abe.

Tuesday, May 31, 2022 On behalf of Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region, and its National Security Task Force the Hoover Institution invites you to Taiwanese at the UN: The Use and Abuse of UN Resolution 2758​ on Tuesday, May 31, 2022 from 11:30am-12:45pm PDT.  In 1971, UN Resolution 2758 granted the seat occupied by the Republic of China in the General Assembly and the Security Council to the People's Republic of China (PRC). In recent years, the PRC has attempted to reinterpret this resolution as an endorsement of its "One China Principle," and it has promoted the fallacy that UN member states came to a determination that Taiwan was a part of the PRC. Yet, as the historical official records show, member states made no such determination about Taiwan's international status. This effort around Resolution 2758 is part of a broader campaign by the PRC to expand its influence in UN-affiliated bodies. Taiwan remains the foremost target of this campaign. Since 2016, at Beijing's behest, Taiwanese representatives have been blocked from participating even as observers in international organizations such as the World Health Assembly (WHA) and the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). The PRC has institutionalized and normalized its stance on Taiwan within these organizations by signing secret agreements, restricting the access of Taiwan nationals to the UN and its facilities, and embedding PRC nationals across various levels of UN staff. The UN and its specialized agencies have not made the texts of these agreements available to the public or to any entity beyond the main signatories, though leaked guidance memos provide insights into the scope of MOU contents. In this event, Jessica Drun will discuss Beijing's efforts to “internationalize” its “One China Principle" and to conflate it with UN Resolution 2758. Her remarks will draw on a recent report, co-authored with Bonnie Glaser of the German Marshall Fund, that documents Beijing's expanding influence in UN-linked organizations. She will be joined by Chih-Fu Yeh, a PhD candidate in biology at Stanford University, who in December 2020 was improperly barred from joining a UNESCO-backed winter school session because of his Taiwanese nationality. Mr. Yeh will describe his own experience and highlight how overly strict interpretations of UN regulations and guidelines continue to impose real costs on Taiwanese citizens. SPEAKER BIOS Jessica Drun is a Nonresident Fellow with the Atlantic Council's Global China Hub. She has also held positions in the defense contracting space and the National Bureau of Asian Research. Ms. Drun specializes in cross-Strait relations, Taiwan politics, and U.S.-Taiwan relations and regularly provides commentary on these issues. She is fluent in Mandarin Chinese. Chih-Fu Yeh is a PhD candidate studying microbial community ecology and evolution in Department of Biology at Stanford University. He was born and raised in Taiwan. In Winter 2020, Chih-Fu applied to a ICTP/UNESCO winter school session on quantitative systems biology, and was denied permission to attend the event because of his Taiwanese nationality. Kharis Templeman is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution and part of the Project on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific. Templeman is a political scientist (Ph.D. 2012, Michigan) with research interests in Taiwan politics, democratization, elections and election management, party system development, dominant party systems, and politics and security issues in Pacific Asia, among other topics.

In this episode of Asia Insight, moderator Michael Wills is joined by experts discussing the four partner countries of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. Hayley Channer is a senior policy fellow at the Perth USAsia Centre, Sheila Smith is a senior fellow for Asia-Pacific studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, Alison Szalwinski is vice president of research at the National Bureau of Asian Research, and Akriti Vasudeva is a fellow with the South Asia Program at the Stimson Center.

The Connected Yoga Teacher Podcast 269: Yoga Philosophy & Colonialism with Shyam Ranganathan   Description: As yoga teachers, we learn a little bit about yoga philosophy in our YTTs, but yoga philosophy is much more than just the 8 limbs, or the brief summary we may have come across in our studies. Dr. Shyam Ranganathan (he/him) is an expert in yoga philosophy and in this episode, he shares more about this topic, as well as how colonialism has influenced what we understand as yoga philosophy.   Dr. Shyam Ranganathan is the founder of Yoga Philosophy, and a field-changing researcher on the study and translation of philosophy, especially South Asian philosophy and Yoga. He holds an MA in South Asian Studies, and an MA and PhD in philosophy, and is a member of the Department of Philosophy, and York Center for Asian Research, York University, Toronto. Shyam is a translator of the Yoga Sūtra, and founded his organization, Yoga Philosophy, to provide support for those interested in answering the question - What makes something yoga?   Shyam explains how learning about philosophy helps us to get along and why not all opinions are equally good or right. He also shares more about how Europeans misunderstood things when they studied the communities they colonized and how that showed up in the yoga sutras and how they are translated. This continues to influence how yoga is taught and practiced in the world, today, especially in the West. He also gives us insight about the yamas and social justice, choices and responsibility, ahimsa, dharma, self-governing and Ishvara Pranidhana. This is a really rich conversation that all of us can learn from.   Key Takeaways: [3:48] Shannon introduces her guest for this episode - Shyam Ranganathan. [6:45] Shyam shares his pronouns and explains how to pronounce his name. [7:36] What does Shyam do and who does he do it for? [8:46] What got Shyam interested in the work of studying philosophy? [10:48] Shyam was born in Toronto, yet felt that he didn't fit in. He talks a bit about that experience. [13:00] Shyam believes that philosophy enabled him to get along with people without having to agree with them. [15:06] There are several polarizing issues in the world right now. Shyam highlights the fact that just because we are okay with disagreement doesn't mean there are no right answers. [16:07] Where did Shyam's journey with yoga philosophy start? [22:14] Shyam clarifies the role and impact of colonization in the interpretation of yoga sutras. [31:49] Shyam shares an example of the two different ways of relating to what you contemplate. [37:00] Shannon and Shyam discuss the linguistic model of thought and how that has influenced different situations and scenarios in history and in the present day. [40:26] Why is it not yoga when we go in and try to make other people conform to our systems? [44:08] How does the idea of choice and responsibility connect to the eight limbs? [49:18] Shannon gives a shout out to OfferingTree. [51:04] One of the three kriyas is ishvara pranidhana. Shyam unpacks what this really refers to. [56:10] What are the other two kriyas? [58:43] How is yoga connected to social justice? What do the niyamas have to do with social justice? [64:48Shyam explains that fear is trauma and it's the result of a bad decision based on people's experiences. [67:41] Where do the eight limbs of yoga fit in? [72:21] What does Shyam mean when he talks about sovereignty? [76:51] Find out more about Shyam and his work around yoga philosophy on his website. [77:29] What is something in terms of yoga and philosophy that really has Shyam's interest right now? [80:00] Shannon shares her key takeaways from this interview with Shyam. What were yours?   Links: Dr. Shyam Ranganathan, Yoga Philosophy Dr. Shyam Ranganathan on Instagram The Connected Yoga Teacher Podcast Episode 266: Social Location, Power & Privilege with Raudhah Rahman Teaching Yoga in Schools: Examining the Issues Raised by the Alabama Bill Braiding Sweetgrass, by Robin Wall Kimmerer Native Land Digital Shannon Crow on Instagram The Connected Yoga Teacher Facebook Group   Gratitude to our Sponsor, OfferingTree and Pelvic Health Professionals.   Quotes from this episode: "What I loved about philosophy immediately was that it was a way to get along with people without having to agree."   "Just because we're okay with disagreement doesn't mean that there are no right answers. Disagreement doesn't mean that everybody's opinion is equally good."   "The actual practice of yoga is something more basic and the eight limbs are there to help you practice. "   "After that colonial moment, people have to identify with imposed religious identities in order to find a place in a colonized world and that's where we are today."   "Whereas the external world (nature) can be explained in terms of causality, persons have to understand themselves in terms of choice and responsibility."   "When you meet up with people who advocate violence, you have to appreciate that that's a result of trauma."   "There's no yoga practice that isn't informed by trauma."  

This event is co-sponsored by the Movement for the Renaissance of Vietnam, the National Bureau of Asian Research and The Institute of World Politics About the Lecture: “Conquest Without War: The Threat of Communist Chinese Political Influence Operations” is focused on the multifaceted threat of Communist Chinese influence operations: propaganda, disinformation, psychological disarmament operations, commercial cooptation of business leaders, and influence over politicians, the media, Hollywood, and academia. About the Speaker: Dr. John Lenczowski is the Founder, President Emeritus, and Chancellor of The Institute of World Politics, a Graduate School of National Security, Intelligence, and International Affairs based in Washington, D.C. with a satellite campus in Reston, VA.

In this episode of the National Security Podcast, Nadège Rolland, Jude Blanchette, and Charles Edel join Chris Farnham to explore how China views its place in the world.In the latest episode of the National Security Podcast, Chris Farnham speaks with Nadège Rolland of the National Bureau of Asian Research and Jude Blanchette and Charles Edel of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies on how the Chinese Communist Party thinks about itself and China's place in the world. The discussion also covers how Chinese strategic thinking differs from traditional Western concepts, the challenges for outsiders in understanding China, and the direction the country is likely to take in the years ahead. Nadège Rolland is Senior Fellow for Political and Security Affairs at NBR, the National Bureau of Asian Research, and a Nonresident Fellow at the Lowy Institute.Jude Blanchette holds the Freeman Chair in China Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.Charles Edel is the inaugural Australia Chair and a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.Chris Farnham is the Senior Outreach and Policy Officer at the ANU National Security College.‘How China Exports Authoritarism' by Charles Edel and David O Shullman is available on Foreign Affairs.We'd love to hear your feedback for this podcast series! Send in your questions, comments, or suggestions for future episodes to podcast@policyforum.net. You can also Tweet us @APPSPolicyForum or find us on Facebook. The National Security Podcast and Policy Forum Pod are available on Spotify, iTunes, Stitcher, and wherever you get your podcasts. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In this episode, Nicola Smith, Asia correspondent for The Telegraph leads a conversation on the future of Taiwan with Bonnie Glaser, director of the Asia Programme at the German Marshall Fund of the United States; Brian Hioe, co-founding editor of New Bloom, an online magazine covering activism and youth politics; Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao, senior advisor to the President of Taiwan; Chen-wei Lin, chief executive officer of the Institute for National Defense and Security Research; and Heino Klinck, senior advisor to the National Bureau of Asian Research. Together they discuss the growing tensions between Taiwan and China, considering whether or not military conflict is inevitable; explore how younger generations feel about the future of their country; and review how Taiwanese identity has evolved since gaining independence. 

Tom Albrecht graduated from the University of Dayton in 1976 with a degree in Economics. He studied Law at the University of Chicago. He spent 40 years as a practicing lawyer with Sidley Austin LLP, as well as almost 20 years as the Managing Director of Sidley's Asia-Pacific offices. He currently serves on the University of Dayton Board of Trustees. He is also the Vice Chair of the Board of Directors of the National Bureau of Asian Research, policy think tank focused on US and Asia-Pacific relations. Thanks for joining us for the Business Class podcast. If you'd like to engage with us further, please follow us on social media. Our Instagram and Facebook accounts all use the name: @udaytonsba. You can also email the Dean's Office with questions or suggestions for future podcasts at: sbadean@udayton.edu. No matter where you are on your career path, we are proud that you are part of our Dayton Flyer family.

This special episode combines all the stories from Season 8…“A Black Woman's Spiritual Journey to the City” – Dr. J. T. Roane, Assistant Professor of African & African American Studies at Arizona State University“Cotton: Connecting the Atlantic World” – Dr. Anna Arabindan-Kesson, Assistant Professor in the Department of African American Studies and the Department of Art and Archaeology at Princeton University“Soju: A Liquor's Global Journey” – Dr. Hyunhee Park, Associate Professor of History at the City University of New York, John Jay College and CUNY Graduate Center“The Columbian Exchange” – Dr. Sky Michael Johnston, Associated Fellow at the Leibniz Institute of European History (IEG) Mainz“Hotel Owners and the Shape of Japanese Transpacific Migration” – Dr. Yukari Takai, Research Associate at the York Centre for Asian Research at York University and Visiting Research Scholar at the International Center for Japanese Studies in Kyoto, Japan“Chinese Migration and the Shaping of Costa Rica” – Dr. Benjamín Narváez, Assistant Professor at the University of Minnesota Morris“A US Consul on the Road to a Coup” – Dr. Abby Mullen, Term Assistant Professor in the Department of History and Art History at George Mason University and Host/Executive Producer of the Consolation Prize podcast“Using Astrology to Plan Journeys” – Dr. Sky Michael Johnston“The ‘Conflict Thesis': A Resilient Idea's Journey” – Dr. James C. Ungureanu, Humanities Teacher at Trinity Classical Academy in Santa Clarita, California

L'Asie de l'Est est sans nul doute la région du monde qui concentre aujourd'hui à la fois le plus d'intérêts et aussi de tensions, se trouvant prise entre les deux fronts d'une rivalité sino-américaine qui oblige les États de cette partie du monde à adapter leur positionnement vis-à-vis des deux grandes puissances, et particulièrement d'une Chine dont l'assurance politique et militaire croissante s'exerce aux dépens de ses voisins. L'Asie de l'Est, un laboratoire?  Invités :  - Nadège Rolland, chercheuse au National Bureau of Asian Research, et non-resident fellow au Lowy Institute - Marc Julienne, chercheur, responsable des activités Chine au Centre Asie de l'IFRI. «L'Asie de l'Est face à la Chine» POLITIQUE ÉTRANGÈRE été 2021 - Antoine Bondaz, directeur des Programmes Corée et Taiwan à la Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique et enseignant à Sciences Po.     Également, la revue DIPLOMATIE consacrée à la Chine. → Centenaire du PCC: où va la Chine de Xi Jinping → Les grands dossiers de diplomatie n° 62

Demographers have sounded the alarm on global depopulation, predicting that in the latter half of the 21st century, global population will enter sustained decline for the first time in history. American fertility rates are dropping and China's population is predicted to fall from 1.4 billion to 730 million by the end of the century. Demographer and AEI scholar Nick Eberstadt joined Dany and Marc to discuss whether we should be concerned about long-term depopulation forecasts. He also talks about the graying of China under the Chinese Communist Party, and the changing values of American society.    Nick Eberstadt is the Henry Wendt Chair in Political Economy at AEI, where he researches and writes extensively on demographics and economic development generally, and more specifically on international security in the Korean peninsula and Asia. He is also a senior adviser to the National Bureau of Asian Research. https://www.aei.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/6.9.21-Eberstadt-transcript.pdf (Download the transcript here.)

