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Yesterday, the self-styled San Francisco “progressive” Joan Williams was on the show arguing that Democrats need to relearn the language of the American working class. But, as some of you have noted, Williams seems oblivious to the fact that politics is about more than simply aping other people's language. What you say matters, and the language of American working class, like all industrial working classes, is rooted in a critique of capitalism. She should probably read the New Yorker staff writer John Cassidy's excellent new book, Capitalism and its Critics, which traces capitalism's evolution and criticism from the East India Company through modern times. He defines capitalism as production for profit by privately-owned companies in markets, encompassing various forms from Chinese state capitalism to hyper-globalization. The book examines capitalism's most articulate critics including the Luddites, Marx, Engels, Thomas Carlisle, Adam Smith, Rosa Luxemburg, Keynes & Hayek, and contemporary figures like Sylvia Federici and Thomas Piketty. Cassidy explores how major economists were often critics of their era's dominant capitalist model, and untangles capitalism's complicated relationship with colonialism, slavery and AI which he regards as a potentially unprecedented economic disruption. This should be essential listening for all Democrats seeking to reinvent a post Biden-Harris party and message. 5 key takeaways* Capitalism has many forms - From Chinese state capitalism to Keynesian managed capitalism to hyper-globalization, all fitting the basic definition of production for profit by privately-owned companies in markets.* Great economists are typically critics - Smith criticized mercantile capitalism, Keynes critiqued laissez-faire capitalism, and Hayek/Friedman opposed managed capitalism. Each generation's leading economists challenge their era's dominant model.* Modern corporate structure has deep roots - The East India Company was essentially a modern multinational corporation with headquarters, board of directors, stockholders, and even a private army - showing capitalism's organizational continuity across centuries.* Capitalism is intertwined with colonialism and slavery - Industrial capitalism was built on pre-existing colonial and slave systems, particularly through the cotton industry and plantation economies.* AI represents a potentially unprecedented disruption - Unlike previous technological waves, AI may substitute rather than complement human labor on a massive scale, potentially creating political backlash exceeding even the "China shock" that contributed to Trump's rise.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. A couple of days ago, we did a show with Joan Williams. She has a new book out, "Outclassed: How the Left Lost the Working Class and How to Win Them Back." A book about language, about how to talk to the American working class. She also had a piece in Jacobin Magazine, an anti-capitalist magazine, about how the left needs to speak to what she calls average American values. We talked, of course, about Bernie Sanders and AOC and their language of fighting oligarchy, and the New York Times followed that up with "The Enduring Power of Anti-Capitalism in American Politics."But of course, that brings the question: what exactly is capitalism? I did a little bit of research. We can find definitions of capitalism from AI, from Wikipedia, even from online dictionaries, but I thought we might do a little better than relying on Wikipedia and come to a man who's given capitalism and its critics a great deal of thought. John Cassidy is well known as a staff writer at The New Yorker. He's the author of a wonderful book, the best book, actually, on the dot-com insanity. And his new book, "Capitalism and its Critics," is out this week. John, congratulations on the book.So I've got to be a bit of a schoolmaster with you, John, and get some definitions first. What exactly is capitalism before we get to criticism of it?John Cassidy: Yeah, I mean, it's a very good question, Andrew. Obviously, through the decades, even the centuries, there have been many different definitions of the term capitalism and there are different types of capitalism. To not be sort of too ideological about it, the working definition I use is basically production for profit—that could be production of goods or mostly in the new and, you know, in today's economy, production of services—for profit by companies which are privately owned in markets. That's a very sort of all-encompassing definition.Within that, you can have all sorts of different types of capitalism. You can have Chinese state capitalism, you can have the old mercantilism, which industrial capitalism came after, which Trump seems to be trying to resurrect. You can have Keynesian managed capitalism that we had for 30 or 40 years after the Second World War, which I grew up in in the UK. Or you can have sort of hyper-globalization, hyper-capitalism that we've tried for the last 30 years. There are all those different varieties of capitalism consistent with a basic definition, I think.Andrew Keen: That keeps you busy, John. I know you started this project, which is a big book and it's a wonderful book. I read it. I don't always read all the books I have on the show, but I read from cover to cover full of remarkable stories of the critics of capitalism. You note in the beginning that you began this in 2016 with the beginnings of Trump. What was it about the 2016 election that triggered a book about capitalism and its critics?John Cassidy: Well, I was reporting on it at the time for The New Yorker and it struck me—I covered, I basically covered the economy in various forms for various publications since the late 80s, early 90s. In fact, one of my first big stories was the stock market crash of '87. So yes, I am that old. But it seemed to me in 2016 when you had Bernie Sanders running from the left and Trump running from the right, but both in some way offering very sort of similar critiques of capitalism. People forget that Trump in 2016 actually was running from the left of the Republican Party. He was attacking big business. He was attacking Wall Street. He doesn't do that these days very much, but at the time he was very much posing as the sort of outsider here to protect the interests of the average working man.And it seemed to me that when you had this sort of pincer movement against the then ruling model, this wasn't just a one-off. It seemed to me it was a sort of an emerging crisis of legitimacy for the system. And I thought there could be a good book written about how we got to here. And originally I thought it would be a relatively short book just based on the last sort of 20 or 30 years since the collapse of the Cold War and the sort of triumphalism of the early 90s.But as I got into it more and more, I realized that so many of the issues which had been raised, things like globalization, rising inequality, monopoly power, exploitation, even pollution and climate change, these issues go back to the very start of the capitalist system or the industrial capitalist system back in sort of late 18th century, early 19th century Britain. So I thought, in the end, I thought, you know what, let's just do the whole thing soup to nuts through the eyes of the critics.There have obviously been many, many histories of capitalism written. I thought that an original way to do it, or hopefully original, would be to do a sort of a narrative through the lives and the critiques of the critics of various stages. So that's, I hope, what sets it apart from other books on the subject, and also provides a sort of narrative frame because, you know, I am a New Yorker writer, I realize if you want people to read things, you've got to make it readable. Easiest way to make things readable is to center them around people. People love reading about other people. So that's sort of the narrative frame. I start off with a whistleblower from the East India Company back in the—Andrew Keen: Yeah, I want to come to that. But before, John, my sense is that to simplify what you're saying, this is a labor of love. You're originally from Leeds, the heart of Yorkshire, the center of the very industrial revolution, the first industrial revolution where, in your historical analysis, capitalism was born. Is it a labor of love? What's your family relationship with capitalism? How long was the family in Leeds?John Cassidy: Right, I mean that's a very good question. It is a labor of love in a way, but it's not—our family doesn't go—I'm from an Irish family, family of Irish immigrants who moved to England in the 1940s and 1950s. So my father actually did start working in a big mill, the Kirkstall Forge in Leeds, which is a big steel mill, and he left after seeing one of his co-workers have his arms chopped off in one of the machinery, so he decided it wasn't for him and he spent his life working in the construction industry, which was dominated by immigrants as it is here now.So I don't have a—it's not like I go back to sort of the start of the industrial revolution, but I did grow up in the middle of Leeds, very working class, very industrial neighborhood. And what a sort of irony is, I'll point out, I used to, when I was a kid, I used to play golf on a municipal golf course called Gotts Park in Leeds, which—you know, most golf courses in America are sort of in the affluent suburbs, country clubs. This was right in the middle of Armley in Leeds, which is where the Victorian jail is and a very rough neighborhood. There's a small bit of land which they built a golf course on. It turns out it was named after one of the very first industrialists, Benjamin Gott, who was a wool and textile industrialist, and who played a part in the Luddite movement, which I mention.So it turns out, I was there when I was 11 or 12, just learning how to play golf on this scrappy golf course. And here I am, 50 years later, writing about Benjamin Gott at the start of the Industrial Revolution. So yeah, no, sure. I think it speaks to me in a way that perhaps it wouldn't to somebody else from a different background.Andrew Keen: We did a show with William Dalrymple, actually, a couple of years ago. He's been on actually since, the Anglo or Scottish Indian historian. His book on the East India Company, "The Anarchy," is a classic. You begin in some ways your history of capitalism with the East India Company. What was it about the East India Company, John, that makes it different from other for-profit organizations in economic, Western economic history?John Cassidy: I mean, I read that. It's a great book, by the way. That was actually quoted in my chapter on these. Yeah, I remember. I mean, the reason I focused on it was for two reasons. Number one, I was looking for a start, a narrative start to the book. And it seemed to me, you know, the obvious place to start is with the start of the industrial revolution. If you look at economics history textbooks, that's where they always start with Arkwright and all the inventors, you know, who were the sort of techno-entrepreneurs of their time, the sort of British Silicon Valley, if you could think of it as, in Lancashire and Derbyshire in the late 18th century.So I knew I had to sort of start there in some way, but I thought that's a bit pat. Is there another way into it? And it turns out that in 1772 in England, there was a huge bailout of the East India Company, very much like the sort of 2008, 2009 bailout of Wall Street. The company got into trouble. So I thought, you know, maybe there's something there. And I eventually found this guy, William Bolts, who worked for the East India Company, turned into a whistleblower after he was fired for finagling in India like lots of the people who worked for the company did.So that gave me two things. Number one, it gave me—you know, I'm a writer, so it gave me something to focus on a narrative. His personal history is very interesting. But number two, it gave me a sort of foundation because industrial capitalism didn't come from nowhere. You know, it was built on top of a pre-existing form of capitalism, which we now call mercantile capitalism, which was very protectionist, which speaks to us now. But also it had these big monopolistic multinational companies.The East India Company, in some ways, was a very modern corporation. It had a headquarters in Leadenhall Street in the city of London. It had a board of directors, it had stockholders, the company sent out very detailed instructions to the people in the field in India and Indonesia and Malaysia who were traders who bought things from the locals there, brought them back to England on their company ships. They had a company army even to enforce—to protect their operations there. It was an incredible multinational corporation.So that was also, I think, fascinating because it showed that even in the pre-existing system, you know, big corporations existed, there were monopolies, they had royal monopolies given—first the East India Company got one from Queen Elizabeth. But in some ways, they were very similar to modern monopolistic corporations. And they had some of the problems we've seen with modern monopolistic corporations, the way they acted. And Bolts was the sort of first corporate whistleblower, I thought. Yeah, that was a way of sort of getting into the story, I think. Hopefully, you know, it's just a good read, I think.William Bolts's story because he was—he came from nowhere, he was Dutch, he wasn't even English and he joined the company as a sort of impoverished young man, went to India like a lot of English minor aristocrats did to sort of make your fortune. The way the company worked, you had to sort of work on company time and make as much money as you could for the company, but then in your spare time you're allowed to trade for yourself. So a lot of the—without getting into too much detail, but you know, English aristocracy was based on—you know, the eldest child inherits everything, so if you were the younger brother of the Duke of Norfolk, you actually didn't inherit anything. So all of these minor aristocrats, so major aristocrats, but who weren't first born, joined the East India Company, went out to India and made a fortune, and then came back and built huge houses. Lots of the great manor houses in southern England were built by people from the East India Company and they were known as Nabobs, which is an Indian term. So they were the sort of, you know, billionaires of their time, and it was based on—as I say, it wasn't based on industrial capitalism, it was based on mercantile capitalism.Andrew Keen: Yeah, the beginning of the book, which focuses on Bolts and the East India Company, brings to mind for me two things. Firstly, the intimacy of modern capitalism, modern industrial capitalism with colonialism and of course slavery—lots of books have been written on that. Touch on this and also the relationship between the birth of capitalism and the birth of liberalism or democracy. John Stuart Mill, of course, the father in many ways of Western democracy. His day job, ironically enough, or perhaps not ironically, was at the East India Company. So how do those two things connect, or is it just coincidental?John Cassidy: Well, I don't think it is entirely coincidental, I mean, J.S. Mill—his father, James Mill, was also a well-known philosopher in the sort of, obviously, in the earlier generation, earlier than him. And he actually wrote the official history of the East India Company. And I think they gave his son, the sort of brilliant protégé, J.S. Mill, a job as largely as a sort of sinecure, I think. But he did go in and work there in the offices three or four days a week.But I think it does show how sort of integral—the sort of—as you say, the inheritor and the servant in Britain, particularly, of colonial capitalism was. So the East India Company was, you know, it was in decline by that stage in the middle of the 19th century, but it didn't actually give up its monopoly. It wasn't forced to give up its monopoly on the Indian trade until 1857, after, you know, some notorious massacres and there was a sort of public outcry.So yeah, no, that's—it's very interesting that the British—it's sort of unique to Britain in a way, but it's interesting that industrial capitalism arose alongside this pre-existing capitalist structure and somebody like Mill is a sort of paradoxical figure because actually he was quite critical of aspects of industrial capitalism and supported sort of taxes on the rich, even though he's known as the great, you know, one of the great apostles of the free market and free market liberalism. And his day job, as you say, he was working for the East India Company.Andrew Keen: What about the relationship between the birth of industrial capitalism, colonialism and slavery? Those are big questions and I know you deal with them in some—John Cassidy: I think you can't just write an economic history of capitalism now just starting with the cotton industry and say, you know, it was all about—it was all about just technical progress and gadgets, etc. It was built on a sort of pre-existing system which was colonial and, you know, the slave trade was a central element of that. Now, as you say, there have been lots and lots of books written about it, the whole 1619 project got an incredible amount of attention a few years ago. So I didn't really want to rehash all that, but I did want to acknowledge the sort of role of slavery, especially in the rise of the cotton industry because of course, a lot of the raw cotton was grown in the plantations in the American South.So the way I actually ended up doing that was by writing a chapter about Eric Williams, a Trinidadian writer who ended up as the Prime Minister of Trinidad when it became independent in the 1960s. But when he was younger, he wrote a book which is now regarded as a classic. He went to Oxford to do a PhD, won a scholarship. He was very smart. I won a sort of Oxford scholarship myself but 50 years before that, he came across the Atlantic and did an undergraduate degree in history and then did a PhD there and his PhD thesis was on slavery and capitalism.And at the time, in the 1930s, the link really wasn't acknowledged. You could read any sort of standard economic history written by British historians, and they completely ignored that. He made the argument that, you know, slavery was integral to the rise of capitalism and he basically started an argument which has been raging ever since the 1930s and, you know, if you want to study economic history now you have to sort of—you know, have to have to address that. And the way I thought, even though the—it's called the Williams thesis is very famous. I don't think many people knew much about where it came from. So I thought I'd do a chapter on—Andrew Keen: Yeah, that chapter is excellent. You mentioned earlier the Luddites, you're from Yorkshire where Luddism in some ways was born. One of the early chapters is on the Luddites. We did a show with Brian Merchant, his book, "Blood in the Machine," has done very well, I'm sure you're familiar with it. I always understood the Luddites as being against industrialization, against the machine, as opposed to being against capitalism. But did those two things get muddled together in the history of the Luddites?John Cassidy: I think they did. I mean, you know, Luddites, when we grew up, I mean you're English too, you know to be called a Luddite was a term of abuse, right? You know, you were sort of antediluvian, anti-technology, you're stupid. It was only, I think, with the sort of computer revolution, the tech revolution of the last 30, 40 years and the sort of disruptions it's caused, that people have started to look back at the Luddites and say, perhaps they had a point.For them, they were basically pre-industrial capitalism artisans. They worked for profit-making concerns, small workshops. Some of them worked for themselves, so they were sort of sole proprietor capitalists. Or they worked in small venues, but the rise of industrial capitalism, factory capitalism or whatever, basically took away their livelihoods progressively. So they associated capitalism with new technology. In their minds it was the same. But their argument wasn't really a technological one or even an economic one, it was more a moral one. They basically made the moral argument that capitalists shouldn't have the right to just take away their livelihoods with no sort of recompense for them.At the time they didn't have any parliamentary representation. You know, they weren't revolutionaries. The first thing they did was create petitions to try and get parliament to step in, sort of introduce some regulation here. They got turned down repeatedly by the sort of—even though it was a very aristocratic parliament, places like Manchester and Leeds didn't have any representation at all. So it was only after that that they sort of turned violent and started, you know, smashing machines and machines, I think, were sort of symbols of the system, which they saw as morally unjust.And I think that's sort of what—obviously, there's, you know, a lot of technological disruption now, so we can, especially as it starts to come for the educated cognitive class, we can sort of sympathize with them more. But I think the sort of moral critique that there's this, you know, underneath the sort of great creativity and economic growth that capitalism produces, there is also a lot of destruction and a lot of victims. And I think that message, you know, is becoming a lot more—that's why I think why they've been rediscovered in the last five or ten years and I'm one of the people I guess contributing to that rediscovery.Andrew Keen: There's obviously many critiques of capitalism politically. I want to come to Marx in a second, but your chapter, I thought, on Thomas Carlyle and this nostalgic conservatism was very important and there are other conservatives as well. John, do you think that—and you mentioned Trump earlier, who is essentially a nostalgist for a—I don't know, some sort of bizarre pre-capitalist age in America. Is there something particularly powerful about the anti-capitalism of romantics like Carlyle, 19th century Englishman, there were many others of course.John Cassidy: Well, I think so. I mean, I think what is—conservatism, when we were young anyway, was associated with Thatcherism and Reaganism, which, you know, lionized the free market and free market capitalism and was a reaction against the pre-existing form of capitalism, Keynesian capitalism of the sort of 40s to the 80s. But I think what got lost in that era was the fact that there have always been—you've got Hayek up there, obviously—Andrew Keen: And then Keynes and Hayek, the two—John Cassidy: Right, it goes to the end of that. They had a great debate in the 1930s about these issues. But Hayek really wasn't a conservative person, and neither was Milton Friedman. They were sort of free market revolutionaries, really, that you'd let the market rip and it does good things. And I think that that sort of a view, you know, it just became very powerful. But we sort of lost sight of the fact that there was also a much older tradition of sort of suspicion of radical changes of any type. And that was what conservatism was about to some extent. If you think about Baldwin in Britain, for example.And there was a sort of—during the Industrial Revolution, some of the strongest supporters of factory acts to reduce hours and hourly wages for women and kids were actually conservatives, Tories, as they were called at the time, like Ashley. That tradition, Carlyle was a sort of extreme representative of that. I mean, Carlyle was a sort of proto-fascist, let's not romanticize him, he lionized strongmen, Frederick the Great, and he didn't really believe in democracy. But he also had—he was appalled by the sort of, you know, the—like, what's the phrase I'm looking for? The sort of destructive aspects of industrial capitalism, both on the workers, you know, he said it was a dehumanizing system, sounded like Marx in some ways. That it dehumanized the workers, but also it destroyed the environment.He was an early environmentalist. He venerated the environment, was actually very strongly linked to the transcendentalists in America, people like Thoreau, who went to visit him when he visited Britain and he saw the sort of destructive impact that capitalism was having locally in places like Manchester, which were filthy with filthy rivers, etc. So he just saw the whole system as sort of morally bankrupt and he was a great writer, Carlyle, whatever you think of him. Great user of language, so he has these great ringing phrases like, you know, the cash nexus or calling it the Gospel of Mammonism, the shabbiest gospel ever preached under the sun was industrial capitalism.So, again, you know, that's a sort of paradoxical thing, because