Over the course of five episodes, all published this week, John Nilsson-Wright, the Korea Foundation Fellow in the Asia-Pacific Programme at Chatham House explores the strategic relations of Korea, asking how the country is seeking to protect its interests in an increasingly contested Pacific region. In this, the third episode, John is joined again by Jennifer Lind to interview Nobukatsu Kanehara, a senior adviser to The Asia Group and board member of The National Bureau of Asian Research. They discuss the Republic of Korea’s complex relations with its neighbour and sometime rival Japan, and how the two countries can develop cooperation on shared challenges such as North Korea.  Credits:  Speaker: Nobukatsu Kanehara Hosts: John Nilsson-Wright, Jennifer Lind Editor: Jamie Reed Producer: Ben Horton Recorded and produced by Chatham House

Over the course of five episodes, all published this week, John Nilsson-Wright, the Korea Foundation Fellow in the Asia-Pacific Programme at Chatham House explores the strategic relations of Korea, asking how the country is seeking to protect its interests in an increasingly contested Pacific region. In this, the third episode, John is joined again by Jennifer Lind to interview Nobukatsu Kanehara, a senior adviser to The Asia Group and board member of The National Bureau of Asian Research. They discuss the Republic of Korea’s complex relations with its neighbour and sometime rival Japan, and how the two countries can develop cooperation on shared challenges such as North Korea.  Credits:  Speaker: Nobukatsu Kanehara Hosts: John Nilsson-Wright, Jennifer Lind Editor: Jamie Reed Producer: Ben Horton Recorded and produced by Chatham House

Roy Kamphausen, President of the National Bureau of Asian Research, joins us to address China, the U.S., and each nation's respective vision for the future of their country, their bilateral relationship, and the world they want to shape. Today, we're addressing 5 key strategic domains in the US-China relationship: defense, economy, global leadership, space and technology. In each domain we'll ask: where is U.S.-China competition fiercest – and most consequential? Read more from Roy and the National Bureau of Asian Research on their website.For more visit: www.ctwac.org/podcastsFollow us @ctwac on Instagram, Twitter and Facebook. Check out our website for upcoming programs and events.Be sure to like and subscribe to State of the World podcast and share new episodes with friends, family and colleagues! See you next week.

In Episode #54, we are joined by Nadège Rolland, Senior Fellow for Political and Security Affairs at the National Bureau of Asian Research. We discuss: How the June 1989 Tiananmen Square protests helped spark Nadège's interest in China. Working in the French national security establishment, and how it differs from its U.S. counterpart. The March 2021 Anchorage meeting between Secretary of State Blinken and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang. China-Europe relations, and the tensions between European countries' values and their economic interests. Why China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) should be of concern to the rest of the world. The prospect of partial decoupling and the emergence of a subsystem where China is dominant. Listening, and watching recommendations from: Nadège Eat the Buddha: Life and Death in a Tibetan Town, by Barbara Demick Jonathan Indialogue, by Aman Thakker Fred The Disappearance of Madeleine McCann (Netflix)

Nikos Tsafos is interim director and senior fellow of the Energy Security and Climate Change Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). He’s researched, written, advised, and consulted extensively on a range of fascinating topics, including natural gas, the geopolitics of energy, the future of mobility, and the global energy transition. He is the author of Beyond Debt: The Greek Crisis In Context, published in 2013, and countless articles, reports, and studies in the leading publications in energy policy and foreign affairs, including for National Bureau of Asian Research, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, and the National Interest. We began by exploring the role of energy in the foreign policy of previous administrations, covering the importance of fossil fuel imports in decades past and the Trump’s administration’s hope for fossil fuel exports to play a major role in the U.S. approach to Asia and Europe. As America looks to compete with China and others in the race to build renewables, the federal government can and should offer financial incentives on both the supply and demand sides of production for renewables, but must also make structural changes to physical and legal infrastructure to promote clean electricity. Active industrial policy in the United States -- which is taking shape under the American Jobs Plan -- must recognize that endless funding for strategic sectors can be wasteful, trade can undermine even the most ambitious domestic programs, and repurposing legacy facilities for renewable purposes will be crucial. While Biden’s sweeping proposals for new energy investments have grabbed headlines, there has been another consequential shift in America’s energy policy that has transpired behind the scenes -- the pivot away from natural gas. While there have been no proposals for banning natural gas exports, the administration will certainly look more closely at where American gas is going, and whether it is displacing dirtier energy sources or “locking in” decades of fossil fuel use in place of renewables. China’s Belt and Road Initiative, a sweeping strategy for investment in infrastructure across Eurasia, is widely seen as Beijing’s foremost geoeconomic initiative, and a major threat to U.S. interests. But at least on the energy front, Mr. Tsafos contended that American policymakers are often too narrow minded about Chinese-backed projects abroad; other factors, including the quality of a project, the engagement of important stakeholders, and the institutions supporting it, often matter more than where the money is coming from. International institutions and relationships between the nations in different stages of development will play a major role in the globe’s approach to climate change, and Mr. Tsafos has important insights on this front as well. He suggested that financial incentives could be provided internationally to support nations that are investing in green energy, a global dialogue on green energy could facilitate global renewable energy investment, and global energy trade agreements will help nations avoid endless trade conflict on climate issues. Preparing the world for climate change extends far beyond the G-20, and Mr. Tsafos offered some lessons from his research on how emerging economies can pursue sustainable pathways to development -- progress in the West on renewables helps spur progress in the developing world, stable political institutions matter for sustainable development, and the tradeoff between economic growth and investment in low-carbon energy is often overestimated. Mr. Tsafos concluded our conversation by recognizing that the climate crisis presents opportunities -- for students who hope to grapple with these challenges, he says “we need your help.”

Ở đâu Donald Trump bỏ trống, thì ở đó Tập Cận Bình len vào. Ngày 15/11/2020, Trung Quốc cùng 14 nước khu vực châu Á-Thái Bình Dương ký kết hiệp định Đối tác Kinh tế Khu vực Toàn diện (RCEP) tại Hà Nội. Theo giới quan sát, với công cụ thương mại chưa từng có này, Bắc Kinh sẽ còn gia tăng mạnh mẽ ảnh hưởng của mình tại châu Á. Làm thế nào cản đà tiến của Trung Quốc ? Đây sẽ là một thách thức nan giải cho chính quyền Mỹ tương lai. RCEP : Châu Á, « tâm lực hấp dẫn » Covid-19 bị đánh bại, tăng trưởng quay trở lại, Trung Quốc khẳng định rõ là một cường quốc. Mười bốn nước châu Á – Thái Bình Dương bao gồm 10 nước khối ASEAN, Hàn Quốc, Nhật Bản, Úc và New Zealand, dưới sự chủ trì của Trung Quốc đã ký kết hiệp định tự do mậu dịch RCEP. Đây sẽ là thỏa thuận thương mại tự do mậu dịch lớn nhất thế giới từ trước đến nay, tập trung 30% tổng sản phẩm nội địa toàn cầu. Một « nhà xưởng châu Á » tương lai, theo như cách ví von của nhiều nhà quan sát. Bởi vì, thỏa thuận này sẽ cho phép thúc đẩy nhanh hơn nữa tiến trình phân chia khu vực các dây chuyền sản xuất. Theo ước tính của nhiều nhà kinh tế, văn bản dự kiến giảm các mức thuế quan (đến 90%), được áp dụng cho những sản phẩm trao đổi giữa các nước tham gia ký kết, sẽ cho phép GDP của mỗi nước tăng thêm 0,2%. Và một khi văn bản có hiệu lực Trung Quốc sẽ là nước hưởng lợi nhiều hơn cả, tiếp đến là Nhật Bản và Hàn Quốc. Nếu như các biện pháp bảo hộ do Bắc Kinh áp đặt có liên quan đến thị trường nội địa, đang đẩy nhiều doanh nghiệp phương Tây cũng như là Nhật Bản rời Trung Quốc, thì thỏa thuận RCEP sẽ thúc đẩy nhiều doanh nghiệp nước ngoài đến lập cơ sở sản xuất tại những nước lân cận để được hưởng ưu đãi thuế quan. Theo trang mạng The Conversation, bất chấp dịch bệnh, toàn vùng châu Á trong năm 2020 này tạo ra hơn 50% tổng sản phẩm nội địa toàn cầu. Trong khi đó, tỷ lệ này chỉ ở mức 20% trong năm 1980. Nhật báo kinh tế Les Echos của Pháp còn đưa ra con số so sánh khá ấn tượng : Các nước tham gia ký kết văn bản chiếm một tỷ trọng đến 5.300 tỷ đô la ngành sản xuất công nghiệp, so với 4.300 tỷ đô la cho cả Liên Hiệp Châu Âu và Hoa Kỳ gộp lại. Từ toàn cảnh này, dưới một góc độ khách quan, sử gia Pierre Grosser, chuyên ngành Quan hệ Quốc tế, trường đại học Khoa học Chính trị Sciences Po trên đài phát thanh France Culture, trước hết nhận định RCEP được đúc kết, một lần nữa khẳng định xu hướng chuyển dịch « tâm lực hấp dẫn » từ Mỹ sang châu Á, vốn đã xuất hiện từ nhiều thập niên qua. « Nếu nhìn xa hơn khuôn khổ thỏa thuận, theo một cách nào đó, đây còn là một hình thức tái tập trung kinh tế châu Á, gần giống như những gì chúng ta đã từng thấy trong những năm 1989 – 1990. Vào đầu thập niên 1990, người ta đã có cảm giác Hoa Kỳ không còn là đầu tầu tăng trưởng cho châu Á nữa, mà là chính châu Á. Giờ thì cảm giác này còn rõ nét hơn bao giờ hết, nếu như chúng ta nhìn vào dòng vốn đầu tư, trao đổi thương mại. Nước nào sẽ là những đối tác kinh tế hàng đầu của châu Á ? Những gì chúng ta dễ dàng nhận thấy đó chính là Trung Quốc hay các nhà đầu tư Nhật Bản tại vùng Đông Nam Á. Có thể nói, đó cũng là lẽ thường tình nếu nhìn ngoài khuôn khổ thỏa thuận trên. » Châu Á-Thái Bình Dương : Mỹ khởi xướng, Trung Quốc cầm trịch Nhìn về mối tương quan lực lượng, trọng lượng kinh tế Trung Quốc trong RCEP còn cao hơn của cả khối 10 nước Đông Nam Á gộp lại, nên tầm ảnh hưởng của Trung Quốc cũng vì thế sẽ gia tăng gấp bội. RCEP – đòn ăn miếng trả miếng của Bắc Kinh đối với TPP do chính quyền Obama đề xướng, nhưng đã bị Donald Trump phá hỏng, sẽ minh họa cho một mô hình « tự do thương mại » kiểu Trung Quốc. Đó sẽ là một cơ hội vàng để Bắc Kinh thử nghiệm và thiết lập một hệ thống chuẩn mực của mình trong môi trường lân cận. Theo đó, đối với đảng Cộng Sản Trung Quốc, duy trì mối quan hệ thương mại với Đế chế Trung Hoa đòi hỏi phía các đối tác nước ngoài, nếu không đi theo những quyết định chính trị của Bắc Kinh, chí ít cũng phải có sự trung lập, bằng không lãnh đòn trừng phạt như trường hợp của Úc hiện nay (Le Monde). Nhờ ai mà Trung Quốc có được thế mạnh như ngày nay ? Ông Eric Le Boucher, cây bút thời luận trên báo Les Echos không kiệm lời chỉ trích Donald Trump đã rút Hoa Kỳ ra khỏi cuộc đàm phán thỏa thuận xuyên Thái Bình Dương (TPP), để lại một khoảng trống béo bở cho Bắc Kinh. Sự kiện cho thấy tầm ảnh hưởng của Mỹ trong khu vực bị suy giảm mạnh. Với RCEP, Trung Quốc trở thành tâm điểm của khu vực, và có thể kết nối trực tiếp nước này với nhiều quốc gia đồng minh của phương Tây như Nhật Bản, Hàn Quốc, Úc hay New Zealand... Khi tham gia RCEP, những nước này hiểu rõ là tương lai đất nước của họ không còn nằm ở lục địa Đại Tây Dương nữa mà là ở chính xung quanh họ : Tỷ lệ tăng trưởng của khu vực, mà Trung Quốc đi đầu, sẽ cao từ hai đến ba lần so với mức tăng trưởng của phương Tây trong vòng 10 năm sắp tới. Điều trớ trêu là theo các nhà quan sát, sáng kiến hội nhập kinh tế châu Á – Thái Bình Dương, vốn không phải do Trung Quốc đề xướng, lại rất giống với hiệp định TPP của Mỹ bị ông Trump từ bỏ. Sử gia Pierre Grosser, tác giả tập sách « Lịch sử thế giới được viết nên ở châu Á » (L’histoire du monde se fait en Asie) trên France Culture nhận xét tiếp : « Điều thứ hai tôi thấy thú vị chính là cụm từ ʺchâu Á – Thái Bình Dươngʺ mà ông Tập Cận Bình sử dụng. Đây là những thuật ngữ do Mỹ và Úc đề ra trong những năm 1989-1990 để chứng tỏ là không nằm ngoài vùng châu Á năng động này. Hơn nữa, vào thời kỳ đó, người ta còn có một tổ chức khác có tên gọi là APEC – diễn đàn Hợp tác Kinh tế châu Á – Thái Bình Dương. Diễn đàn hiện vẫn còn tồn tại và vừa có một cuộc họp cách nay không lâu. Nhưng điều mới là giờ đây khu vực năng động này đã thực sự nằm trong tay Trung Quốc, cho dù ASEAN vẫn muốn là tâm điểm của hệ thống ». Dù vậy, giới quan sát cũng nhận thấy rằng chiến thắng chính trị - địa chính trị này của Trung Quốc vẫn chưa thật hoàn hảo. Thỏa thuận này không bao trùm hết mọi lĩnh vực kinh tế, liên quan rất ít đến nông nghiệp, một ít lĩnh vực công nghiệp, nhưng không có ngành dịch vụ và nhất là không có sự tham gia của Ấn Độ, đã rút ra khỏi các cuộc đàm phán. Chống Trung Quốc nhưng Biden bị trói tay Phải chăng số phận đã được an bài ? Trung Quốc đã trở thành cường quốc hàng đầu ? Liệu ông Biden có thay đổi được gì chăng ? Làm sao ngăn cản đà tiến của Trung Quốc ? Một loạt các câu hỏi được đặt ra, bởi vì sau bốn năm ở Nhà Trắng, ba năm cuộc chiến thương mại của tổng thống mãn nhiệm, Trung Quốc không những không đại bại mà còn mạnh mẽ hơn bao giờ hết bất chấp dịch bệnh Covid-19. Thách thức dành cho tân chủ nhân Nhà Trắng là rất lớn. Dù tổng thống tân cử tuyên bố rằng « Phải cứng rắn với Trung Quốc » nhưng trong bối cảnh này và nhìn vào những gì ông Donald Trump để lại, giới phân tích hầu như đều có chung một nhận xét : Phạm vi hành động của Joe Biden sẽ rất hạn hẹp. Ông khó có thể quay trở lại hay thiết lập một thỏa thuận thương mại đa phương mới theo kiểu mô hình của TPP đưa ra năm 2010 – 2011, vì có nguy cơ sẽ bị cả phe Cộng Hòa và cánh tả trong đảng Dân Chủ cùng phản đối.   Tân chính quyền Washington rất có thể sẽ đề xuất « một phiên bản thỏa thuận tự do mậu dịch có hình thức khác hẳn nhưng không hoàn toàn mang tính chống Trung Quốc sao cho đạt được một thế cân bằng sức mạnh trong mọi lĩnh vực, đặc biệt là trong kinh tế » theo như quan điểm của bà Nadege Rolland, chuyên gia về các vấn đề chính trị và an ninh châu Á – Thái Bình Dương, thuộc National Bureau of Asian Research trên đài France Culture. Một quan điểm cũng được nhà nghiên cứu sử học Pierre Grosser đồng chia sẻ. Tuy nhiên, tác giả tập sách về châu Á còn lưu ý thêm rằng không nên ảo vọng vào những tuyên bố về tái dịch chuyển sản xuất, bởi vì đây là điều không thể thực hiện. « Tất cả những phát biểu cho rằng chúng ta phụ thuộc ít hơn vào Trung Quốc, cần phải tái di dời sản xuất… tôi cho rằng khó thể thực hiện. Đúng là có một số hoạt động đầu tư đã di chuyển sang Việt Nam thay vì là Trung Quốc. Đúng là Việt Nam được hưởng lợi nhiều từ xu hướng này. Nhưng cùng lúc, cũng có nhiều doanh nghiệp Mỹ vẫn muốn đến Trung Quốc. Thế nên, việc phân ly hai nước là điều không thể. Hơn nữa, có thể sẽ khó đạt được một thỏa thuận đa phương lớn khác. Nhưng trong những cuộc đàm phán với Hàn Quốc và Nhật Bản, những nước mà Hoa Kỳ đã có các thỏa thuận tự do mậu dịch, thái độ của chính quyền Biden có lẽ sẽ hòa dịu hơn so với Donald Trump, vốn dĩ có cách tiếp cận theo kiểu ʺtống tiềnʺ. Nghĩa là, ʺtôi bảo vệ anh, thì anh phải làm theo những gì tôi muốnʺ trên phương diện thương mại.ʺ » Ai có thể đối đầu với Trung Quốc ? Cuối cùng, nhà sử học nhắc lại Donald Trump đã phạm một sai lầm lớn khi cho rằng để « đánh » Trung Quốc, Washington có thể áp dụng cùng một kiểu kinh nghiệm mà họ đã từng thực hiện với Nhật Bản. Chỉ có điều Donald Trump đã đánh giá thấp đối thủ Trung Quốc. « Vấn đề thật sự đối với Hoa Kỳ chính là họ đã từng gặp vấn đề như vậy trong những năm 1980 với Nhật Bản, nghĩa là cũng bị thâm hụt mậu dịch nghiêm trọng. Họ có cảm giác là Nhật Bản hoàn toàn không chơi đúng luật. Nhưng người ta có thể gây áp lực với Nhật Bản vì đó là một đồng minh. Vấn đề lớn nhất với Trung Quốc ở chỗ những phương tiện gây áp lực thực sự không đủ mạnh để buộc Bắc Kinh phải thay đổi hành vi kinh tế, nhất là hành vi kinh tế ở trong nước. Ví dụ như về việc trợ vốn cho các doanh nghiệp Nhà nước kể từ khi những doanh nghiệp này thâm nhập hoàn toàn vào hệ thống. » Như trêu tức Donald Trump, ngày thứ Hai, 07/12/2020, Bắc Kinh loan báo thặng dư mậu dịch với Hoa Kỳ trong tháng 11 đạt mức kỷ lục 37,4 tỷ đô la bất chấp cuộc chiến thương mại. Trong khi đó, nền kinh tế Mỹ đang trải qua một giai đoạn đen tối vì đại dịch Covid-19 xuất phát từ Vũ Hán, Trung Quốc. Và nhất là, bất chấp các sáng kiến của Mỹ tại vùng Ấn Độ - Thái Bình Dương, sự hiện diện của Bắc Kinh tại khu vực địa-kinh tế chiến lược ngày càng được củng cố, khẳng định vị thế thống trị trong khu vực. Thế nên, France Culture mới đặt câu hỏi : « Tại châu Á-Thái Bình Dương, ai có thể đối đầu với Trung Quốc ? »

India-China tensions on land show no signs of abating, and the maritime space is also increasingly contested. As competition between the two Asian powers heats up, Armchair Strategist is exploring how their militaries stack up. We are joined by Dr Oriana Skylar Mastro from Stanford University, and a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and the Wilson Centre, and Dr Arzan Tarapore, a research scholar at Stanford, and non-resident fellow with the National Bureau of Asian Research. Oriana focuses on Chinese military and security policy, while Arzan specialises in Asian security affairs, particularly India. Follow Dr Arzan Tarapore on Twitter: @arzandcFollow Dr Oriana Skylar Mastro on Twitter: @osmastroFollow Ritika Passi on Twitter: @ritika_passiFollow Angad Singh on Twitter: @zone5aviationShare your feedback on: podcasts@orfonline.org

The Indo-Pacific has rapidly emerged as the world’s most strategically consequential region in the Asian century. But the regional order is straining under China’s assertive use of coercive statecraft and doubts about the United States’ capacity and willingness to uphold a favourable balance of power. These dynamics are deeply troubling for Australia’s strategic outlook and for the security and prosperity of US allies and partners across the region. A stable and rules-based regional order is, however, still achievable. As Abraham Denmark argues in his new book U.S. Strategy in the Asian Century: Empowering Allies and Partners, America’s Indo-Pacific alliances and partnerships can – if properly harnessed and supported – enable Washington to underwrite long-term stability in the region and successfully navigate the challenges of intensifying strategic competition. To discuss these issues, the USSC hosted the Australian launch of U.S. Strategy in the Asian Century featuring its author Abraham Denmark, Director of the Asia Program and Senior Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and former US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asia; Ambassador Jane Hardy, Australian Consul-General in Honolulu; and Ashley Townshend, Director of Foreign Policy and Defence at the United States Studies Centre. Abraham M. Denmark is Director of the Asia Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and a Senior Fellow at the Center’s Kissinger Institute on China and the United States. He is also an Adjunct Associate Professor at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. Denmark previously served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asia, and has held positions at the national Bureau of Asian Research, the Center for a New American Security, in the US Intelligence community. Ambassador Jane M. Hardy is the Consul-General of the Australian Consulate-General Honolulu, having previously served as the Assistant Secretary, Arms control and Counter-Proliferation Branch in the International Security Division of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), Canberra. Prior to this role, Ambassador Hardy served as Australia's Ambassador to Spain, Andorra and Equatorial Guinea.

It was a great pleasure to welcome back both colleagues into the virtual studio to continue our discussion on the rising tensions in China-US relations it causes and its consequences for the liberal order. While Part 1 of this Episode 31 focused more the ‘China-West’ Dialogue (CWD) Project, this podcast cast a more critical light on the rising tensions between these two leading powers and other powers in the international system exploring in particular what could be down to avoid this growing rivalry. As a reminder, Colin is a Non-resident Senior Fellow of the Global Economy and Development Program, Brookings Institution. Colin a specialist on global governance and the G20, He has edited Global Leadership in Transition (2010) and Global Governance Reform (2007). As a co-chair of Vision20 (V20) since 2016, Colin has convened annual events with Brookings to encourage longer term strategic thinking for the future. Yves Tiberghien (Ph.D. Stanford University, 2002 and Harvard Academy Scholar 2006) is a Professor of Political Science, Faculty Associate in the School of Public Policy and Global Affairs, Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC). He has published many articles and book chapters on Japan and China’s political economy, on global governance, global climate change politics, and on the governance of agricultural biotechnology. Yves founded the V20 group in 2015, a new coalition of global scholars and policy-makers aiming at providing a long-term perspective on the challenges of global economic and environmental governance.

It was a great pleasure to welcome both colleagues into the virtual studio to discuss the rising tensions in China-US relations and consequences for the liberal order. We began this discussion – Part 1 of Episode 31 - with the efforts of Colin and Yves to initiate a ‘China-West’ Dialogue (CWD). This effort has brought together experts and former officials from around the globe seeking pathways to ameliorating China-US relations and suggesting a policy of ‘strategic engagement’ as opposed to ‘strategic competition’ or what some Democratic colleagues describe as ‘competition without catastrophe’. Colin is a Non-resident Senior Fellow of the Global Economy and Development Program, Brookings Institution. Colin a specialist on global governance and the G20, He has edited Global Leadership in Transition (2010) and Global Governance Reform (2007). As a co-chair of Vision20 (V20) since 2016, Colin has convened annual events with Brookings to encourage longer term strategic thinking for the future. Yves Tiberghien (Ph.D. Stanford University, 2002 and Harvard Academy Scholar 2006) is a Professor of Political Science, Faculty Associate in the School of Public Policy and Global Affairs, Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC). He has published many articles and book chapters on Japan and China’s political economy, on global governance, global climate change politics, and on the governance of agricultural biotechnology. Yves founded the V20 group in 2015, a new coalition of global scholars and policy-makers aiming at providing a long-term perspective on the challenges of global economic and environmental governance. Colin along with Yves and Alan Alexandroff initiated the ‘China-West Dialogue’ (CWD) holding virtual workshops at Boston University GDP Center and at the Global Solutions Summit (GSS) in Berlin. Research from both events can be found here at Boston University and here at the GSS site All the research notes from experts at the BU workshop can be found here at the Global Summitry Project website at the Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy at the University of Toronto.