I think for so long conservatism was associated with, you know, with support for the free market and still is in most of the Republican Party, but then along comes Trump and sort of conquers the party with a, you know, more skeptical, as you say, romantic, not really based on any reality, but a sort of romantic view that America can stand by itself in the world. I mean, I see Trump actually as a sort of an effort to sort of throw back to mercantile capitalism in a way. You know, which was not just pre-industrial, but was also pre-democracy, run by monarchs, which I'm sure appeals to him, and it was based on, you know, large—there were large tariffs. You couldn't import things in the UK. If you want to import anything to the UK, you have to send it on a British ship because of the navigation laws. It was a very protectionist system and it's actually, you know, as I said, had a lot of parallels with what Trump's trying to do or tries to do until he backs off.Andrew Keen: You cheat a little bit in the book in the sense that you—everyone has their own chapter. We'll talk a little bit about Hayek and Smith and Lenin and Friedman. You do have one chapter on Marx, but you also have a chapter on Engels. So you kind of cheat. You combine the two. Is it possible, though, to do—and you've just written this book, so you know this as well as anyone. How do you write a book about capitalism and its critics and only really give one chapter to Marx, who is so dominant? I mean, you've got lots of Marxists in the book, including Lenin and Luxemburg. How fundamental is Marx to a criticism of capitalism? Is most criticism, especially from the left, from progressives, is it really just all a footnote to Marx?John Cassidy: I wouldn't go that far, but I think obviously on the left he is the central figure. But there's an element of sort of trying to rebuild Engels a bit in this. I mean, I think of Engels and Marx—I mean obviously Marx wrote the great classic "Capital," etc. But in the 1840s, when they both started writing about capitalism, Engels was sort of ahead of Marx in some ways. I mean, the sort of materialist concept, the idea that economics rules everything, Engels actually was the first one to come up with that in an essay in the 1840s which Marx then published in one of his—in the German newspaper he worked for at the time, radical newspaper, and he acknowledged openly that that was really what got him thinking seriously about economics, and even in the late—in 20, 25 years later when he wrote "Capital," all three volumes of it and the Grundrisse, just these enormous outpourings of analysis on capitalism.He acknowledged Engels's role in that and obviously Engels wrote the first draft of the Communist Manifesto in 1848 too, which Marx then topped and tailed and—he was a better writer obviously, Marx, and he gave it the dramatic language that we all know it for. So I think Engels and Marx together obviously are the central sort of figures in the sort of left-wing critique. But they didn't start out like that. I mean, they were very obscure, you've got to remember.You know, they were—when they were writing, Marx was writing "Capital" in London, it never even got published in English for another 20 years. It was just published in German. He was basically an expat. He had been thrown out of Germany, he had been thrown out of France, so England was last resort and the British didn't consider him a threat so they were happy to let him and the rest of the German sort of left in there. I think it became—it became the sort of epochal figure after his death really, I think, when he was picked up by the left-wing parties, which are especially the SPD in Germany, which was the first sort of socialist mass party and was officially Marxist until the First World War and there were great internal debates.And then of course, because Lenin and the Russians came out of that tradition too, Marxism then became the official doctrine of the Soviet Union when they adopted a version of it. And again there were massive internal arguments about what Marx really meant, and in fact, you know, one interpretation of the last 150 years of left-wing sort of intellectual development is as a sort of argument about what did Marx really mean and what are the important bits of it, what are the less essential bits of it. It's a bit like the "what did Keynes really mean" that you get in liberal circles.So yeah, Marx, obviously, this is basically an intellectual history of critiques of capitalism. In that frame, he is absolutely a central figure. Why didn't I give him more space than a chapter and a chapter and a half with Engels? There have been a million books written about Marx. I mean, it's not that—it's not that he's an unknown figure. You know, there's a best-selling book written in Britain about 20 years ago about him and then I was quoting, in my biographical research, I relied on some more recent, more scholarly biographies. So he's an endlessly fascinating figure but I didn't want him to dominate the book so I gave him basically the same space as everybody else.Andrew Keen: You've got, as I said, you've got a chapter on Adam Smith who's often considered the father of economics. You've got a chapter on Keynes. You've got a chapter on Friedman. And you've got a chapter on Hayek, all the great modern economists. Is it possible, John, to be a distinguished economist one way or the other and not be a critic of capitalism?John Cassidy: Well, I don't—I mean, I think history would suggest that the greatest economists have been critics of capitalism in their own time. People would say to me, what the hell have you got Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek in a book about critics of capitalism? They were great exponents, defenders of capitalism. They loved the system. That is perfectly true. But in the 1930s, 40s, 50s, 60s, and 70s, middle of the 20th century, they were actually arch-critics of the ruling form of capitalism at the time, which was what I call managed capitalism. What some people call Keynesianism, what other people call European social democracy, whatever you call it, it was a model of a mixed economy in which the government played a large role both in propping up demand and in providing an extensive social safety net in the UK and providing public healthcare and public education. It was a sort of hybrid model.Most of the economy in terms of the businesses remained in private hands. So most production was capitalistic. It was a capitalist system. They didn't go to the Soviet model of nationalizing everything and Britain did nationalize some businesses, but most places didn't. The US of course didn't but it was a form of managed capitalism. And Hayek and Friedman were both great critics of that and wanted to sort of move back to 19th century laissez-faire model.Keynes was a—was actually a great, I view him anyway, as really a sort of late Victorian liberal and was trying to protect as much of the sort of J.S. Mill view of the world as he could, but he thought capitalism had one fatal flaw: that it tended to fall into recessions and then they can snowball and the whole system can collapse which is what had basically happened in the early 1930s until Keynesian policies were adopted. Keynes sort of differed from a lot of his followers—I have a chapter on Joan Robinson in there, who were pretty left-wing and wanted to sort of use Keynesianism as a way to shift the economy quite far to the left. Keynes didn't really believe in that. He has a famous quote that, you know, once you get to full employment, you can then rely on the free market to sort of take care of things. He was still a liberal at heart.Going back to Adam Smith, why is he in a book on criticism of capitalism? And again, it goes back to what I said at the beginning. He actually wrote "The Wealth of Nations"—he explains in the introduction—as a critique of mercantile capitalism. His argument was that he was a pro-free trader, pro-small business, free enterprise. His argument was if you get the government out of the way, we don't need these government-sponsored monopolies like the East India Company. If you just rely on the market, the sort of market forces and competition will produce a good outcome. So then he was seen as a great—you know, he is then seen as the apostle of free market capitalism. I mean when I started as a young reporter, when I used to report in Washington, all the conservatives used to wear Adam Smith badges. You don't see Donald Trump wearing an Adam Smith badge, but that was the case.He was also—the other aspect of Smith, which I highlight, which is not often remarked on—he's also a critic of big business. He has a famous section where he discusses the sort of tendency of any group of more than three businessmen when they get together to try and raise prices and conspire against consumers. And he was very suspicious of, as I say, large companies, monopolies. I think if Adam Smith existed today, I mean, I think he would be a big supporter of Lina Khan and the sort of antitrust movement, he would say capitalism is great as long as you have competition, but if you don't have competition it becomes, you know, exploitative.Andrew Keen: Yeah, if Smith came back to live today, you have a chapter on Thomas Piketty, maybe he may not be French, but he may be taking that position about how the rich benefit from the structure of investment. Piketty's core—I've never had Piketty on the show, but I've had some of his followers like Emmanuel Saez from Berkeley. Yeah. How powerful is Piketty's critique of capitalism within the context of the classical economic analysis from Hayek and Friedman? Yeah, it's a very good question.John Cassidy: It's a very good question. I mean, he's a very paradoxical figure, Piketty, in that he obviously shot to world fame and stardom with his book on capital in the 21st century, which in some ways he obviously used the capital as a way of linking himself to Marx, even though he said he never read Marx. But he was basically making the same argument that if you leave capitalism unrestrained and don't do anything about monopolies etc. or wealth, you're going to get massive inequality and he—I think his great contribution, Piketty and the school of people, one of them you mentioned, around him was we sort of had a vague idea that inequality was going up and that, you know, wages were stagnating, etc.What he and his colleagues did is they produced these sort of scientific empirical studies showing in very simple to understand terms how the sort of share of income and wealth of the top 10 percent, the top 5 percent, the top 1 percent and the top 0.1 percent basically skyrocketed from the 1970s to about 2010. And it was, you know, he was an MIT PhD. Saez, who you mentioned, is a Berkeley professor. They were schooled in neoclassical economics at Harvard and MIT and places like that. So the right couldn't dismiss them as sort of, you know, lefties or Trots or whatever who're just sort of making this stuff up. They had to acknowledge that this was actually an empirical reality.I think it did change the whole basis of the debate and it was sort of part of this reaction against capitalism in the 2010s. You know it was obviously linked to the sort of Sanders and the Occupy Wall Street movement at the time. It came out of the—you know, the financial crisis as well when Wall Street disgraced itself. I mean, I wrote a previous book on all that, but people have sort of, I think, forgotten the great reaction against that a decade ago, which I think even Trump sort of exploited, as I say, by using anti-banker rhetoric at the time.So, Piketty was a great figure, I think, from, you know, I was thinking, who are the most influential critics of capitalism in the 21st century? And I think you'd have to put him up there on the list. I'm not saying he's the only one or the most eminent one. But I think he is a central figure. Now, of course, you'd think, well, this is a really powerful critic of capitalism, and nobody's going to pick up, and Bernie's going to take off and everything. But here we are a decade later now. It seems to be what the backlash has produced is a swing to the right, not a swing to the left. So that's, again, a sort of paradox.Andrew Keen: One person I didn't expect to come up in the book, John, and I was fascinated with this chapter, is Silvia Federici. I've tried to get her on the show. We've had some books about her writing and her kind of—I don't know, you treat her critique as a feminist one. The role of women. Why did you choose to write a chapter about Federici and that feminist critique of capitalism?John Cassidy: Right, right. Well, I don't think it was just feminist. I'll explain what I think it was. Two reasons. Number one, I wanted to get more women into the book. I mean, it's in some sense, it is a history of economics and economic critiques. And they are overwhelmingly written by men and women were sort of written out of the narrative of capitalism for a very long time. So I tried to include as many sort of women as actual thinkers as I could and I have a couple of early socialist feminist thinkers, Anna Wheeler and Flora Tristan and then I cover some of the—I cover Rosa Luxemburg as the great sort of tribune of the left revolutionary socialist, communist whatever you want to call it. Anti-capitalist I think is probably also important to note about. Yeah, and then I also have Joan Robinson, but I wanted somebody to do something in the modern era, and I thought Federici, in the world of the Wages for Housework movement, is very interesting from two perspectives.Number one, Federici herself is a Marxist, and I think she probably would still consider herself a revolutionary. She's based in New York, as you know now. She lived in New York for 50 years, but she came from—she's originally Italian and came out of the Italian left in the 1960s, which was very radical. Do you know her? Did you talk to her? I didn't talk to her on this. No, she—I basically relied on, there has been a lot of, as you say, there's been a lot of stuff written about her over the years. She's written, you know, she's given various long interviews and she's written a book herself, a version, a history of housework, so I figured it was all there and it was just a matter of pulling it together.But I think the critique, why the critique is interesting, most of the book is a sort of critique of how capitalism works, you know, in the production or you know, in factories or in offices or you know, wherever capitalist operations are working, but her critique is sort of domestic reproduction, as she calls it, the role of unpaid labor in supporting capitalism. I mean it goes back a long way actually. There was this moment, I sort of trace it back to the 1940s and 1950s when there were feminists in America who were demonstrating outside factories and making the point that you know, the factory workers and the operations of the factory, it couldn't—there's one of the famous sort of tire factory in California demonstrations where the women made the argument, look this factory can't continue to operate unless we feed and clothe the workers and provide the next generation of workers. You know, that's domestic reproduction. So their argument was that housework should be paid and Federici took that idea and a couple of her colleagues, she founded the—it's a global movement, but she founded the most famous branch in New York City in the 1970s. In Park Slope near where I live actually.And they were—you call it feminists, they were feminists in a way, but they were rejected by the sort of mainstream feminist movement, the sort of Gloria Steinems of the world, who Federici was very critical of because she said they ignored, they really just wanted to get women ahead in the sort of capitalist economy and they ignored the sort of underlying from her perspective, the underlying sort of illegitimacy and exploitation of that system. So they were never accepted as part of the feminist movement. They're to the left of the Feminist Movement.Andrew Keen: You mentioned Keynes, of course, so central in all this, particularly his analysis of the role of automation in capitalism. We did a show recently with Robert Skidelsky and I'm sure you're familiar—John Cassidy: Yeah, yeah, great, great biography of Keynes.Andrew Keen: Yeah, the great biographer of Keynes, whose latest book is "Mindless: The Human Condition in the Age of AI." You yourself wrote a brilliant book on the last tech mania and dot-com capitalism. I used it in a lot of my writing and books. What's your analysis of AI in this latest mania and the role generally of manias in the history of capitalism and indeed in critiquing capitalism? Is AI just the next chapter of the dot-com boom?John Cassidy: I think it's a very deep question. I think I'd give two answers to it. In one sense it is just the latest mania the way—I mean, the way capitalism works is we have these, I go back to Kondratiev, one of my Russian economists who ended up being killed by Stalin. He was the sort of inventor of the long wave theory of capitalism. We have these short waves where you have sort of booms and busts driven by finance and debt etc. But we also have long waves driven by technology.And obviously, in the last 40, 50 years, the two big ones are the original deployment of the internet and microchip technology in the sort of 80s and 90s culminating in the dot-com boom of the late 90s, which as you say, I wrote about. Thanks very much for your kind comments on the book. If you just sort of compare it from a financial basis I think they are very similar just in terms of the sort of role of hype from Wall Street in hyping up these companies. The sort of FOMO aspect of it among investors that they you know, you can't miss out. So just buy the companies blindly. And the sort of lionization in the press and the media of, you know, of AI as the sort of great wave of the future.So if you take a sort of skeptical market based approach, I would say, yeah, this is just another sort of another mania which will eventually burst and it looked like it had burst for a few weeks when Trump put the tariffs up, now the market seemed to be recovering. But I think there is, there may be something new about it. I am not, I don't pretend to be a technical expert. I try to rely on the evidence of or the testimony of people who know the systems well and also economists who have studied it. It seems to me the closer you get to it the more alarming it is in terms of the potential shock value that there is there.I mean Trump and the sort of reaction to a larger extent can be traced back to the China shock where we had this global shock to American manufacturing and sort of hollowed out a lot of the industrial areas much of it, like industrial Britain was hollowed out in the 80s. If you, you know, even people like Altman and Elon Musk, they seem to think that this is going to be on a much larger scale than that and will basically, you know, get rid of the professions as they exist. Which would be a huge, huge shock. And I think a lot of the economists who studied this, who four or five years ago were relatively optimistic, people like Daron Acemoglu, David Autor—Andrew Keen: Simon Johnson, of course, who just won the Nobel Prize, and he's from England.John Cassidy: Simon, I did an event with Simon earlier this week. You know they've studied this a lot more closely than I have but I do interview them and I think five, six years ago they were sort of optimistic that you know this could just be a new steam engine or could be a microchip which would lead to sort of a lot more growth, rising productivity, rising productivity is usually associated with rising wages so sure there'd be short-term costs but ultimately it would be a good thing. Now, I think if you speak to them, they see since the, you know, obviously, the OpenAI—the original launch and now there's just this huge arms race with no government involvement at all I think they're coming to the conclusion that rather than being developed to sort of complement human labor, all these systems are just being rushed out to substitute for human labor. And it's just going, if current trends persist, it's going to be a China shock on an even bigger scale.You know what is going to, if that, if they're right, that is going to produce some huge political backlash at some point, that's inevitable. So I know—the thing when the dot-com bubble burst, it didn't really have that much long-term impact on the economy. People lost the sort of fake money they thought they'd made. And then the companies, obviously some of the companies like Amazon and you know Google were real genuine profit-making companies and if you bought them early you made a fortune. But AI does seem a sort of bigger, scarier phenomenon to me. I don't know. I mean, you're close to it. What do you think?Andrew Keen: Well, I'm waiting for a book, John, from you. I think you can combine dot-com and capitalism and its critics. We need you probably to cover it—you know more about it than me. Final question, I mean, it's a wonderful book and we haven't even scratched the surface everyone needs to get it. I enjoyed the chapter, for example, on Karl Polanyi and so much more. I mean, it's a big book. But my final question, John, is do you have any regrets about anyone you left out? The one person I would have liked to have been included was Rawls because of his sort of treatment of capitalism and luck as a kind of casino. I'm not sure whether you gave any thought to Rawls, but is there someone in retrospect you should have had a chapter on that you left out?John Cassidy: There are lots of people I left out. I mean, that's the problem. I mean there have been hundreds and hundreds of critics of capitalism. Rawls, of course, incredibly influential and his idea of the sort of, you know, the veil of ignorance that you should judge things not knowing where you are in the income distribution and then—Andrew Keen: And it's luck. I mean the idea of some people get lucky and some people don't.John Cassidy: It is the luck of the draw, obviously, what card you pull. I think that is a very powerful critique, but I just—because I am more of an expert on economics, I tended to leave out philosophers and sociologists. I mean, you know, you could say, where's Max Weber? Where are the anarchists? You know, where's Emma Goldman? Where's John Kenneth Galbraith, the sort of great mid-century critic of American industrial capitalism? There's so many people that you could include. I mean, I could have written 10 volumes. In fact, I refer in the book to, you know, there's always been a problem. G.D.H. Cole, a famous English historian, wrote a history of socialism back in the 1960s and 70s. You know, just getting to 1850 took him six volumes. So, you've got to pick and choose, and I don't claim this is the history of capitalism and its critics. That would be a ridiculous claim to make. I just claim it's a history written by me, and hopefully the people are interested in it, and they're sufficiently diverse that you can address all the big questions.Andrew Keen: Well it's certainly incredibly timely. Capitalism and its critics—more and more of them. Sometimes they don't even describe themselves as critics of capitalism when they're talking about oligarchs or billionaires, they're really criticizing capitalism. A must read from one of America's leading journalists. And would you call yourself a critic of capitalism, John?John Cassidy: Yeah, I guess I am, to some extent, sure. I mean, I'm not a—you know, I'm not on the far left, but I'd say I'm a center-left critic of capitalism. Yes, definitely, that would be fair.Andrew Keen: And does the left need to learn? Does everyone on the left need to read the book and learn the language of anti-capitalism in a more coherent and honest way?John Cassidy: I hope so. I mean, obviously, I'd be talking my own book there, as they say, but I hope that people on the left, but not just people on the left. I really did try to sort of be fair to the sort of right-wing critiques as well. I included the Carlyle chapter particularly, obviously, but in the later chapters, I also sort of refer to this emerging critique on the right, the sort of economic nationalist critique. So hopefully, I think people on the right could read it to understand the critiques from the left, and people on the left could read it to understand some of the critiques on the right as well.Andrew Keen: Well, it's a lovely book. It's enormously erudite and simultaneously readable. Anyone who likes John Cassidy's work from The New Yorker will love it. Congratulations, John, on the new book, and I'd love to get you back on the show as anti-capitalism in America picks up steam and perhaps manifests itself in the 2028 election. Thank you so much.John Cassidy: Thanks very much for inviting me on, it was fun.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