I invited Professor Shyam Ranganathan to talk with Russell and I about some of the integral concepts found in Patanjali's Yoga Sutra. In this conversation, you'll learn how these essential practices are vital for us to actively participate in and how through our participation we can reshape not only ourselves but the world. Dr. Shyam is an incredibly insightful authority on both South Asian and Western Philosophy. He is able to weave together classical thoughts about Logos or Logic, Linguistic Theory with Civil Disobedience, Cultural Appropriation, and the teaching of Patanjali. We discuss the essential practices of Ahimsa and Isvara Pranidhana and how they relate to the idea of non-violent resistance, Satyagraha. This episode is so funny and so good… Ontologically speaking! We know you're going to have as much fun listening to it as we had recording it. It was a treat and an honour to host Shyam on our podcast. You can find more information about Shyam Ranganathan on his website and hear more of his insights on his Instagram Account. Dr. Shyam Ranganathan is a professional moral philosopher, translation expert, scholar of South Asia studies, a translator of the Yoga Sūtra (Penguin 2008), and a yoga practitioner. Dr. Shyam Ranganathan holds an MA in South Asian Studies, an MA and PhD in philosophy. He teaches at York University and The York Center for Asian Research. With over 50 peer reviewed publications, he is a wonderful resource for expanding your yoga education. Opening and closing music compliments of my dear friend teaching Ashtanga yoga in Eindhoven, Nick Evans with his band “dawnSong” from the album “for Morgan.” Listen to the entire album on Spotify - simply click Here. To purchase your own copy - click Here.

Michael Auslin and John Yoo welcome Nadege Rolland to the podcast. After working as a China analyst for the French Government for two decades, Rolland joined the National Bureau of Asian Research as a senior fellow.  Her new report, “China’s Vision for a New World Order” discusses how the Chinese Communist Party is using “discourse power” to delegitimize liberal ideas and values and reshape global norms. Beijing is then challenging Western and American ideas of what the global order should look like, in order to create its own hegemony. Rolland sees this new hegemony as partial, loose, and malleable, stretching across the globe, with a particular focus on the Global South. 

This Podcast features Dr Hema Divakar, who was the keynote speaker for the Sustainable Development e-Talks (SDGtalks) series, co-hosted by CNS and Indian Institute of Management (IIM) Indore. She shared her insights on "Preventing illness and promoting wellness for girls and women". Be welcome to listen on Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, TuneIn, aCast, Podtail, BluBrry, and other podcast streaming platforms. Dr Hema Divakar is among the most respected voices for preventing illness and promoting wellness for girls and women in India and globally. She has been the past President of the largest body of specialist obstetricians and gynaecologists (FOGSI - Federation of Obstetrics and Gynaecological Societies of India) and has represented FOGSI at International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics (FIGO). She is a senior technical advisor to Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India, as well as Co-Chairs speciality groups of FIGO on diabetes in pregnancy and NCDs. She is also the CEO of Asian Research and Training Institute for Skill Transfer (ARTIST) and Medical Director of Divakar Speciality Hospital in Bengaluru. She has been conferred upon the Women Achievers' Award for 2015 by FIGO; and Lifetime Achievement Awards by DIPSI (Diabetes In Pregnancy Study Group of India); Karnataka State Gynaecologists Association; and Bangalore ObGyn Society too. She was also honoured with Fellowship of Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists in UK. She was in conversation with CNS Managing Editor and Executive Director Shobha Shukla, who is also the coordinator of Asia Pacific media network to end TB & tobacco, and prevent NCDs (APCAT Media). For more information, be welcome to visit www.bit.ly/sdgtalks ThanksCNS team

C'est le grand titre de La Croix ce matin qui constate en effet que « depuis maintenant dix semaines, le pouvoir doit trancher entre liberté, sécurité sanitaire et intérêts économiques. Le tout dans un brouillard complet. » En effet, pointe le quotidien catholique, « aucun scientifique ne peut se prononcer de manière définitive sur le retour d’une deuxième vague épidémique ou la création d’un vaccin. Bien malin serait le commentateur capable d’anticiper la reprise, ou non, de la contestation des gilets jaunes. Et quel économiste saurait prédire l’arbitrage des Français entre épargne et consommation dans les semaines à venir ? (…) Face à la menace, 'le réflexe de tout individu est de s’arrêter et d’évaluer la situation, avant de repartir ou de prendre la fuite', assure la chercheuse Marie-Claire Villeval, spécialiste d’économie comportementale. Les ménages s’arrêtent de consommer et les chefs d’entreprise d’investir. Les décisions sont remises à plus tard. Un luxe que les gouvernants ne peuvent pas se permettre, s'exclame La Croix. Il va bien falloir trancher, dans les heures ou les jours qui viennent, sur le fait de savoir si tous les élèves vont reprendre les cours, si les restaurants rouvrir et si les Français pouvoir se déplacer au-delà des 100 km. Comme il a fallu trancher sur le confinement… et le rythme du déconfinement. » Déconfinement : phase 2 Justement, cette semaine le gouvernement devrait apporter des précisions sur la suite du déconfinement et les grandes vacances. Ça va être « la semaine de toutes les annonces », s'exclame Le Courrier Picard en première page. « Le Premier ministre, Édouard Philippe, devrait annoncer les arbitrages sur la deuxième phase du plan de déconfinement, jeudi, à l’issue d’un conseil de défense réuni par Emmanuel Macron à l’Élysée. Au menu notamment : la réouverture des bars et restaurants, qui trépignent de recevoir à nouveau des clients ou encore l’élargissement des 100 km. » Au menu également, la réouverture des parcs et jardins en zone rouge. Brouillard politique... Autres incertitudes, cette fois sur le plan politique. « Emmanuel Macron est en quête de solutions pour se relancer », pointe Le Figaro. Comment ? « Dans son entourage, on évoque, pêle-mêle, 'la convocation du Congrès à Versailles, un remaniement gouvernemental, un référendum et même une dissolution de l’Assemblée nationale'. (…) Des macronistes en vue vont encore plus loin, poursuit Le Figaro : ils évoquent le scénario explosif d’un référendum suivi d’une démission du chef de l’État. Lequel s’engagerait dans la foulée à se représenter. Une sorte de 'reset'. L’opposition serait prise de court avec une campagne se déroulant en 2021. Reste que cette formule constituerait un saut dans l’inconnu. » Raoult droit dans ses bottes En ces temps d'incertitudes, il y en a qui ont des certitudes... C'est le cas du professeur Didier Raoult. « Raoult persiste et signe », lance La Provence en Une. Le célèbre médecin marseillais a vivement réagi hier « à la publication de la récente étude parue dans The Lancet, étude qui remet en cause l’efficacité du traitement à l’hydroxy-chloroquine qu'il prône, concluant à sa dangerosité. L’OMS a d'ailleurs suspendu les essais cliniques. (…) 'Je ne vais pas changer d’avis à cause d’une étude foireuse', affirme le professeur Raoult. 'Je ne sais pas si ailleurs l’hydroxy-chloroquine tue, mais ici elle sauve des vies', persifle encore le médecin marseillais. Précisant qu’en cas de surdosage, 'c’est sûr, on peut se suicider avec l’hydroxy-chloroquine. Mais le Doliprane tue beaucoup plus, c’est la première cause d’intoxication dans le monde'. » Voilà pour la réaction du professeur Raoult, à lire donc dans La Provence. Le débat n'est sans doute pas terminé... Chine-USA : le bras-de-fer Autre grande interrogation, cette fois sur le plan mondial : comment va tourner la confrontation entre les Etats-Unis et la Chine ? « La dégradation des relations entre les deux puissances rivales, très nette depuis l’arrivée à la Maison Blanche de Donald Trump, s’est encore accélérée avec la pandémie du Covid-19, constate Libération. Entre propagande et accusations teintées de complotisme, les deux pays se considèrent désormais comme des ennemis. » Les sujets de friction sont nombreux, note le journal : il y a le bras de fer sur Hongkong, le relance de la guerre commerciale, le différend sur Taïwan, la répression sur les Ouïghours, et bien sûr les accusations mutuelles sur la pandémie de coronavirus. Alors, « un conflit militaire entre les deux géants est-il possible ? » Libération a posé la question à Nadège Rolland, chercheuse sur les questions politiques et de sécurité en Asie au National Bureau of Asian Research aux États-Unis. Oui, répond-elle. Tout pourrait se jouer autour de Taïwan : « il est très difficile de savoir si l’équipe chinoise au pouvoir veut vraiment faire un coup de force pour obtenir la 'réunification'. (…) Mais Pékin joue un jeu extrêmement dangereux et fait peut-être une erreur de calcul, affirme la chercheuse. Car Washington est toujours engagé par le Taiwan Relations Act de 1979 à protéger l’île. Le fait que cette dernière soit un modèle de démocratie est revenu sur le devant de la scène durant l’épidémie, et c’est crucial pour l’opinion publique américaine. » Alors, conclut Nadège Rolland, « intervenir demanderait une logistique gigantesque, mais ce n’est pas impossible. »

In the sixth and final episode of our podcast miniseries, China in the Middle East, Jon Alterman looks at the future of China in the Middle East with Nadège Rolland and Deborah Lehr. They discuss the community of common destiny, political warfare, and opportunities for private company growth in the region. Jon explains why countries roll out the literal red carpet for foreign heads of state, and what that symbolism means for foreign powers acting in the region. China in the Middle East is a six-part miniseries that is part of our regular series podcast, Babel: Translating the Middle East. We release new episodes every Tuesday. Deborah Lehr, “Green Financing in Egypt,” Middle East Institute, February 11, 2020. Deborah Lehr, “How the U.S.-China Tech Wars Will Impact the Developing World,” The Diplomat, February 23, 2019. Nadège Rolland, “China’s Vision for a New World Order,” The National Bureau of Asian Research, January 27, 2020. Nadège Rolland, “A Concise Guide to the Belt and Road Initiative,” The National Bureau of Asian Research, April 11, 2019.

This immersive poem is written and produced by Amardeep Kaur, and recalls a time of revolt, pain, and sorrow. Barahmah di chitthi Guru Nanak nu / A Letter of Twelve Months to Guru Nanak " sai, my Beloved! Fill me into your red dye You ferried me over the Pacific once Today, I return, to find the ports of Komagata's revolts What a long journey from the Fragrant Harbour, with gifts of agarwood for the coast of Salish peoples When Ghadaries promised to deliver (contd.) " ~~~ Featuring: Amardeep Kaur Amardeep Kaur was born and raised in Hong Kong and presently lives in Toronto. She is a doctoral candidate in Geography at York University and a graduate associate at the York Centre for Asian Research. In 2019, she taught Introduction to Sikhism as a course director at the University of Toronto (Mississauga campus) in the Department of Historical Studies. Amardeep Kaur's work explores diaspora, culture in the city, religious spaces and political movements across the Pacific. At night, she explores artistic creations, walking and training in Chinese martial arts. She has participated in Sidak at Sikh Research Institute in the summer of 2016 and 2017. #Poetry #History #SikhPodcast --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/the-sikh-cast-sikhri/support

A Hong Kong cartoonist has spent 40 years chronicling China and Hong Kong’s many social and political upheavals. Wong Kei-kwan – better known by his pen name Zunzi – is Hong Kong’s best-known political cartoonists, and also one of its longest-lasting. His work for the Chinese-language newspaper “Ming Pao” is highly critical of the People’s Republic and its encroaching influence on Hong Kong, both before and after the 1997 reunification. Zunzi is at York University this week for the opening of the career-spanning exhibition “Now What?!! – Civil movements through a cartoonist’s eyes.” The exhibition is presented by the York Centre for Asian Research and the Department of Design in the School of Arts, Media, Performance & Design. It can be viewed in the fourth floor corridor of the Victor Phillip Dahdaleh Building at York. On Friday, November 8, a daylong series of panels, speeches, and discussions will contextualize the show. On this episode, we talk to Zunzi and exhibition curator Wendy Siuyi Wong. Learn more about the events on November 8, "From the 2019 Hong Kong Protests to the World’s Tomorrow: The Power of Disobedience, Discourse and Creative Dissent" - https://ycar.apps01.yorku.ca/event/2019-hong-kong-protests-creative-dissent/

A traditional Tibetan proverb tells that every valley has its river and every village has its own language. These languages are an important part of the Tibetan identity, and and there is much debate among the wider Tibetan diaspora as to how to teach and preserve them. Guest: Dr Tsering Shakya (Associate Professor, Research Chair in Religion and Contemporary Society in Asia, Institute for Asian Research, University of British Columbia) Recorded on 2 July, 2019.

With this Ep 11 podcast we begin a series on the Japanese Osaka Summit. First up is Yves Tiberghien from the University of British Columbia. It is a great pleasure to welcome Yves back to the podcast studio. If nothing else this G20 Summit was filled with pageantry – principally Donald Trump’s. There is a series of Trump events – meeting with China’s Xi Jinping over the US-China trade war, and, as it turns out, an agreement to provide a truce in the tariff increases by the United States while negotiations resume, his encounters with Vladimir Putin and the breakfast with the Saudi Crown Prince and of course the meeting with Kim Jong-un at the Korean DMZ just after the completion of the Summit. Yves and discuss the implications of these Trump meetings, the progress on what Yves and I refer to as the top-tier issues of international trade and climate change action and then a number of mid-tier issues including: acting to limit marine plastics litter, illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing, digital ‘data free flows with trust’, quality infrastructure, IMF reforms with respect to concluding its quota review and governance reforms and possibly on digital taxation and base erosion and profit sharing (BEPS).” It was a busy Summit. Yves is the Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC), Executive Director of the UBC China Council, and a full Professor of Political Science at the University of British Columbia. Importantly, Yves spent several years working in Japan and has focused a good deal of his research on globalization examining China in particular. He specializes in comparative political economy and international political economy with an empirical focus on China, Japan, and Korea Let’s join Yves in a first conversation on the Osaka G20 Summit.