Nach turbulenten Wochen hat Brandenburg mit René Wilke einen neuen Innenminister. Ministerpräsident Dietmar Woidke hat aber immer noch keinen Umgang mit der AfD gefunden – und die SPD wird unruhig. Von Christoph Richter

From missing instruments to delayed trays, delivering safe, on-time instrumentation is no easy feat. In this exciting series finale episode from our “Process Better” series, Mike Andresen, Director of Business Development at Medline, takes us inside the full scope of end-to-end instrument support—and the strategies that make it all work. From vendor partnerships to internal process improvement, Mike shares how collaboration across SPD and OR teams is driving smarter, more consistent results. If you're aiming to raise the standard for instrument quality in your SPD, Mike's insights deliver the clarity and insight to help you lead with confidence! This dynamic 5-part series takes you inside the core workflows of Sterile Processing—from point-of-use cleaning to instrument management and everything in between. With each episode, you'll hear real-world strategies to help your team improve consistency, boost collaboration, and elevate instrument quality from start to finish. Whether you're assembling trays, managing inventory, or training the next generation, this series is packed with insights to help your team process better every instrument, every time. A special thanks to our sponsor, Medline Industries, LP, for making this series possible! #BeyondClean #Medline #ProcessBetter #InstrumentReprocessing #SterileProcessing #VendorPartnerships #ProcessImprovement #Collaboration

Russland-Ukraine-Verhandlungen: Wie erfolgsversprechend sind die aktuellen Gespräche und welche Rolle spielt Donald Trump? SPD im Umbruch: Wie gelingt der Partei ein Neustart? Bei "maischberger" zu Gast: Der ehem. Finanzminister der SPD Peer Steinbrück, der Außenpolitik-Experte Wolfgang Ischinger & Trump-Unterstützer Andrew Langer. Es diskutieren die Moderatorin und Autorin Petra Gerster, der Politikchef bei t-online Christoph Schwennicke und die Journalistin Victoria Reichelt. Von Sandra Maischberger.

Podle prezidenta Petra Pavla je členství v NATO a v Evropské unii nejlepší garancí bezpečnosti a prosperity. Prezident to řekl po schůzce s lídry všech parlamentních stran s tím, že naše členství nikdo z nich nezpochybnil. Proč se vůči tomu parlamentní SPD ohrazuje? „Prosperitu zatím vůbec žádnou nevidím. Co se týče záruky bezpečnosti, tak tím si také nejsem úplně jist,“ říká v pořadu Dvacet minut Radiožurnálu poslanec a bývalý diplomat Jiří Kobza (SPD).

On this week's episode of Everything is Cleaner in Texas, we're wrangling one of the toughest, sneakiest outlaws in SPD — the one and only biofilm! Join host Dusty Glass as he sits down with STERIS's Amy Williams to break down how this invisible threat forms, spreads, and sticks around longer than it should. From point-of-use cleaning to the risks of dried-on bioburden, Amy shares practical insights, tough truths, and the strategies every frontline team needs to know to stop biofilm in its tracks. If you've ever wondered how biofilm forms—or how to stop the spread—this episode is packed with the tools you need to #FightDirty! A special thanks to our sponsor, STERIS IMS, for making this series possible! Their commitment to education and excellence in the Sterile Processing industry has been instrumental in bringing this series to life. Make sure to follow us on LinkedIn and Facebook so you never miss a new episode! After finishing this interview, earn your 1 CE credit immediately by passing the short quiz linked below each week. Visit our CE Credit Hub at https://www.beyondcleanmedia.com/ce-credit-hub to access this quiz and over 350 other free CE credits.  #BeyondClean #STERISIMS #EverythingIsCleanerInTexas #SterileProcessing

This week… The Seattle City Council is considering putting 8-foot tall kiosks, equipped with cameras and advertising, downtown before the World Cup. Historically queer nude beach Denny Blaine Park is back in the news after SPD told some beachgoers that being nude is not legal in Seattle - newsflash, it is. And if you wanna keep your OG Seattleite card, maybe don’t change your phone number… You may not be able to get a 206 area code much longer. Stranger Queer Culture and Politics Reporter Vivian McCall and author and blogger Geraldine DeRuiter are here to break down the week. We can only make Seattle Now because listeners support us. Tap here to make a gift and keep Seattle Now in your feed. Got questions about local news or story ideas to share? We want to hear from you! Email us at seattlenow@kuow.org, leave us a voicemail at (206) 616-6746 or leave us feedback online.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

"Die Frage ist, ob wir alle so mit Kanzler Merz glücklich werden. Schauen wir mal, ob dieser Neukanzler uns auf die richtige Spur bringt. Angeschlagen ist er! Nie in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland hat es einen Kanzler gegeben, der mit Lügen und schwarzem Rauch erst einmal nicht gewählt wurde. Wenn eine 16-Prozent-Partei wie die SPD 75 Prozent des Haushaltes dominiert, dann ist da was falsch gelaufen und das sehen wir bei dieser Regierung. Ich trauere aber sehr, dass Frau Esken nichts geworden ist. Die hätte mir sehr viel gegeben”, kritisiert Rolf B. Pieper die aktuelle politische Situation. Der CEO der TRI Concept AG schaut auf analoge Sachwert-Konzepte: “Es ist gedreht: Viele Menschen denken zum ersten Mal über Vermögensschutz nach, zum ersten Mal auch über Länder-Diversifikation und man sieht es auch hier an den Ausstellern: Es wird sich mehr mit Edelmetallen beschäftigt. Es geht darum, die Lebens-Arbeits-Leistung zu sichern. Ich würde einen digitalen Fingerabdruck vermeiden oder wieder löschen. Denn wer alles im sichtbaren Bereich hat, wird unter die Räder kommen. Es bleibt aber nicht mehr viel Zeit." Alle Infos im Interview von Inside Wirtschaft-Chefredakteur Manuel Koch vom Finanzevent Invest in Stuttgart und auf http://rolf-pieper.com Das Interview wurde am 9.5.2025 auf dem Finanzevent Invest in Stuttgart geführt.