China is calling out Canada’s meat as foul while Canada suspects foul play. The international dispute between the two countries is escalating as the quality of food products from Canada comes into question. On Wednesday, Chinese inspectors said Canadian pork contains an additive that is banned in China. That resulted in the stoppage of all Canadian meat shipments into the country. Canada insists the matter requires further investigation. The meat spat follows a dispute between the two countries over the arrest of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou. On today’s episode of Wait, There’s More, host Tamara Khandaker speaks with John Keogh, founder and managing principal of Shantalla Inc., who breaks down Canada’s actions up to date. Yves Tiberghein, the director emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia, also speaks about potential links between the current situation and disputes between Canada and China.

What threat does a revisionist China pose to the United States and democratically minded states around the world? Where should we look to find out the intentions of the Chinese Communist Party? If left unchecked, will China export its illiberal form of government? These and other questions are explored in this week’s episode of Jaw-Jaw. For a full transcript of this interview, click here.    Biographies  Peter Mattis is a Research Fellow in China Studies at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation and a contributing editor at War on the Rocks. He was a Fellow in the China Program at The Jamestown Foundation, where he also served as editor of the foundation’s China Brief, a biweekly electronic journal on greater China, from 2011 to 2013. He previously worked as an analyst for the Central Intelligence Agency for four years. Prior to entering government service, Mr. Mattis worked as a research associate at the National Bureau of Asian Research in its Strategic Asia and Northeast Asian Studies programs, providing research assistance and editing support.   Brad Carson is a professor at the University of Virginia, where he teaches in the Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy. He served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 2001-2005 and was Undersecretary of the Army and acting Undersecretary of Defense for Personnel & Readiness in the Obama administration. He welcomes comments at brad.carson@warontherocks.com.   Links Elizabeth Economy, The Third Revolution: Xi Jinping and the New Chinese State, (Oxford University Press, 2018) Jonathan Ward, China's Vision of Victory, (Atlas Publishing and Media Company, 2019) Adam Brookes, The Night Heron, (Redhook, 2014) Adam Brookes, Spy Games, (Redhook, 2015) Adam Brookes, The Spy's Daughter, (Sphere, 2017)   Music and Production by Tre Hester

Title: China's Belt and Road Initiative: A Story of Assessment and Strategic Adaptation This lecture is a part of The Institute of World Politics' China in the World: 21st Century Challenges series. This event is co-sponsored by The Institute of World Politics, the National Bureau of Asian Research, and the Movement for the Renaissance of Vietnam. About the Lecture: About the Lecture: Almost six years after its launch, the Belt and Road Initiative, labelled by Xi Jinping as the "Project of the Century," seems to have reached its culminating point of success. A mounting wave of resistance against the BRI can be felt both within and outside of China. Are these signs that the BRI is grinding to a halt? How is the Chinese leadership reacting to the gathering headwinds facing BRI? What does BRI tell us about the Chinese leadership's capacity to assess, adjust, and adapt? About the Speaker: About the Speaker: Nadège Rolland is Senior Fellow for Political and Security Affairs, at the National Bureau of Asian Research (NBR), based in Seattle and Washington, D.C. Her research focuses mainly on China's foreign and defense policy and the changes in regional dynamics across Eurasia resulting from the rise of China. Drawing on her 20 years of experience as a French government official, she also examines the prospects for Transatlantic cooperation in research and policy related to Asia. She is the author of China's Eurasian Century? Political and Strategic Implications of the Belt and Road Initiative, published in 2017.

Recently, the City of Toronto was ‘ground zero’ for the 60th anniversary meeting of the International Studies Association (ISA). Thousands of colleagues gathered in Toronto to attend, roundtables, panels, and participate in presenting papers and receiving honors for their work on international relations. The occasion was far too ‘juicy’ to just let it pass. So, I gathered up some of my good friends to talk about the Liberal Order. This podcast includes some of my colleagues from abroad. The gathering at our ‘studio’ - actually the lounge on the second floor of the Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy – included: Bruce Jentleson from Duke University, Kori Schake from the IISS in London, Arthur Stein from UCLA and Yves Tiberghien from the University of British Columbia or UBC. Briefly, Bruce is a professor of public policy and political science at Duke University. His most recent work is ‘The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons from Twentieth Century Statesmanship’. Kori is currently the Deputy-Director General of the International Institute of Strategic Studies. Before her move to London, Kori was a research fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution. She wrote ‘Warriors and Citizens’ with now former Secretary of Defense, James Mattis and her most recent publication is ‘America vs the West: Can the Liberal World Order be Preserved’. Arthur is a professor of political science at the University of California at Los Angeles and his most well-known publication is, ‘Why Nations Cooperate’. Yves Tiberghien is a professor of political science at UBC, director emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research and currently executive director of the UBC China Council. He has written extensively on global governance especially as it pertains to the G20 and Asia. All my colleagues have thought deeply on the questions of the Liberal Order and the consequences to American foreign policy in the Age of Trump.

What are China’s grand ambitions? Did the United States get China “wrong”? And what policies should the United States adopt against a newly assertive China? What Western strategists are on the Chinese Communist Party’s reading list? Professor Aaron Friedberg and Brad Carson discuss these issues and much more in the new episode of “Jaw-Jaw.” If you'd like to read a full transcript of the episode, click here.    Biographies Aaron L. Friedberg is professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University, where he has taught since 1987, and co-director of the Woodrow Wilson School’s Center for International Security Studies. He is also a non-resident senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States and a senior advisor to the National Bureau of Asian Research. Friedberg is the author of The Weary Titan: Britain and the Experience of Relative Decline, 1895-1905 and In the Shadow of the Garrison State: America's Anti-Statism and its Cold War Grand Strategy, both published by Princeton University Press, and co-editor (with Richard Ellings) of three volumes in the National Bureau of Asian Research's annual "Strategic Asia" series. His third book, A Contest for Supremacy: China, America and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, was published in 2011 by W.W. Norton and has been translated into Japanese, Chinese, and Korean. His most recent monograph, Beyond Air-Sea Battle: The Debate Over U.S. Military Strategy in Asia was published in May 2014 as part of the International Institute for Strategic Studies’ Adelphi Paper series. Brad Carson is a professor at the University of Virginia, where he teaches in the Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy. He served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 2001 to 2005 and was undersecretary of the Army and acting undersecretary of defense for personnel & readiness in the Obama administration. He welcomes comments at brad.carson@warontherocks.com.   Links James Mann, The China Fantasy: Why Capitalism Will Not Bring Democracy to China, (Penguin Book, 2008) Stewart Patterson, China, Trade and Power: Why the West's Economic Engagement Has Failed, (London Publishing Partnership, 2018) Lynne Olson, Troublesome Young Men: The Rebels Who Brought Churchill to Power and Helped Save England, (Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2008)   Music and Production by Tre Hester

What exactly is China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)? What is the place of BRI in Xi Jinping’s foreign policy? What countries are involved in this massive project, and what is the likelihood that the grandest ambitions of BRI will be realized? Is China actually not a maritime power, but, rather, an aspiring continental power? Nadège Rolland and Brad Carson discuss these issues and much more in the new episode of “Jaw-Jaw.” If you'd like to read a full transcript of this episode, click here.  Biographies Nadège Rolland is senior fellow for political and security affairs at the National Bureau of Asian Research. Her research focuses mainly on China’s foreign and defense policy and the changes in regional dynamics across Eurasia resulting from the rise of China. Before joining the National Bureau of Asian Research, Rolland was an analyst and senior adviser on Asian and Chinese strategic issues to the French Ministry of Defense (1994–2014). She is the author of the book China’s Eurasian Century? Political and Strategic Implications of the Belt and Road Initiative (2017). Her articles have appeared in various publications, including the Washington Quarterly, Foreign Policy, the Diplomat, the Asian Open Forum, the Lowy Institute Interpreter, and Strategic Asia, and her commentary has been published by the Wall Street Journal, Libération, Les Echos, the Indian National Interest, Radio Free Asia, and BBC World Service. Brad Carson is a professor at the University of Virginia, where he teaches in the Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy. He served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 2001-2005 and was undersecretary of the army and acting undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness in the Obama administration. He welcomes comments at brad.carson@warontherocks.com. Links Peter Frankopan, The Silk Roads: A New History of the World, (Vintage, 2016) Howard French, Everything Under the Heavens: How the Past Helps Shape China's Push for Global Power, (Knopf, 2017) Robert Van Gulik, Judge Dee Mysteries, (University of Chicago Press, 2010)   Music and Production by Tre Hester

‘Now’ Episode 10 is a wide-ranging discussion with Yves Tiberghien first: on the leadership of Xi Jinping and where Xi is attempting to take China’s modernization and; second an examination of the course, and reasons for, the rising tensions between China and the United States. This interview examines in depth the rising role of the Chinese Communist Party in China’s economic development. Why has the Chinese President seemingly rolled back the economic reforms identified in the Third Plenum of the 18th Party Conference? Then, we explore the direction of China-U.S. policy – trade, investment, technology innovation and geopolitical relations in Asia and globally. Yves is the Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia (UBC), Executive Director of the UBC China Council, and a full Professor of Political Science at the University of British Columbia. Importantly, Yves spent several years working in Japan and has focused a good deal of his research on globalization examining China in particular. He specializes in comparative political economy and international political economy with an empirical focus on China, Japan, and Korea. In 2007, Yves published Entrepreneurial States: Reforming Corporate Governance in France, Japan, and Korea (Cornell University Press). He has also published many articles and book chapters on the Japan’s bubble economy, on global governance, global climate change politics, and on the governance of agricultural biotechnology. He has focused more recently on the role of China, Japan, and Korea in the G20 and in global economic and environmental issues. He has published two new books on the topic (L’ Asie et le future du monde, Paris: Science Po Press, August 2012; and Leadership in Global Institution-Building: Minerva’s Rule, edited volume, Palgrave McMillan, February 2013).

In this episode of the Power 3.0 podcast, featured guest Nadège Rolland traces the trajectory of China’s Belt and Road Initiative since its launch in 2013, with a particular emphasis on understanding Beijing’s priorities and the underlying strategic objectives accompanying its marketed emphasis on overseas infrastructure development. Nadège Rolland is a senior fellow for political and security affairs at the National Bureau of Asian Research, and author of the book, China's Eurasian Century? Political and Strategic Implications of the Belt and Road Initiative (2017). Christopher Walker, NED vice president for studies and analysis, and Shanthi Kalathil, senior director of NED’s International Forum for Democratic Studies, cohost the conversation. The views expressed in this podcast represent the opinions and analysis of the participants and do not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for Democracy or its staff.  