Ankara – Antalya – Istanbul. In der Türkei verläuft in diesen Tagen die diplomatische Front des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine. Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin hat direkte Gespräche in der Türkei vorgeschlagen bleibt aber in Moskau und schickt stattdessen eine Delegation aus Präsidentenberater und Vizeministern. Diese wird von ukrainischer Seite als reine Provokation aufgefasst. Denn aus Kyjiw reiste Präsident Selenskyj an samt Ministerriege dem Chef des Sicherheitsdienstes, sowie dem einflussreichen Leiter des Präsidentenbüros. Heute laufen in Istanbul dennoch direkte Gespräche unter türkischer Regie. Es sind die ersten seit Frühjahr 2022 kurz nach Beginn der völkerrechtswidrigen Großinvasion. Was bringen die Gespräche in der Türkei? Wie geht es weiter im Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Was bedeutet das für die globale Sicherheitsarchitektur? Andrea Beer diskutiert mit Prof. Dr. Gerlinde Groitl – Politologin an der Uni Regensburg; Wolfgang Richter – Associate Fellow am Genfer Zentrum für Sicherheitspolitik und Oberst a.D.; Alexey Yusupov – Leiter des Russlandbüros der SPD nahen Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Berlin

Cancelarul Friedrich Merz și-a anunțat planurile într-un important discurs în fața Bundestagului. În fața amenințării rusești, coalița de guvernare și-a făcut planurile, dar extrema dreaptă se opune. Cancelarul Friedrich Merz dorește să facă din armata germană „cea mai puternică din Europa în termeni convenționali”.În timpul discursului său de politică generală de miercuri, noul cancelar a descris consolidarea Bundeswehr-ului drept „o prioritate absolută” pentru a se proteja împotriva amenințării rusești și a incertitudinilor legate de schimbarea strategică americană.Anunțul vine „la o săptămână după ce coaliția sa cu social-democrații a ajuns la putere și a deblocat câteva sute de miliarde de euro pentru cheltuieli militare.Promițând un sprijin „puternic și continuu” pentru Ucraina, cancelarul a reiterat, de asemenea, că „Germania nu este o terță parte neimplicată sau un mediator neutru”.Citeste siStarea armatei federale germaneLiderul „marii coaliții” (CDU/CSU – SPD) nu s-a ferit de cuvinte, subliniind „dimensiunea descurajatoare a creșterii resurselor militare”.Este o schimbare fundamentală de orientare. Marcată de al Doilea Război Mondial, Germania a investit puțin în zona de apărare, bazându-se pe puterea americană în cadrul NATO.Dar agresiunea rusească asupra Ucrainei a marcat o cotitură istorică în abordarea Berlinului.Primul pas în această nouă ambiție va fi instituirea unui „nou serviciu militar voluntar atractiv”.Un compromis din partea principalului partid al coaliției, CDU, comentează Le Monde. Formațiunea de centru-dreapta care spera să revină la serviciul militar obligatoriu abolit în 2011, a trebuit să cedeze în fața opoziției SPD, partenerul său de coaliție.Citeste siO fabrică de trenuri din Germania va fi transformată pentru a produce tancuriAcelași ziar francez amintește că încă din mai 2022, după ce a anunțat crearea unui fond special de 100 de miliarde de euro, fostul cancelar Olaf Scholz declara, de asemenea, că „Germania va avea în curând cea mai mare armată convențională din Europa în cadrul NATO”.În ciuda unei armate subfinanțate de mult timp, Germania este astăzi una dintre principalele puteri militare din Uniunea Europeană. În 2025, era a treia ca număr de militari, după Polonia și Franța. Dar, ținând cont și de criterii mai largi, potrivit site-ului american Global Firepower, ea se plasează după Franța și Italia.Noul cancelar și-a făcut din accelerarea reînarmării Germaniei o prioritate, anunțând la doar zece zile după alegerile din 23 februarie o reformă constituțională menită să permită Germaniei să se împrumute pentru a-și finanța cheltuielile militare sporite.Deși intenționează să consolideze armata țării sale, noul cancelar nu vrea să pună în pericol legătura transatlantică. Merz a promis „fiabilitate și predictibilitate” partenerilor și aliaților săi, „un semn clar către Statele Unite”, după cum subliniază Der Spiegel. Extrema dreaptă germană se opune însă planurilor marii coaliții.Alice Weidel, co-președinta partidului AfD, l-a atacat pe cancelarul  Merz pentru că dorește să dubleze datoria federală. Ea a acuzat în același timp „retorica sa marțială menită să distragă atenția de la problemele interne”, după cum remarcă Le Monde. Pentru redactarea acestui articol a fost folosit ca sursă portalui Toute L'Europe

Ein Haudegen warnte sie: „Du wirst sehr einsam sein.“ Wieder so ein Kerl, der ihr Angst machen will, dachte sie. Leider hatte er Recht. Saskia Esken war zuletzt sehr einsam an der Spitze der SPD, vielleicht noch einsamer als Olaf Scholz, zu dem „eine große Freundschaft entstanden“ sei. Auch mit ihrem Co-Vorsitzenden Lars Klingbeil pflege sie ein „freundschaftliches Verhältnis“; mit ihm würde sie gern mal eine Woche nach Venedig fahren. Echt jetzt? Im Gespräch mit Suse und Hajo Schumacher verrät die Politikerin, von der sich Deutschland gern provozieren läßt, über Resilienztraining im Elternbeirat, den ewigen Kampf der Frauen, ihr Selbstverständnis als „Berufs-Nerd“ und ihre Angstfreiheit, die vielen Menschen Angst macht. Unsere Themen: Wo sie bei den Koalitionsverhandlungen nachgegeben hat. Eine Entschuldigungs-SMS von und eine an Olaf Scholz. Warum Straßenmusik in Stuttgart eine gute Vorbereitung auf Markus Söder ist. Von der Freude, Grenzen zu testen. Mütter, Macht und zweite Karrieren. Stolz auf Bärbel Bas. Und dann nahm sie ihre Gitarre. Plus: „Ich habe mit Sicherheit auch genervt..“ Folge 940. Michael Meisheit + Hajo SchumacherLügen haben schnelle Beine – Laufende Ermittlungen, Band 2Droemer Verlag, 2025.Suse SchumacherDie Psychologie des Waldes, Kailash Verlag, 2024Michael Meisheit + Hajo Schumacher Nur der Tod ist schneller – Laufende Ermittlungen, Kriminalroman, Droemer Knaur Verlag.Kathrin Hinrichs + Hajo SchumacherBuch: "Ich frage für einen Freund..." Das Sex-ABC für Spaß in den besten JahrenKlartext Verlag.Kostenlose Meditationen für mehr Freundlichkeit (Metta) und Gelassenheit (Reise zum guten Ort) unter suseschumacher.deDem MutMachPodcast auf Instagram folgen Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Celé týdny nikde nic a najednou se s kampaněmi roztrhl pytel. Slavnostní zahájení má tento týden Spolu i Motoristé, STAN chystá další fázi kampaně, SPD spustí jarmark a Šlachta rozjíždí pípu.Oficiální zahájení kampaně Spolu se odehrálo v úterý v Praze, víc očekávaná je ale první premiérova debata, kterou moderuje herečka a standup komička Iva Pazderková. Jenže ta se koná ve čtvrtek navečer v Jihlavě - chvíli poté, co skončí první jarmark SPD tamtéž.„Nepochybuju o tom, že Tomio Okamura poradí svým voličům, aby to šli premiérovi vytmavit. Minimálně v ODS mají obavy, že se situace na místě zvrtne. Aby tam na něj nakonec voliči SPD neházeli levně nakoupená vejce z jarmarku,“ říká ve Vlevo dole Lucie Stuchlíková.„V ODS si myslí, že silná stránka premiéra je, že dokáže ustát konfrontaci, jako to předvedl nedávno na Masarykově univerzitě,“ popisuje Václav Dolejší. Jenže může politik vůbec vyjít pozitivně ze situace, kdy mu přijde nadávat někdo, koho žádné argumenty nezajímají?„Podle mě je to nešťastná náhoda, která bude nepříjemná hlavně pro premiéra. Protože ta první událost často udá tón celé kampani,“ dodává v podcastu Dolejší.Ale zajímavé to bude i na samotném jarmarku SPD. Kromě podezřele levné mrkve, vajec a piva Tomio Okamura slibuje také koncert kapely Chirurgové z dovozu. Jenže není vůbec jasné, co to znamená.„Mluvčí SPD nebyla schopná odpovědět, jestli to bude skutečná kapela nebo nějaké promítání. Údajné stránky kapely vypadají napůl jako vygenerované AI, napůl jako recese nebo trolling. Nemůžu se dočkat, jak to nakonec s koncertem bude,“ těší se Lucie Stuchlíková.Skutečně marketéři nedokážou před volbami vymyslet nic lepšího než pivo? Přijede Filip Turek na zahájení kampaně po Vltavě na šlapadle ve tvaru autíčka? A čím bude kontrovat STAN? Poslechněte si aktuální Vlevo dole!A nezapomeňte pro svůj oblíbený podcast hlasovat v anketě Podcast roku. Děkujeme!----Vlevo dole řeší politické kauzy, boje o vliv i šeptandu z kuloárů Sněmovny. Vychází každou středu v poledne.Podcast pro vás připravují Lucie Stuchlíková (@StuchlikovLucie) a Václav Dolejší (@VacDol), reportéři Seznam Zpráv.Další podcasty, ale taky články, komentáře a videa najdete na zpravodajském serveru Seznam Zprávy. Poslouchejte nás na webu Seznam Zpráv, na Podcasty.cz nebo ve své oblíbené podcastové aplikaci.Své názory, návrhy, otázky, stížnosti nebo pochvaly nám můžete posílat na adresu audio@sz.cz.Sledujte @SeznamZpravy na sociálních sítích: Twitter // Facebook // Instagram.Seznam Zprávy jsou zdrojem původních informací, nezávislé investigace, originální publicistiky.