People in power tell us constantly that China is a threat but... Why? In this episode, we explore the big picture reasons why China poses a threat to those in power in the United States and what our Congress is doing to combat that threat. Spoiler alert: There's a another U.S. military build-up involved. Please Support Congressional Dish – Quick Links Click here to contribute monthly or a lump sum via PayPal Click here to support Congressional Dish for each episode via Patreon Send Zelle payments to: Donation@congressionaldish.com Send Venmo payments to: @Jennifer-Briney Send Cash App payments to: $CongressionalDish or Donation@congressionaldish.com Use your bank's online bill pay function to mail contributions to: 5753 Hwy 85 North, Number 4576, Crestview, FL 32536 Please make checks payable to Congressional Dish Thank you for supporting truly independent media! Recommended Congressional Dish Episodes CD116: TPP - The Environment Chapter CD115: TPP - Access to Medicine CD114: Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Investment Chapter CD095: Secret International Regulations (TPA & TPP) CD060: Fast Track for TPP CD053: TPP - The Leaked Chapter CD052: The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Bills/Laws H.R. 5105: BUILD Act of 2018 Became law as a part of H.R. 302: FAA Reauthorization Act of 2018 BUILD Act text from FAA law Purposes for which support may be provided The new bank “may designate private, nonprofit organizations as eligible to receive support… to promote development of economic freedom and private sectors” and “to complement the work of the United States Agency for International Development and other donors to improve the overall business enabling environment, financing the creation and expansion of the private business sector.”  Powers of the new development bank The bank “shall have such other powers as may be necessary and incident to carrying out the functions of the Corporation” S. 2736: Asia Reassurance Initiative Act of 2018 Sec. 101: Policy “Promotes American prosperity and economic interests by advancing economic growth and development of a rules-based Indo-Pacific economic community”  Sec 102: Diplomatic Strategy To support the “Association of Southeast Asian Nations”, “Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation”, and the “East Asia Summit” #1: Emphasize our commitment to “freedom of navigation under international law”  #7 : "Develop and grow the economy through private sector partnerships between the United States and Indo-Pacific partners" #8: “To pursue multilateral and bilateral trade agreements … and build a network of partners in the Indo-Pacific committee to free markets”  #9: To work with Indo-Pacific countries to pursue infrastructure projects and “to maintain unimpeded commerce, open sea lines or air ways, and communications”  Sec. 201: Authorization of Appropriations Authorizes $1.5 billion for each fiscal year 2019 through 2023 to be divided among the State Dept., USAID, and the Defense Dept.  Congressional Budget Office: The total authorization is almost $8.6 billion The money is allowed to be used for “foreign military financing and international military education and training programs”  The money is allowed to be used “to help partner countries strengthen their democratic systems”  The money is allowed to be used to “encourage responsible natural resource management in partner countries, which is closely associated with economic growth”  Sec. 205: United States-ASEAN Strategic Partnership Sense of Congress expressing the value of “strategic economic initiatives, such as activities under the United States-ASEAN Trade and Investment Framework Arrangement and the United States-ASEAN Connect, which demonstrate a commitment to ASEAN and the ASEAN Economic Community and build upon economic relationships in the Indo-Pacific region." Sec. 209: Commitment to Taiwan “The President should conduct regular transfers of defense articles to Taiwan”  Sec 213 Freedom of Navigation and Overflight; Promotion of International Law “It is the sense of Congress that the President should develop a diplomatic strategy that includes working with United States allies and partners to conduct joint maritime training and freedom of navigation operations in the Indo-Pacific region, including the East China Sea and the South China Sea, in support of a rules-based international system benefitting all countries.”  Sec. 215: Cybersecurity Cooperation Authorizes $100 million for each year (2019-2023) to “enhance cooperation between the United States and Indo-Pacific nations for the purposes of combatting cybersecurity threats.”  Sec. 301: Findings; Sense of Congress Free trade agreements between the United States and three nations in the Indo-Pacific region have entered into force: Australia, Singapore, and the Republic of Korea  According to the National Security Strategy, the United States will “work with partners to build a network of stated dedicated to free markets and protected from forces that would subvert their sovereignty.”  Sec. 304: Trade Capacity Building and Trade Facilitation (a) “The President is encouraged to produce a robust and comprehensive trade capacity building and trade facilitation strategy, including leveling the playing field for American companies competing in the Indo-Pacific region.”  Authorization of Appropriations:“There are authorized to be appropriated such amounts as many be necessaryto carry out subsection (a)."  Sec. 305: Intellectual Property Protection The President “should” take “all appropriate action to deter and punish commercial cyber-enabled theft of intellectual property” and orders a report on the government’s efforts to do so.  Authorization of Appropriations: “There are authorized to be appropriated to the United States Trade Representative such amounts as may be necessary  to sponsor bilateral and multilateral activities designed to build capacity in the identified priority areas” in the report  Sec. 306: Energy Programs and Initiatives Orders the President to create a strategy, updated every 5 years, to “encourage” Indo-Pacific countries to “implement national power strategies and cooperation with United States energy companies and the Department of Energy national laboratories”  Authorization of Appropriations: $1 million per year from 2019 through 2023 Sense of Congress: “the United States should explore opportunities to partner with the private sector and multilateral institutions, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, to promote universal access to reliable electricity in the Indo-Pacific region, including Myanmar (Burma)" Sec. 409: Authorization of Appropriations $210 million each year (2019-2023) to “promote democracy” and the money can be given to “universities, civil society, and multilateral institutions that are focusing on education awareness, training, and capacity building.” This money can be spent to “promote democracy” in China.  Sec. 411: Young Leaders People-to-People Initiatives Authorizes $25 million per year (2019-2023) to support the “Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, the ASEAN Youth Volunteers program, and other people-to-people exchange programs that focus on building the capacity of democracy, human rights, and good governance activities in the Indo-Pacific region.”  Sec. 412: Savings Program “Nothing in this Act may be construed as authorizing the use of military force.”  HR 5515: John S. McCain National Defense Authorization for Fiscal Year 2019 Sec. 1252 Amends the NDAA for 2016, which authorized the South China Sea Initiative providing military equipment and training to Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam, to change the name of the program to the “Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative” and expands the authorization to include the Indian Ocean in addition to the South China Sea and the countries of Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Adds India to the list of countries allowed to be paid for expenses, along with Brunei, Singapore, and Taiwan. Extends the expiration date from September 30, 2020 to December 31, 2025.  Sec. 1253 Changes the name of the military build-up authorized in NDAA 2018 from the “Indo-Asia-Pacific Stability Initiative” to the “Indo-Pacific Stability Initiative”. Changes the activities authorized to include an increase in “rotational and forward presence” of the US Armed Forces and adds the prepositioning of “munitions” in addition to equipment. Expands the options for funding by removing the requirement that funding come “only” from a section 1001 transfer authority. Requires a 5 year plan be submitted to Congress by the Secretary of Defense by March 1, 2019.  Public Law 115-91: National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2018 Sec 1251  Authorized the “Indo-Asia-Pacific Stability Initiative” to “increase the presence and capabilities” of the United States Armed Forces in the region by building new infrastructure, “enhance the storage and pre-positioning in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region of equipment of the United States Forces”, and with military training and exercises with allies.    Sound Clip Sources Hearing: Democracy Promotion in a Challenging World Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, June 14, 2018. Transcript Watch on YouTube Witnesses: Carl Gershman - National Endowment for Democracy: President Daniel Twining - International Republican Institute: President Kenneth Wollack - National Democratic Institute: President Timestamps & Transcripts  1:43:38 Representative Michael McCaul (TX): I had a briefing yesterday in a classified setting on ZTE and Huawei, and their efforts to conduct espionage in this country. I’ve also seen them in Sri Lanka where they have burdened them with so much debt that they had to turn over a strategic port to the Chinese. We see the Chinese now in Djibouti for the first time, and we see them leveraging the continent of Africa into so much debt that they will be able to eventually take over these countries. They exploit them. They bring in their own workers—they don’t even hire the host countries’ workers—and they export their natural resources in what is this One Belt, One Road policy. 1:45:00 Carl Gershman: In March, The Economist magazine had a cover story on China, and the bottom line of the cover story was—and this is a direct quote—‘‘The West’s 25-year bet on China has failed.’’ The bet was that if China was brought into the World Trade Organization, was encouraged to grow economically, it would become a more liberal society and be part of the liberal world order. 1:46:26 Carl Gershman: It’s a problem with the Belt and Road Initiative, which is not just an economic expansion. This is intimately tied to China’s geopolitical and military strategy precisely to get strategic ports in Sri Lanka or in Maldives because countries fall into the debt trap and pay back by leasing their ports. 1:58:05 Representative Ted Yoho (FL): They’re a form of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and, as we all know, that’s communism. Our form of government empowers the people. Empowered people reach their full potential. China empowers the government where the people are suppressed for the benefit of the government. 2:00:10 Daniel Twining: It’s the surveillance architecture. This Orwellian total surveillance state they’re building with artificial intelligence and facial recognition and all this stuff. It’s very attractive, as you say, not to people but to leaders. 2:07:52 Representative Ted Poe (TX): Globally, what do you personally see is the number-one entity that is a threat to democracy worldwide? Is it China? Is it Russia? Is it North Korea? Is it ISIS? Is it Iran? Pick one. Pick the one you think is the threat. Carl Gershman: China. Rep. Poe: China. Gershman: China. Rep. Poe: Mr. Twining. Daniel Twining: China. Rep. Poe: Mr. Wollack. Kenneth Wollack: Russia. Rep. Poe: Russia. Russia and China. Hearing: The China Challenge, Part 1: Economic Coercion as Statecraft, Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity, July 24, 2018. Witnesses: Dan Blumenthal: Director of Asian Studies and Resident Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute Ely Ratner: Vice President and Director of Studies at the Center for a New American Security Timestamps and Transcripts  33:49 Chairman Senator Cory Gardner (CO): This hearing will be the first hearing in a three-part series of hearings titled The China Challenge and will examine how the United States should respond to the challenge of a rising China that seeks to upend and supplant the U.S.-led liberal world order. 34:12 Chairman Senator Cory Gardner (CO): According to the National Security Strategy, for decades U.S. policy was rooted in the belief that support for China’s rise and for its integration into the post-war international order would liberalize China. Contrary to our hopes, China expanded its power at the expense of the sovereignty of others. According to the National Defense Strategy, the central challenge to U.S. prosperity and security is the reemergence of long-term strategic competition by what the National Security Strategy classifies as revisionist powers. It is increasingly clear that China and Russia want to shape a world consistent with their authoritarian model: gaining veto authority over other nations’ economic, diplomatic, and security decisions. 35:28 Chairman Senator Cory Gardner (CO): The question before us now is identifying the tools the United States has at its disposal to counter the disturbing developments posed by China’s less-than-peaceful rise. This is why Senator Markey and I and a bipartisan group of co-sponsors in the Senate joined in introducing the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act, or ARIA, on April 24. The legislation sets a comprehensive policy framework to demonstrate U.S. commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific region and the rules-based international order. ARIA provides a comprehensive set of national security and economic policies to advance U.S. interests and goals in the Indo-Pacific region, including providing substantive U.S. resource commitments for these goals. I’m joined in this legislation on the committee by Senator Kaine, Senator Coons, Senator Cardin, Senator Markey, by Senator Rubio, and Senator Young, as well as Senators Sullivan and Perdue and Graham. 38:12 Chairman Senator Cory Gardner (CO): Our first witness is Senator—is Dan Blumenthal—I almost gave you a demotion there, Dan—who serves as director of Asian studies and resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. Mr. Blumenthal has both served in and advised the U.S. government on China issues for nearly two decades. From 2001 to 2004 he served as senior director for China, Taiwan, and Mongolia at the Department of Defense. Additionally, from 2006, 2012 he served as a commissioner on the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, including holding the position of vice chair in 2007. 38:54 Chairman Senator Cory Gardner (CO): Our second witness today is Ely Ratner, who serves as the vice president and director of Studies at the Center for a New American Security. Mr. Ratner served from 2015 to 2017 as the deputy national security advisor to Vice President Joe Biden, and from 2011 to 2012 in the Office of Chinese and Mongolian Affairs at the State Department. He also previously worked in the U.S. Senate as a professional staff member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and in the office of Senator Joe Biden. 42:01 Dan Blumenthal: I have to state that the era of reform and opening in China is over. It’s been long over. It’s been over, probably for 10 years. And China is back to being run by state-owned enterprises that are related to the party. The private sector is diminishing. That provides the Chinese state with a lot more control over economic coercive policies. 49:27 Ely Ratner: First, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee should hold hearings on the cost and benefits of rejoining the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Rejoining TPP is among the most important things we can do to advance our economic position in Asia and erode the effectiveness of China’s economic coercion. By contrast, U.S. withdrawal has done substantial damage to our standing in the region and is facilitating the development of a Chinese sphere of influence in Asia and beyond. Rejoining TPP would renew confidence in the credibility and commitment of the United States, help to re-route supply chains in the region, open new markets for U.S. companies, and ultimately reduce China’s economic leverage. 56:28 Senator Ed Markey (MA): And through its Belt and Road Initiative, BRI, China is burdening countries receiving infrastructure loans with debts so extreme that they begin to undermine their own very sovereignty. According to a recent New York Times report, this Belt and Road Initiative amounts to a debt trap for vulnerable countries around the world, fueling corruption and autocratic behavior in struggling democracies. 59:30 Senator Cory Gardner (CO): Mr. Blumenthal, you mentioned in your opening statement, you talked about the economic opening in China being over. Could you go into a little bit more detail of what you mean by that? Dan Blumenthal: So, the period of reform and opening, which Deng Xiaoping began in 1978 and allowed for the great growth of China, the great growth of the private sector, private-sector entrepreneurs and brought so many Chinese out of poverty and benefitted the world, ended, probably 10 years ago, the Chinese we now know. The Chinese have gone back to the state sector dominating, taking out room for entrepreneurs to grow. They’ve gone back to things like price controls. They’ve gone back to things like lending on the basis of non-market, non-profitable lending but rather through patronage from the party to state-owned enterprises. They certainly haven’t moved any further than they were 10, 12 years ago on market access, things that we’ve been pressing for. They haven’t stopped subsidizing. In fact, they’ve doubled down on subsidizing their state-owned enterprises, which is probably the single biggest cause of probably the WTO stalling as much as it has. And Xi Jinping is certainly not taking China down the road of another round of market reforms—quite the contrary. He’s a statist and favoring state-owned enterprises and the subsidization of state-owned enterprises over the private sector. 1:11:42 Ely Ratner: China is going to use its economic clout to try to achieve its geopolitical aims, which include dividing American alliances and eroding the influence of the United States in the region. So I think that was a very important episode. It was very revealing. I think we can talk about trying to incorporate China into a rules-based order. I don’t think that’s where we’re going to be in the next several years. I think what we have to do is pull up our socks, get more competitive, slow down Chinese momentum in its efforts to develop this sphere of influence. That’s a much more urgent task than a long-term goal of developing a rules-based order. 1:13:44 Senator Todd Young (IN): Mr. Ratner, thanks for your testimony. As I reviewed your written statement, you seem to be making a pretty simple argument with very serious implications. In short, you seem to be saying we’re in a high-stakes competition with China, that China does not accept this rules-based international order we had hoped to welcome them into back in 2000. The legitimacy of that order and the institutions that were stood up to oversee that order are not respected by China. China, instead, respects power. And we as a nation have insufficient leverage, it seems, to be able to affect the sort of change we want with respect to intellectual-property theft, joint-licensing requirements, dumping, and so many other things. What we lack—and this is language you employed—is a comprehensive strategy. Is that a fair summary of your viewpoint, Mr. Ratner? Ely Ratner: Yes, sir. 1:21:05 Ely Ratner: When it looked like the United States was going to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership and that agreement was going to pass, the Chinese were starting to ask questions quietly at senior levels, with American officials about what they would need to do down the road to improve their practices to join that agreement, and obviously, those conversations are no longer happening today. 1:22:30 Senator Jeff Merkley (OR): Mr. Ratner, under WTO, is China allowed to offer subsidies to its businesses? Ely Ratner: Senator, I’m not a trade lawyer, so I can’t get into the weeds of WTO law, but I think the answer is no, and there’re several other dimensions in which they’re not in compliance with the agreement. Sen. Merkley: Under the WTO, China is required to do an annual report of all of its subsidies to different enterprises. Does it do that report? Ratner: I believe not, Senator. Sen. Merkley: So, when it fails to do the report, we are, under the WTO, allowed to do a report on their subsidies. I did an amendment a few years ago that said if China doesn’t produce a report, our trade representative will be directed to produce our report. And before that amendment, the ink could dry on it, our trade rep under President Obama produced a list of 200 Chinese subsidies, subsidies we’re well aware of but rarely kind of articulated. So that’s—so we certainly have an understanding of massive Chinese subsidies that are not allowed under WTO. How about to offer loans at non-market rates? Ratner: I believe not, sir. Sen. Merkley: Or to provide land for free as a form of subsidy? Ratner: I think that’s right, as well as forced technology transfer and a number of other practices. Sen. Merkley: And how about being required—for our companies to be required to locate in a particular part of China where the infrastructure is inferior to other locations? Ratner: Correct. Sen. Merkley: A couple years ago, when I was a part of a delegation to China, we were at a meeting of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in which many of these practices were highlighted, but one company in particular stood up and said, and I won’t name the exact company because they probably didn’t want it too much publicized at the time, but they said they were basically told, we have to put our manufacturing center in this far-western city, far from the port infrastructure; we are told we cannot build any size of item that is in direct competition with the Chinese items; they were told they only could build larger versions that the Chinese weren’t yet building, or they would be shut down and shut out of the country. Is that type of activity by the Chinese legal under the WTO? Ratner: No, sir. Sen. Merkley: And what about requiring American companies to do joint-venture arrangements in order to be able to locate in China? Ratner: Also, not part of the agreement. Sen. Merkley: So, and you’re familiar with how these joint-venture agreements are often used as a way to drain U.S. technology? Ratner: Yes, sir. Sen. Merkley: So, what does one say to the American citizen who says, “China is violating all of these rules, and the WTO has no mechanism by which we appear to be able to hold them accountable. Why shouldn’t we work intensely to create an ability to hold China accountable to the structure of the WTO?” Ratner: I think that was the intention of the Trans-Pacific Partnership. 1:45:22 Senator Cory Gardner (CO): In recent writings in the Wall Street Journal, quotes from President Xi, China has its own ideas about how the world should be run, and as he put it, “to lead in the reform of global governance.” Another quote, or another statement, “in at least eight African countries, as well as some in Southeast Asia, Chinese officials are training their counterparts in how to manage political stability through propaganda and how to control media and the Internet,” and that the China model provides “a new option for other countries who want to speed up their development while preserving their independence.” And finally this: China has committed to train 10,000 political elites in Latin America by 2020. All of this speaks to the need for what you have described, Mr. Ratner, what you have described, Mr. Blumenthal, is U.S. leadership and U.S. response, whether it’s the BUILD Act, whether it’s legislation that Senator Young has described, the legislation that we have co-sponsored together—the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act. This is a time for U.S. leadership, and it’s a time to stand boldly for our values that have empowered the world to be a better place, that has lifted up hundreds of millions of people around the globe up and out of poverty through a system of rules and standards that don’t favor one country over another but that give people a chance to participate in global governance and that global rise. Hearing: The China Challenge, Part 2: Security and Military Developments, Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity, Septemer 5, 2018. Witnesses: Dr. Oriana Skylar Mastro: American Enterprise Institute Abraham Denmark: Director of the Asia Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Timestamps and Transcripts  27:50 Chairman Cory Gardner (CO): Our first witness is Dr. Oriana Skylar Mastro, who is the Jeane Kirkpatrick visiting scholar at the American Enterprise Institute where she focuses on Chinese military and security policy in the Asia Pacific. She is also assistant professor of Security Studies at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and serves in the United States Air Force Reserve as a political-military affairs strategist at Pacific air forces. Previously, Dr. Mastro was a fellow in the Asia-Pacific security program at the Center for a New American Security. 28:25 Chairman Cory Gardner (CO): Also joined on the panel by Abraham Denmark, who is director of the Asia program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Prior to joining the Wilson Center, Mr. Denmark served as deputy assistant secretary of defense for East Asia, where he supported the secretary of defense and other U.S. senior government leaders in the formulation and implementation of national security strategies and defense policies toward the region. Mr. Denmark also previously worked as senior vice president for political and security affairs at the National Bureau of Asian Research, a fellow at the Center for a New American Security, and held several positions in the U.S. intelligence community. 42:40 Oriana Skylar Mastro: What China is doing is they’re exploiting gaps in the order. So, we talk about the U.S.-led international order and whether China is challenging it or not. But in reality, there’s many areas of the order that lacks certainty, or ambiguous, don’t have consensus. So I would label cybersecurity as one of these areas. And so what China does is it’s trying to build consensus or work on the periphery of the order. So, for example, when they did One Belt, One Road, and they initially moved to the central Asia, they weren’t challenging the United States, because the United States was not there. And so I would say that in addition to strengthening our relationship with traditional partners and allies, the United States needs to think more broadly about its relationships with countries around the globe. Also, in terms of the security initiative, I would recommend that we think more about demand not supply, in kind of business terms. You often, at least in my experience, you think about what the United States has to offer in terms of security assistance, and then we try to put together packages, whether it’s visits, port visits, or a rotation of a squadron or what have you, instead of looking at what those countries actually demand. And so we should move away from this model of increasing advertising and hoping that countries around the world will decide they want what we have to offer, and instead try to look at what they actually want and start supplying that. 1:05:45 Senator Ed Markey (MA): Should the United States abandon the rules-based international system, and what would the concessions be that we would try to extract in order to take such a step? Dr. Mastro. Oriana Skylar Mastro: So, sir, I don’t think we should abandon it. Instead, what I’m arguing for is an expansion of that system. I think that actually the international, is very limited. If you look at the definition, the party to that order, the amount of countries that actually might be involved in certain treaties, it’s not every country possible. For example, India has very different views on things like cybersecurity than the United States does. And so I think if we could manage to build consensus in these areas of uncertainty, we could actually shape China’s choices. And to that end, that gives the United States a lot of political power because the bottom line is one of the main differences between today and maybe 10 years ago is for the United States, the security benefits that we give to our partners, allies, in the region are no longer enough to outweigh the economic benefits that they get from interacting with China. And so we need a security-benefits-plus type of strategy in which we think also about the economic benefits, which is difficult under the current administration, given the trade policy, but also those political benefits by building new international institutions and building new norms and consensus around areas where that consensus has failed to date. 1:07:08 Chairman Cory Gardner (CO): Going back to the question I started to talk about, just the investments that China has made in South America, the investments China is making in Central America. If you look at investments in Panama, El Salvador, and at least apparently in El Salvador, as perhaps part of an agreement as it relates to the decision El Salvador made on Taiwan. Look at the sale of submarines to countries—Thailand—do we see that as continued opportunity for China’s military expansion? Will we see military basing affecting U.S. operations in Thailand? Will we see, perhaps, an opportunity for military entrance into Central America, into South America, China, basing, even, perhaps? Mr. Denmark. Abraham Denmark: Well, I think there’s a lot that remains to be seen. I don’t think there’s a definitive yes or no answer to that question, but I do expect that Djibouti be the first overseas base that China has established. I fully expect that that will not be the last. Where additional facilities may pop up remains to be seen. I personally would expect more facilities to be established along the trade routes from the Western Pacific, through the Indian Ocean, into the Middle East. I would expect to see more there than before I’d expect to see them in Latin America, primarily because of China’s economic interests, but it remains to be seen. 1:20:00 Senator Ed Markey (MA): In September of 2013, China began a concerted effort to build artificial islands in the South China Sea by crushing coral reefs into sand. It built land features where none previously existed. On top of that, China expanded small outposts into military bases capable of conducting operations. Admiral Philip Davidson, the commander of the United States Indo-Pacific Command, stated this year that China’s militarization of the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea means “China is now capable of controlling the South China Sea in all scenarios, short of a war with the United States.” Ms. Mastro, what considerations or challenges do these bases pose for other claimants and the United States in peacetime, in the gray zone, or in conflict? In other words, what are the implications of China’s military bases in the South China Sea? Oriana Skylar Mastro: So, militarily, sir, they expand the range of Chinese capabilities. And so I think I made the point previously that it’s difficult for us to conceive of fighting a war with China using our bases in Korea and Japan, and that’s primarily because of the range of conventional precision-guided munitions that China has that can reach those bases and render them inoperable. In the South China Sea, which is about the size of the United States, China’s power-projection capabilities historically have been quite limited. And in the report, for example, one thing that was highlighted was the H-6K, when it has ______(01:37), now China can extend its range to 3,300 kilometers. But if you actually have bases there, coupled with carriers, then China’s able to sustain combat sorties, for example, for longer periods of time and at farther ranges than it was before. And this is what allows it to be able to control, as the quote suggested, large areas of the South China Sea, the air, and the sea. I would just mention on the gray-zone side, that China can engage in gray-zone activities only because the United States allows it to. There’s nothing that, as far as I understand it, there’s nothing that tells us that, for example, if China says, “Well, this is a Coast Guard,” that we can’t respond with the use of the U.S. Navy. We are too concerned about escalation, and China knows this. They don’t believe in miscalculation and in inadvertent escalation, and so they use this to their advantage. And we should start being very clear about what our redlines are and, obviously, being then able to follow through with that. 1:42:30 Senator Ed Markey (MA): I just have one final area of questioning, if I may, and that just goes back to the Belt and Road Initiative which has resulted in a very generous policy by China of loaning money to countries, which they then can’t pay back, which then results in China being able to extract huge long-term concessions from those countries. Sri Lanka, just a perfect example where they’ve now had to give up a 99-year lease to the Chinese company, which is partially owned by the Chinese government, 15,000 acres of land. And now it appears there are more countries that are deciding to reconsider how far in debt they want their countries or companies to be to a Chinese entity. But at the same time, President Xi, just in the last few days has announced a new $60 billion program—grants, loans—around the world, on top of the $60 billion program that they’ve had in the past that now has these consequences. So, what are the implications for the United States, for global security, of these Chinese strategies in country after country to gain access, or control over, ports in countries? And what would you recommend to the United States that we do to try to make sure that we minimize the ability of this Belt and Road program to build economic and security relationships with companies in a way almost giving them offers they can’t refuse so they become deeper indebted and more entangled into Chinese foreign policy objectives? 1:48:09 Abraham Denmark: The initiative announced several weeks ago by Secretary of State Pompeo in this vein to enhance U.S. engagement, economic engagement, in these areas I thought was a good indication of seeing the problem and trying to address it, not trying to copy the Chinese system, but playing to American strengths of the free market and American corporations. Hearing: The China Challenge, Part 3: Democracy, Human Rights, and the Rule of Law, Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity, December 4, 2018. Watch on C-SPAN Witnesses: Laura Stone: Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs at the US Department of State Scott Busby: Deputy Assistant Secretary for Human Rights and Labor at the US Department of State Gloria Steele: Acting Assistant Administrator, Bureau for Asia at USAID Timestamps and Transcripts  01:23:05 Senator Ed Markey (MA): Around the world, all countries, including the United States, rely on the rules-based international order to underpin security and prosperity to help provide a level playing field, to provide the maximum opportunity for the greatest number of people, and to defend and protect certain fundamental rights. So it is of the utmost importance that we do everything in our power to ensure that this system remains. 01:30:00 Senator Cory Gardner (CO): Our first witness is Scott Busby, who serves as deputy assistant secretary of state at the Bureau of the Human Right, Democracy, and Labor. Previously, he served as director for human rights on the National Security Council in the White House from 2009 to 2011, where he managed a wide range of human rights and refugee issues. 01:36:20 Scott Busby: My bureau, DRL, is implementing $10 million of FY 2018 economic support funds to support human rights in China, just as we have done for the past several years. Nevertheless, such programs are increasingly challenged by the difficult operating environment in China, including the new and highly restrictive foreign NGO management law. 1:59:58 Senator Marco Rubio (FL): And then you see sort of what the global reaction has been to it, and there’s reason to be concerned that this post-World War II, pro-democracy, pro-human rights, global norms are being eroded and reshaped and that China is using its geopolitical heft and its economic power to push it in that direction. Meeting: Press availability at the 51st ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting and related meetings, August 4, 2018. Speaker: Secretary of State Mike Pompeo Timestamps and Transcripts  1:15 Secretary of State Mike Pompeo: "Throughout my ASEAN-centered engagements these past days I’ve conveyed President Trump’s commitment to this vital part of the world that continues to grow in importance. Security has been a major focus of our conversations. As part of our commitment to advancing regional security in the Indo-Pacific, the United States is excited to announce nearly $300 million in new funding to reinforce security cooperation throughout the entire region.” 4:50 - Secretary of State Mike Pompeo: "As I said earlier this week, the United States practices partnership economics; we seek partnership, not dominance. Earlier this week at the Indo-Pacific Business Forum hosted by the United States Chamber of Commerce, I outlined the Trump administration’s economic strategy for advancing a free and open Indo-Pacific, and I talked about why U.S. businesses’ engagement in the region is crucial to our mission of promoting peace, stability, and prosperity. There is no better force for prosperity in the world than American businesses. When nations partner with American firms, they can have confidence they are working with the most scrupulous, well-run, and transparent companies in the world. As a down payment on a new era in American economic commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific, I announced at the forum $113 million in new U.S. Government resources to support foundational areas of the future: the digital economy, energy, and infrastructure. In addition, the Trump administration is working with Congress to encourage the passage of the BUILD Act. It recently passed the U.S. House of Representatives and now before the United States Senate. Under this bill, the government’s development finance capacity would more than double to $60 billion to support U.S. private investment in strategic opportunities abroad." Meeting: Beyond NAFTA and GATT, National Association Southern Center, April 20, 1994. Speaker: Arthur Dunkel - Director of the UN Wrote the “Dunkel Draft” in 1991, a 500 page general outline of what became the WTO 3 years later - it’s basically the WTO’s Constitution “Retired” from GATT in 1993, became a “trade consultant”, and served on the board of Nestle Is a registered WTO dispute panelist Transcript  Arthur Dunkel: If I look back at the last 25 years, what did we have? We had two worlds: The so-called Market Economy world and the sadly planned world; the sadly planned world disappeared. One of the main challenges of the Uruguay round has been to create a world wide system. I think we have to think of that. Secondly, why a world wide system? Because, basically, I consider that if governments cooperate in trade policy field, you reduce the risks of tension - political tension and even worse than that." Additional Reading Article: Disney sets out international leadership team post-Fox deal by Stewart Clarke, Variety, December 13, 2018. Article: IMF delays Sri Lanka's loan discussion on political crisis, Reuters, November 20, 2018. Annual Report: U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, USCC.gov, November 14, 2018. Article: Sri Lanka's political shake-up is a win for China by Bharath Gopalaswamy, Foreign Policy, October 29, 2018. Article: Sri Lanka to secure sixth tranche of $250 million IMF's EFF, Press Reader, Sunday Times (Sri Lanka) October 14, 2018. Article: The BUILD Act has passed: What's next? CSIS, October 12, 2018. Article: Power play: Addressing China's belt and road strategy by Daniel Kliman and Abigail Grace, CNAS, September 20, 2018. Article: Taiwan's monthly minimum wage to increase by 5% in 2019 by Keoni Everington, Taiwan News, September 6, 2018. Fact Sheet: U.S. security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region, U.S. Department of State, August 4, 2018. Article: Treasury weakens donor disclosure requirements for some nonprofits by Michael Wyland, Nonprofit Quarterly, July 18, 2018. Article: China is doing the same things to Sri Lanka that Great Britain did to China after the opium wars by Panos Mourdoukoutas, Forbes, June 28, 2018. Article: Chinese firm pays $584 million to secure 99-year lease of Sri Lanka port by Reuters, GCaptain, June 26, 2018. Article: How China go Sri Lanka to cough up a port by Maria Abi-Habib, The New York Times, June 25, 2018. Article: China's use of cercive economic measures by Peter Harrell, Elizabeth Rosenberg, and Edoardo Saravalle, CNAS, June 11, 2018. Article: China's military escalation by The Editorial Board, WSJ, June 4, 2018. Article: China owns US debt, but how much? by Investopedia, April 6, 2018. Article: China's military facilities in South China Sea 'almost ready' by Raul Dancel, The Straits Times, February 6, 2018. Report: China's economic rise: History, trends, challenges, and implications for the United States by Wayne M. Morrison, Congressional Research Service, February 5, 2018. Article: U.S. leadership needed in the Asia-Pacific by James W. Fatheree, U.S. Chamber of Commerce, November 17, 2017. Article: China's new island-building ship raises the stakes in South China Sea by Dan Southerland, Radio Free Asia, November 10, 2017. Report: Taiwan: Issues for Congress, Congressional Research Service, October 30, 2017. Article: Inside the fight for OPIC reauthorization by Adva Saldinger, devex, February 21, 2017. News Release: Charles A Kupchan and Ely Ratner join CFR as Senior Fellows, Council on Foreign Relations, February 15, 2017. News Report: PG&E receives maximum sentence for 2010 San Bruno explosion by Kate Larsen, ABC 7 News, January 26, 2017. Article: Lockheed Martin scores $395M DHS security operations center contract by Billy Mitchell, Fed Scoop, September 9, 2016. Article: Terror in Little Saigon by A.C. Thompson, ProPublica, November 3, 2015. Article: Taiwan multinationals serving a broader role by Molly Reiner, Taiwan Business TOPICS, October 28, 2015. Article: China's island factory by Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, BBC News, September 9, 2014. Article: Why was the Dalai Lama hanging out with the right-wing American Enterprise Institute? by David Rose, Vanity Fair, February 26, 2014. Article: The secret foreign donor behind the American Enterprise Institute by Eli Clifton, The Nation, June 25, 2013. Article: Inside the secretive dark-money organization that's keeping the lights on for conservative groups by Walt Hickey, Business Insider, February 12, 2013. Article: How Beijing won Sri Lanka's civil war, Independent, May 23, 2010. Article: The one-year review: Obama's Asia policies by Daniel Blumenthal, Foreign Policy, November 3, 2009. Article: Former high-ranking Bush officials enjoy war profits by Tim Shorrock, Salon, May 29, 2008. Report: ChoicePoint sold to LexisNexis parent, Atlanta Business Chronicle, February 21, 2008. Article: Scientists offered cash to dispute climate study by Ian Sample, The Guardian, February 2, 2007. Article: The man who said to much by Michael Isikoff, Newsweek, September 3, 2006. Article: Put a tiger in your think tank, Mother Jones, May/June 2005 Article: What I didn't find in Africa by Joseph C. Wilson, The New York Times, July 6, 2003. Article: Armitage is ready to step into ring by Steven Mufson, The Washington Post, February 14, 2001. Article: Advocacy and lobbying without fear: what is allowed within a 501(c)(3) charitable organization by Thomas Raffa, Nonprofit Quarterly, September 21, 2000. Resources About Page: The CNA Coporation About Page: Kasowitz Benson Torres LLP About Page: The National Bureau of Asian Research About Page: Oriana Skylar Mastro AEI Scholar List: Dan Blumenthal AEI Scholar List: Oriana Skylar Mastro Alexander Hamilton Society: Our Principles American Enterprise Institute: Annual Report 2017 American Enterprise Institute: Board of Trustees American Enterprise Institute: Jeane Kirkpatrick Fellowship and Scholars Program American Enterprise Institute: Leadership American Enterprise Institute: Scholars Armitage International: Our Team Biography: Scott Busby, Deputy Asst. Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Cambridge University Press: Think Tanks, Public Policy, and the Politics of Expertise Center for New American Security: About CNAS Center for New American Security: Victoria Nuland, CEO CRS Report: U.S. Security Assistance and Security Cooperation Programs Center for Strategic & International Studies: Richard L. Armitage, Trustee Interactive Map: China Belt and Road Initiative IRS: Exemption Requirements - 501 (c)(3) Organizations LinkedIn Account: Oriana Skylar Mastro LinkedIn Account: Scott Busby LinkedIn Account: U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Lockheed Martin: Board Members - Daniel F. Akerson OpenSecrets: American Enterprise Institute Park Hotels & Resorts: Board of Directors ManTech: Mission, Vision, and Values Report to Congress: U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, November 2018 Right Web: American Enterprise Institute Search Results: Paul | Weiss Professionals Security Cooperation Programs: Fiscal Year 2017 Handbook Special Emergency Authorities Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative SourceWatch: American Enterprise Institute Ties to the Koch Brothers SourceWatch Infographic: Donors Trust Infographic Tesla Investors: James Murdoch Biography Website: American Enterprise Institute Website: Chartwell Strategy Group Website: CNAS Website: U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Website: Wilson Center Whitehouse Publication: National Security Strategy of the United States of America, December 2017 Wilson Center: Abraham Denmark Wilson Center: Corporate Council World Trade Organization: Overview and Future Direction, updated Nov 29, 2018 Community Suggestions See more Community Suggestions HERE. Cover Art Design by Only Child Imaginations Music Presented in This Episode Intro & Exit: Tired of Being Lied To by David Ippolito (found on Music Alley by mevio)