Data drives improvement in business, and healthcare is no exception. With the effective use of a quality management system (QMS), Sterile Processing (SP) professionals can use data they already collect, including sterilizer printouts and biological monitoring, to improve processes and make their work more efficient and accurate. In episode 126, host Casey Czarnowski speaks with Hannah Schroeder of Pure Processing about QMS in the Sterile Processing department (SPD). Schroeder provides a high-level introduction to the QMS process. She discusses its key components, ways to incorporate a QMS in various areas of the SPD, relevant standards and guidelines, and diverse strategies for measuring QMS effectiveness. Listen to learn how a QMS can reveal trends and help SP leaders advocate for resources, such as additional staff, equipment or space. Hannah Schroeder, Clinical Education Specialist, Pure Processing In her current role, Hannah Schroeder brings her passion and experience in sterile processing to the forefront. Schroeder began as a technician in 2017 and became an education coordinator after progressing through various, advancing roles. Her expertise covers areas such as process improvement, recruitment, education and construction project management. She strives to raise awareness and advocate for the needs and education of professionals in the instrument reprocessing profession. Sponsored by Pure Processing Pure Processing is an innovator and manufacturer of sterile processing and endoscope reprocessing technologies. The company focuses on ergonomic solutions that support SPD and GI teams in their effort to keep patients safe. By collaborating with customers and maintaining a deep understanding of industry standards and guidelines, Pure Processing develops solutions truly designed to meet the unique needs that come with instrument and endoscope reprocessing. Earn CE Now

Hour 3 Opinions must be made only with knowledge of every single ounce of knowledge. The press coverup of Biden and why it's important. South African refugees are attacked by the left! The best qualified candidate should get the job. Period. Palmer invites people to the Appreciation Tour! Drift Away Cafe wants to host an event as well. SPD members make an allegation against their superiors. Audio from WGIG-AM and FM in Brunswick, GA Audio from WGIG-AM and FM in Brunswick, GA

Lars Klingbeil macht seinem Namen derzeit alle Ehre. Doch ganz widerspruchslos will die SPD ihm nicht folgen. Das Personalkarussell dreht sich rasant, WDR 2 Satiriker Tobias Mann schaut zu und kommentiert. Von Tobias Mann.

Kinder sind die Zukunft, lautet ein gängiger Ausspruch. Und zugegeben, ein paar kleine Aufmerksamkeiten für junge Menschen stehen drin im Koalitionsvertrag: Eine Erhöhung des BAföG, mehr Teilhabe für Kinder in Armut, mehr Geld für Kitas und Schulen etc. Aber was ist mit den ganz großen sozialen Fragen, wenn es um die Rente der künftigen Generation geht? Um mehr Investitionen in den Klimaschutz? Um die Frage, wer für die Kosten der Zeitenwende in Sachen Infrastruktur, Sicherheit und Verteidigung aufkommt? SPD und Union haben da, aus Sicht vieler Fachleute bei ihren Ausgaben- und der Schuldenplanung, junge Menschen aus dem Blick verloren. Obwohl dieser Satz im Koalitionsvertrag steht auf Seite 54: “Es ist ein Gebot der Generationengerechtigkeit, verantwortungsvoll mit dem Geld umzugehen”. Wir besprechen das mit Luke Hoß, dem jüngsten Bundestagsabgeordneten (Linke), mit Frank Nullmeier, Politologe und Fachmann für Sozialpolitik an der Uni Bremen, mit Johannes Müller-Salo, Philosoph und Autor, der sich mit Klimakrise und Generationengerechtigkeit beschäftigt und mit Stefan Gosepath, Philosoph an der FU Berlin, der uns von den Ungerechtigkeiten des Erbens erzählt. Podcast-Tipp: SWR Das Wissen Boomer, Millenials, Gen Z - Was die Generationen trennt und eint Die Boomer haben die Welt zerstört, die Millennials sind verweichlicht, die Gen Z viel zu anspruchsvoll. Seit Jahrzehnten labeln Gesellschaften Alterskohorten in bestimmte "Generationen". Doch was ist dran an diesen Zuschreibungen? Nützen uns diese Schubladen? https://www.ardaudiothek.de/episode/das-wissen/boomer-millenials-gen-z-was-die-generationen-trennt-und-eint/swr-kultur/13422775/

Friedrich Merz, der neue Bundeskanzler, hielt seine erste Regierungserklärung im Bundestag. Er tauschte die Wahlkampfrhetorik gegen die des Staatsmanns und betonte den Zusammenhalt und die Zusammenarbeit mit der SPD. Merz streckte seinem Vorgänger Scholz die Hand aus und zollte ihm Respekt für dessen Krisenmanagement.

From the shelf to the sterile field, smart inventory makes all the difference! In this week's new episode from our “Process Better” series, Tracy Smith, National Market Sales Director at Medline, takes us inside the everyday realities of supply management across SPD and the OR. From improving pick accuracy to staying ahead of expirations, Tracy shares practical strategies to help teams bring structure and consistency to their inventory process. Whether you're trying to stay ahead of expiration dates or chasing down missing items, this episode offers the insight and tools you need to take control of your supply game—one pick at a time. Tune in today! This dynamic 5-part series takes you inside the core workflows of Sterile Processing—from point-of-use cleaning to instrument management and everything in between. With each episode, you'll hear real-world strategies to help your team improve consistency, boost collaboration, and elevate instrument quality from start to finish. Whether you're assembling trays, managing inventory, or training the next generation, this series is packed with insights to help your team process better every instrument, every time. A special thanks to our sponsor, Medline Industries, LP, for making this series possible! #BeyondClean #Medline #ProcessBetter #InstrumentReprocessing #SterileProcessing #SmartInventory #HealthcareSupplyChain #ExpirationDates

URSULA'S TOP STORIES: SPS sued by family of Garfield student killed // SPS, SPD pushing to get police back in schools // Are the Mariners bad again? // What needs to be fixed with American hospitals? // WE NEED TO TALK. . . The six definitive rules of office lunch etiquette

Die Themen von Lisa und Flo am 13.05.2025: (00:00:00) Ehrenamt: Warum Sportvereine gerade neue Leute brauchen. (00:02:16) Verjüngung: Wer nach der Regierungsbildung die Spitzenposten in der SPD bekommen soll. (00:07:03) PKK: Warum die Terrororganisation sich auflösen will und welche Vorteile das für Erdogan haben könnte. (00:11:48) Fake News: Wie Russland versucht, die Politik in Europa zu schwächen und was ein Taschentuch damit zu tun hat. Hier geht's zum Faktencheck: http://www.wdr.de/k/faktencheck-kokain-merz-macron-starmer (00:15:54) Pflege: Wie es jungen Menschen geht, die ihre eigenen Eltern pflegen. Hier geht's zum Podcast von Y-Kollektiv: http://www.wdr.de/k/podcast-y-kollektiv Habt ihr Fragen oder Feedback? Schickt uns gerne eine Sprachnachricht an 0151 15071635 oder schreibt uns an 0630@wdr.de Kommt auch gerne in unseren WhatsApp Channel https://1.ard.de/0630-Whatsapp-Kanal Hier könnt ihr einen QR-Code abscannen: https://1.ard.de/0630-bei-Whatsapp Von 0630.

Posloucháte rádi Ptám se já? I letos pro nás i další pořady z dílny Seznam Zpráv můžete hlasovat v anketě Podcast roku. Moc děkujeme za podporu a přejeme příjemný poslech této epizody. --Řada důležitých změn ve školství, které slibuje vládní novela, má namále. Kvůli spornému převodu financování nepedagogických pracovníků ze státu na kraje a obce totiž zákon už měsíce blokuje opozice. Projde novela školského zákona?Hostem Ptám se já byl ministr školství Mikuláš Bek (STAN). O novele školského zákona by měla Sněmovna finálně rozhodovat 28. května. Po obstrukcích opozice si pevný termín prosadili koaliční poslanci. Projednávání dlouho očekávaného zákona se přitom zadrhlo v podstatě na jednom bodě, převodu financování nepedagogických pracovníků ze státu na kraje a obce. Zástupci ANO a SPD vládě vytýkají, že navrhovaná reforma týkající se nepedagogů je nepřipravená, nedomyšlená a nechtějí ji ani samosprávy, školy ani školské odbory.Šéf resortu školství Mikuláš Bek (STAN) kritiku odmítá s tím, že vychází ze vzdělávací strategie, kterou schválila už předchozí vláda Andreje Babiše (ANO). Školy a jejich zřizovatelé se podle něho nemusejí obávat toho, že by peníze na platy školníků, uklízeček, kuchařek a administrativních pracovníků nedostaly.Ministr dlouhodobě čelí kritice nejen kvůli změně školského zákona. Ale také například kvůli revizi rámcových vzdělávacích programů nebo kvůli tomu, že se nepodařilo navýšit financování vzdělávání tak, jak si vláda předsevzala. Beka navíc průběžně kritizují i koaliční a straničtí partneři. Jak si vysvětluje svou nízkou popularitu? „Neškodím staně ani vládě, dělám kroky, které jsou důležité a správné. A samozřejmě každá změna je provázena určitou dávkou kritiky a obavami. Ale ty změny jsou potřeba,“ reagoval Bek a dodal: „Školství nezbytně potřebuje změny, nemůže je odkládat. Každý rok, který je odkládáme, se projevuje negativně, projevuje se na prohlubování nerovností. Ten systém zavedený  Robertem Plagou (ministrem školství ve vládě Andreje Babiše, pozn. red.) a předchozími sociálně demokratickými ministry selhal z hlediska řešení sociálních bariér ve školství.“ Připouští ministr variantu, že vypustí sporný převod financování nepedagogických pracovníků na zřizovatele? Budou na ně mít kraje dost peněz? A co tato vláda pro české školství za čtyři roky udělala? --Podcast Ptám se já. Rozhovory s lidmi, kteří mají vliv, odpovědnost, informace.Sledujte na Seznam Zprávách, poslouchejte na Podcasty.cz a ve všech podcastových aplikacích.Archiv všech dílů najdete tady. Své postřehy, připomínky nebo tipy nám pište prostřednictvím sociálních sítí pod hashtagem #ptamseja nebo na e-mail: audio@sz.cz.

Bärbel Bas soll neue Co-Chefin der SPD werden. Die USA und China einigen sich im Handelsstreit. Und Russland und die Ukraine planen direkte Friedensgespräche in Istanbul. Das ist die Lage am Montagabend. Hier die Artikel zum Nachlesen: Opposition in den USA: Wer sich bei den Demokraten gegen Trump warmläuft Friedensgespräche zum Ukrainekrieg: Selenskyj will in Istanbul auf Putin warten+++ Alle Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern finden Sie hier. Die SPIEGEL-Gruppe ist nicht für den Inhalt dieser Seite verantwortlich. +++ Den SPIEGEL-WhatsApp-Kanal finden Sie hier. Alle SPIEGEL Podcasts finden Sie hier. Mehr Hintergründe zum Thema erhalten Sie mit SPIEGEL+. Entdecken Sie die digitale Welt des SPIEGEL, unter spiegel.de/abonnieren finden Sie das passende Angebot. Informationen zu unserer Datenschutzerklärung.

Bundesarbeitsministerin Bärbel Bas soll mit Lars Klingbeil Vorsitz der SPD bilden, Beginn der deutsch-israelischen diplomatischen Beziehungen vor 60 Jahren, Deutsches Verhältnis zu Israel und dem Nahen Osten, Die Meinung, Selbstauflösung der kurdischen Arbeiterpartei PKK, Plädoyers im Prozess gegen Rapper Sean "Diddy" Combs, Weitere Meldungen im Überblick, #mittendrin aus Geislingen an der Steige: Kunst auf dem Land, Das Wetter Korrektur: Die Sendung wurde nachträglich bearbeitet.

Die Politik will den Digitalisierungs-Turbo anwerfen. Die Älteren bleiben dabei auf der Strecke, meint unser Gast. Und: Bei der Erfassung der Verkehrssünder in Flensburg ist noch Luft nach oben, sagt unser Kollege. Unser Host schaut auf Saskia Esken. Von WDR 5.

Bärbel Bas und Lars Klingbeil wollen künftig gemeinsam die SPD führen. Die Arbeitsministerin kündigte an, beim Bundesparteitag Ende Juni für das Amt der Co-Vorsitzenden zu kandidieren. Sie habe dafür die Unterstützung von SPD-Präsidium und Vorstand. Der Co-Vorsitzende Klingbeil sagte, er wolle erneut kandidieren und gemeinsam mit Bas die Doppelspitze bilden. Neuer SPD-Generalsekretär soll der Schleswig-Holsteiner Tim Klüssendorf werden.

Bundesarbeitsministerin Bärbel Bas soll mit Lars Klingbeil Vorsitz der SPD bilden, Beginn der deutsch-israelischen diplomatischen Beziehungen vor 60 Jahren, Deutsches Verhältnis zu Israel und dem Nahen Osten, Die Meinung, Selbstauflösung der kurdischen Arbeiterpartei PKK, Plädoyers im Prozess gegen Rapper Sean "Diddy" Combs, Weitere Meldungen im Überblick, #mittendrin aus Geislingen an der Steige: Kunst auf dem Land, Das Wetter Korrektur: Die Sendung wurde nachträglich bearbeitet.

La questione sociale nel XIX secolo ovvero le condizioni di vita della classe operaia e le lotte sociali scatenate dalla Rivoluzione Industriale.

Rosa Luxemburg: pensiero, opere e biografia della filosofa, politica polacca, economista e sostenitrice del socialismo rivoluzionario.

Politické strany, které nechtějí jen změnit vládu, ale i režim – tedy systém liberální demokracie – u nás v poslední době posilují. Když sečteme volební preference SPD, Stačilo a Motoristů, dostaneme – jak aspoň ukazuje většina průzkumů – zhruba 20 procent.

Die Erwartungen an die neue deutsche Regierung sind hoch. Zwei Jahre Rezession liegen hinter uns, auch für das laufende Jahr ist eine Stagnation angesagt. Merz will mit seiner "Arbeitskoalition" deshalb umgehend ein Sofortprogramm umsetzen. Von WDR 5.

Was erwartet Deutschland unter der neuen Regierungskoalition aus Union und SPD? Welche Versprechen wird Friedrich Merz halten können, wenn er sie nicht schon gebrochen hat? Und vor allem: Wer sind eigentlich all die neuen Minister in der Regierung? Darüber spricht Gerd Buurmann mit der ehemaligen Bundestagsabgeordneten Joana Cotar und der Schriftstellerin und Achse-Autorin Cora Stephan.

Die SPD-Vorsitzende Saskia Esken wird nicht für eine weitere Amtszeit kandidieren. Das sagte sie dem ARD-Hauptstadtstudio. Sie habe die Freude und die Ehre gehabt, sechs Jahre lang die Vorsitzende der SPD zu sein. Nun sei es an der Zeit der Partei Raum für Erneuerung zu geben, so Esken. Die Sozialdemokraten werden im Juni eine neue Führung wählen. Esken stand seit 2019 an der Spitze der SPD, zunächst mit Norbert Walter Borjans, seit 2021 mit Lars Klingbeil.

Erst im zweiten Wahlgang: Friedrich Merz ist Kanzler – Am 6. Mai 2025 wurde der konservative CDU-Chef Friedrich Merz zum zehnten deutschen Bundeskanzler gewählt. Doch seine Wahl war ungewöhnlich, denn er brauchte zwei Wahlgänge – ein historischer Tag.

We celebrate your mom with LIVE CALLS! // SPD chief apologizes for nude beach trespass // SCENARIOS!

Habemus Kanzler. Friedrich Merz ist neuer Bundeskanzler und die neue Regierung ist an die Arbeit gegangen. Bessere Stimmung und bessere Zahlen wären wünschenswert, doch welche neuen Impulse können jetzt wirklich kommen? "Nachdem ersten Wahlgang haben wir gesehen, dass der Dax nachgegeben hat. Definitiv! Aber es war vergessen, als der zweite Wahlgang erfolgreich abgeschlossen werden konnte. Ich denke da waren viele Esel unterwegs. Diese Herrschaften sollten sich jetzt schämen und überlegen, ob sie in den Bundestag gehören. Der Fehlstart ist nicht schön, aber man muss es auch nicht kaputt reden", so Robert Halver. Der Experte von der Baader Bank weiter: "Es geht jetzt darum, dass man was draus macht. Das ist eine Herkules-Aufgabe, wofür man Herrn Merz nicht beneiden muss. Die Industrielandschaft baut Arbeitsplätze ab und zieht weg. Sollen wir das zulassen? Selbst die SPD muss feststellen, dass ihre Stammwählerschaft rechts gewählt hat. Es gibt in Deutschland so wenig Kapitalismus wie ich Idealgewicht habe." Warum Halver in Donald Trump einen Schlagerstar der 1970iger Jahre sieht? Alle Details im Interview von Inside Wirtschaft-Chefredakteur Manuel Koch an der Frankfurter Börse und auf https://inside-wirtschaft.de

In today's fast-paced surgical environments, sterile processing departments (SPD) face rising pressure to deliver accuracy, speed, and accountability. Technology is no longer optional—it's a necessity to meet these standards while supporting technician efficiency. With the complexity of instrumentation, especially in cases like ENT trays, traditional manual tracking can slow processes and leave room for errors. Solutions like CensiTrac are transforming this space by enabling visual and data-driven guidance that streamlines tray assembly and documentation. By integrating photo-based verification and robust reporting tools, SPDs can now reduce assembly time, improve traceability, and foster fair evaluations among staff. The result isn't just faster processing—it's stronger team morale and better alignment on performance. To understand how these gains are playing out on the ground, meet Alex Yanez, SPD Manager at Texas Health Flower Mound, as he shares firsthand how CensiTrac is changing the game.

In today's fast-paced surgical environments, sterile processing departments (SPD) face rising pressure to deliver accuracy, speed, and accountability. Technology is no longer optional—it's a necessity to meet these standards while supporting technician efficiency. With the complexity of instrumentation, especially in cases like ENT trays, traditional manual tracking can slow processes and leave room for errors. Solutions like CensiTrac are transforming this space by enabling visual and data-driven guidance that streamlines tray assembly and documentation. By integrating photo-based verification and robust reporting tools, SPDs can now reduce assembly time, improve traceability, and foster fair evaluations among staff. The result isn't just faster processing—it's stronger team morale and better alignment on performance. To understand how these gains are playing out on the ground, meet Alex Yanez, SPD Manager at Texas Health Flower Mound, as he shares firsthand how CensiTrac is changing the game.

Nach Anweisung des neuen Innenministers Alexander Dobrindt haben in den ersten Bundesländern verschärfte Grenzkontrollen begonnen. Kritik kam aus Polen, der Schweiz und aus den Reihen der SPD. Der Ärger könnte die neue Koalition belasten. Ein Kommentar von Katharina Hamberger www.deutschlandfunk.de, Kommentare und Themen der Woche

Česká televize je bez ředitele. Jak a proč se stalo, že Jan Souček nevydržel ve funkci ani dva roky? A co bude dál? Téma pro podcast Vlevo dole.Veřejnoprávní televize se ocitla v ošemetné situaci - nemá ředitele a Součkův nástupce je značně nejistý. „A za pár měsíců jsou volby, kde možná získají většinu strany, které plánují televizi sloučit s rozhlasem, znárodnit, nebo rovnou zrušit. Andrej Babiš dostane ČT naservírovanou na stříbrném podnose,“ říká Lucie Stuchlíková.Viníků je hned několik. A Jan Souček, šlapající v situaci s elegancí slona v porcelánu, je jenom jedním z nich.„Součkovi se stalo to, že přecenil svoje manažerské schopnosti a taky sílu ustát všemožné tlaky. Ale na rovinu, žádný velký průšvih za ním nestojí. A spoustu těch věcí, které se mu vyčítají, už dělal jeho předchůdce,“ připomíná Václav Dolejší. Právě proto nynější nevídaná jednota televizní rady v tažení proti Součkovi nepůsobí dobře. „Součkovi už umyl hlavu kdekdo, ale sáhnout do svědomí by si měli i radní. Oni ho nejdřív zvolili - a teď svým hlasováním dali najevo, že post ředitele ovládají politici,“ dodává Dolejší.A stydět by se měli i sami politici, kteří televizi vmanévrovali do této situace díky svému výběru radních. „ANO ve spojení s SPD a komunisty si tam dosadili svoje lidi. Ale ani vládní koalice nemá čisté svědomí - měla spoustu příležitostí situaci změnit ve svůj prospěch, ale nestálo jí to za vynaložení politické energie,“ vysvětluje Lucie Stuchlíková.S odvoláním Součka navíc jednota rady skončila - dvě znesvářené party radních se teď jen těžko shodnou na novém šéfovi, který by byl silnou, nezávislou osobností.Skončí volba šéfa ČT upatlaným kompromisem? Kdo komu vlastně vyhrožoval? Je radní Lubomír Veselý moderátor, nebo spíš Horst Fuchs? A už máte zlatou pamětní minci k odvolání Jana Součka?A nezapomeňte pro svůj oblíbený podcast hlasovat v anketě Podcast roku!----Vlevo dole řeší politické kauzy, boje o vliv i šeptandu z kuloárů Sněmovny. Vychází každou středu v poledne.Podcast pro vás připravují Lucie Stuchlíková (@StuchlikovLucie) a Václav Dolejší (@VacDol), reportéři Seznam Zpráv.Další podcasty, ale taky články, komentáře a videa najdete na zpravodajském serveru Seznam Zprávy. Poslouchejte nás na webu Seznam Zpráv, na Podcasty.cz nebo ve své oblíbené podcastové aplikaci.Své názory, návrhy, otázky, stížnosti nebo pochvaly nám můžete posílat na adresu audio@sz.cz.Sledujte @SeznamZpravy na sociálních sítích: Twitter // Facebook // Instagram.Seznam Zprávy jsou zdrojem původních informací, nezávislé investigace, originální publicistiky.