The chief financial officer of Chinese tech giant Huawei has been arrested in Canada. She faces extradition to the United States. Meng Wanzhou, also known as Sabrina Meng and Cathy Meng, was apprehended in Vancouver on December 1, according to Canadian Justice Department spokesman Ian McLeod. In addition to her role as CFO, Meng serves as deputy chairwoman of Huawei's board. She's the daughter of Huawei founder Ren Zhengfei. Guest: Wenran Jiang Senior fellow at the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia

On BIV Today... What comes next after the historic meeting in Singapore between Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un. The leaders have both pledged peace but there are few details on how this will be accomplished. Yves Tiberghien (1:07), director emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia, joins the show to discuss what comes next. Then, Retail Insider’s Craig Patterson (13:57) discusses the latest scathing criticisms of Lululemon from founder Chip Wilson as well as how Canadian retailers are prepping for tariffs. Find Business in Vancouver stories in print and online at https://biv.com.

In this lecture, Sherri Kajiwara (Nikkei National Museum) traces the history of Japanese immigration to Canada and introduces several exhibits concerning the lived experiences of Japanese-Canadian internment and disposession in 1942 curated at the Nikkei National Museum. This presentation was delivered on 28th February, 2018 at the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver. 

In this lecture, Dr. Gideon Fujiwara (Lethbridge) discusses the ritualization of the "Utakai Hajime" imperial poetry reading-ceremony in the early Meiji Period.  Within the context of nation-building programs carried out by the Meiji government, the inclusion of poems composed by civilians in the poetry ceremony represented an attempt to make the imperial family more visible to the people. This presentation was delivered on 24th November, 2017 at the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver. 

In this presentation, Dr. David Howell (Harvard University) argues that the night-soil economy of Edo offers a novel way to situate late Tokugawa and early Meiji Japan into the broader history of the nineteenth-century world, while at the same time challenging the tendency to essentialize the “greenness” of early modern Japanese cities. This presentation was delivered on 10th November, 2017 at the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver. 

In this episode, we examine what transpired at the Chinese Communist Party’s 19 Party Congress. We discuss the significance of the Party Congress’ outcomes and its implications for Chinese President Xi's authority. What will Xi do with his growing power? Peter Mattis is a Fellow in the China Program at The Jamestown Foundation, where he served as editor of the foundation’s China Brief, a biweekly electronic journal on greater China, from 2011 to 2013. He previously worked in the U.S. Government and the National Bureau of Asian Research. He is the author of Analyzing the Chinese Military: A Review Essay and Resource Guide on the People’s Liberation Army (2015).

On this episode of "Beyond the Lecture," we sat down with political scientist Nicholas Eberstadt to discuss the origins and causes of the decline of work for American men. "Men without Work" is the title Eberstadt’s latest book. It’s about the radical decline in employment of working age American men over the past half-century. This worrying trend is not about a lack of available jobs, however. It evidences instead something even more worrisome: a decline in skilled labor, mass exits from the labor force, opioid addiction, and the resulting lack of motivation to work at all. Eberstadt is the Henry Wendt Chair in Political Economy at the American Enterprise Institute, in Washington, DC, and a senior adviser to the National Bureau of Asian Research. A Bosch Fellow in Public Policy at the American Academy in 2008, he was back in early November as the Kurt Viermetz Distinguished Visitor. Host: R. Jay Magill Photo: Ralph K. Penno

Professor Emerita at the Institute of Asian Research, University of British Columbia, Canada will discuss her two books: Women in the Hindu Tradition: Rules, Roles and Exceptions as well as Faces of the Feminine in Ancient, Medieval and Modern India. AT THE BOTTOM OF THE HOUR, John Storm, hereditary witch of a matriarchal clan, author of the Witch Clan fantasy series discusses the Witch vs. Warlock, Pagans Today vs. Pre-Christian Pagans, Is there a glamour over the eyes and minds of the country?