Learn about the latest in local public affairs in about the time it takes for a coffee break! Brian Callanan of Seattle Channel and David Kroman of the Seattle Times discuss a plan to change the Seattle City Council's requirement that members recuse themselves if they have a financial interest, the passage of new automated traffic camera legislation, a connection between Mayor Bruce Harrell and organized labor, a "new" drug court plan, and a lawsuit from the Seattle Police Department's rank and file officers union... filed against the SPD. If you like this podcast, please support it on Patreon!

Germany is in political upheaval after an unprecedented post-election fallout. Despite winning the parliamentary majority, Friedrich Merz and the CDU failed to secure enough votes to form a government, marking a historic rejection of the presumed chancellor. This episode unpacks the dramatic rise of the AfD, the collapse of establishment coalitions, and the German deep state's attempt to suppress a surging populist wave.--Join me and Ross Givens this Thursday, May 8th at 3pm EST and learn how you can use the same insider information Pelosi and others have used to make MILLIONS. You're not going to want to miss out on this once-in-a-lifetime FREE TRAINING! Click here to register TODAY!!https://turleytalksinsidertrading.com/registration/?tambid=18762*The content presented by sponsors may contain affiliate links. When you click and shop the links, Turley Talks may receive a small commission.*Leave a message for Steve! Call now! 717-844-5984Highlights:"Merz, being a lapdog for the European establishment, has deliberately shut out the AfD from power and decided instead to coalition with the SPD, the Social Democrats who were just voted out of power.”“The AfD has now officially surpassed the CDU as the number one most popular party in the nation… This is absolutely unprecedented. We haven't seen anything like this in German politics for over 70 years.”“The supposedly anti-democratic AfD is suing the German government for its radically anti-democracy efforts against the AfD.”“ Merz hasn't even assumed office yet, and he's already the most unpopular Chancellor in German historyTimestamps: [00:21] Friedrich Merz of CDU wins the election, but fails to secure a governing majority[02:12] CDU refuses to form coalition with AfD (who placed in second)[04:38] AfD overtakes CDU in national polls as backlash grows[07:39] German intelligence labels AfD "extremist," sparking legal and political firestorm[09:26] Merz began backtracking on all of his campaign promises, didn't get the votes to be Chancellor --Thank you for taking the time to listen to this episode. If you enjoyed this episode, please subscribe and/or leave a review.FOLLOW me on X (Twitter): https://twitter.com/DrTurleyTalksSign up for the 'New Conservative Age Rising' Email Alerts to get lots of articles on conservative trends: https://turleytalks.com/subscribe-to-our-newsletter**The use of any copyrighted material in this podcast is done so for educational and informational purposes only including parody, commentary, and criticism. See Hosseinzadeh v. Klein, 276 F.Supp.3d 34 (S.D.N.Y. 2017); Equals Three, LLC v. Jukin Media, Inc., 139 F. Supp. 3d 1094 (C.D. Cal. 2015). It is believed that this constitutes a "fair use" of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law.

SPD made arrests at the problematic Denny Blaine Park. Gdless liberals pretended to be upset with Trump’s AI image as Pope. Barstool Sports founder Dave Portnoy expressed over the weekend after an antisemitic message was put on display at one of his bars in Philadelphia. // Big Local: Two Lakewood police officers were suspended after allegedly making inappropriate jokes. Spokane is changing up its tactics to crack down on public camping after a local initiative was struck down by the state Supreme Court. // You Pick the Topic: Bill Belichick’s awkward interview on CBS just got even weirder.  

Erst im zweiten Wahlgang reichten die Stimmen von Union und SPD. Friedrich Merz ist Bundeskanzler. Was bewegte die Abweichler, was bedeutet das beispielslose Bundestags-Drama für die Amtszeit des 10. Regierungschefs der BRD? Ein interaktiver Livepodcast. Lindner, Nadine;Detjen, Stephan;Hamberger, Katharina;Capellan, Frank;Remme, Klaus

He had the votes, he had a new coalition sealed in writing and ratified by party members, so it seemed like a formality. But Friedrich Merz's lifelong dream of finally becoming German chancellor had to be deferred by a few hours, with the 69-year-old Conservative falling at the first hurdle as backbenchers sent a signal. A hastily organised second round cancelled out what history may decide to be just a blip. But still, why did Merz fall six seats short in the first secret ballot? Who rebelled inside what now seems like a fragile coalition between Conservatives and Social Democrats?Germany's Trump and Putin-backed far-right co-leader was quick to call for snap elections. Alice Weidel was savouring her revenge after German domestic intelligence last week qualified her Nazi-rooted party as an extremist group, a status that could in theory lead to a ban for an AfD that polled second on 20 percent in February's elections. The moment of wavering in Berlin is also rattling the script in Brussels and Paris, both of which bank on the return of Germany as a strong and steady driver of reform; a nation that just scrapped its fiscal purity rules to level up after decades of chronic underfunding of infrastructure and defence.Now, with the new coalition in Berlin looking over its shoulder, with far-right challenges in upcoming Romanian and Polish elections, all of Europe is asking: will the centre hold?

Friedrich Merz wird nach einem gescheiterten ersten Versuch doch noch zum Bundeskanzler gewählt. Und im politischen Berlin kursieren Theorien zu den Abweichlern und ihren Motiven. Das ist die Lage am Dienstagabend. Die Artikel zum Nachlesen: Liveblog zur neuen Bundesregierung: Steinmeier ernennt Merz zum Kanzler Suche nach Abweichlern bei der SPD: Sind es die Gegner von Klingbeil oder die von Merz? +++ Alle Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern finden Sie hier. Die SPIEGEL-Gruppe ist nicht für den Inhalt dieser Seite verantwortlich. +++ Den SPIEGEL-WhatsApp-Kanal finden Sie hier. Alle SPIEGEL Podcasts finden Sie hier. Mehr Hintergründe zum Thema erhalten Sie mit SPIEGEL+. Entdecken Sie die digitale Welt des SPIEGEL, unter spiegel.de/abonnieren finden Sie das passende Angebot. Informationen zu unserer Datenschutzerklärung.

Hey #CleanFreaks -- What if the dirtiest surface in your SPD's decontam isn't at your workstation, but on the floor you're standing on? This week, we welcome infection prevention expert Ericka Kalp to expose the hidden dangers lurking on the surface of your SPD's floors—and why ignoring them could be putting your patients and your team at risk. From selecting the right disinfectants to establishing clear cleaning accountability between departments, Ericka reveals how those microscopic microbes under your shoes are leaving behind a trail of contamination with every step you take. If you've ever walked into decon and asked, "Why is the floor so sticky?"—this is one conversation you don't want to miss! Season 28 of Beyond Clean releases under the 1 Episode = 1 CE delivery model. After finishing this interview, earn your 1 CE credit immediately by passing the short quiz linked below each week. Visit our CE Credit Hub at https://www.beyondcleanmedia.com/ce-credit-hub to access this quiz and over 350 other free CE credits.  #BeyondClean #SterileProcessing #WeFightDirty #Podcast #Season28 #Contamination #DecontamFloors

Die SPD stellt ihr Personal für die neue Bundesregierung vor. Die EU blickt mit Sorge auf einen möglichen Kurswechsel in Rumänien. Und Rapper Sean »Diddy« Combs muss sich vor Gericht in New York verantworten. Das ist die Lage am Montagabend. Hier die Artikel zum Nachlesen: Klingbeilisierung der SPD: So brutal wie Schröder Präsidentschaftsfavorit Simion in Rumänien: Er bewundert Trump und hält nicht viel von Europa Sexhandel, »Freak-offs«, Babyöl: Was Sie zum Prozess gegen Sean »Diddy« Combs wissen müsse+++ Alle Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern finden Sie hier. Die SPIEGEL-Gruppe ist nicht für den Inhalt dieser Seite verantwortlich. +++ Den SPIEGEL-WhatsApp-Kanal finden Sie hier. Alle SPIEGEL Podcasts finden Sie hier. Mehr Hintergründe zum Thema erhalten Sie mit SPIEGEL+. Entdecken Sie die digitale Welt des SPIEGEL, unter spiegel.de/abonnieren finden Sie das passende Angebot. Informationen zu unserer Datenschutzerklärung.

CDU-Chef Merz bezeichnet künftige Koalition aus Union und SPD als "Arbeitskoalition", SPD stellt ihre Ministerriege vor, Jens Spahn und Matthias Miersch jeweils Fraktionschefs von Union und SPD, AfD klagt nach Hochstufung gegen das Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, Kritik an Israel Plänen für eine deutliche Ausweitung der Militäroffensive gegen die Hamas, Großbritannien gedenkt den Opfern des Zweiten Weltkriegs, App soll Zeitzeugenberichte zum Zweiten Weltkrieg für Schüler greifbarer machen, Das Wetter

Across the great state of Texas and beyond, Sterile Processing pros are sharpening their skills, building confidence, and making a real impact where it matters most – patient safety. In this week's episode of Everything is Cleaner in Texas, hosts Hank Balch and Dusty Glass team up with Kurt Van Sickel, Program Director and Career Coach at Good Works Collective, to spotlight the power of professional development in SPD. From the classroom to #FightingDirty in decontam, Kurt shares how upskilling, soft-skill training, and real-world mentorship are opening career doors – and powering the next generation of #CleanFreaks. Ready to invest in your team – or yourself? This one's for you! A special thanks to our sponsor, STERIS IMS, for making this series possible! Their commitment to education and excellence in the Sterile Processing industry has been instrumental in bringing this series to life. Make sure to follow us on LinkedIn and Facebook so you never miss a new episode! #BeyondClean #STERISIMS #EverythingIsCleanerInTexas #SterileProcessing

Exclusive: A suspicious complaint against an SPD cop has people wondering if the city is using AI to find policy violations. The Wisconsin judge that shielded an illegal alien from ICE has been put on leave by the state’s high court. // Big Local: Deputies in Franklin County are defying the Sheriff’s orders to defy a court and confiscate guns from the local jail. Brier’s police levy did not pass. A hiker in Issaquah had a close encounter with a family of bears. // You Pick the Topic: Trump Adviser Stephen Miller had an awkward exchange with Fox News host John Roberts when he said Fox should fire its pollster. A teen that was rejected by 16 colleges alleges it was because of affirmative action and is now suing.