Podcast appearances and mentions of juan per

This episode presents the fascinating story of Alejandro de Tomaso, an Italo-Argentinian race driver and businessman. His journey crossed paths with the Argentinian president Juan Perón, the Maserati brothers, Carroll Shelby, Frank Williams, and Elizabeth Haskell, a race driver and granddaughter of General Motors founder William C. Durant, whom he later married.De Tomaso's career spanned various roles in Formula One, including driver, team owner, and race car manufacturer.

Last week we dove into the legend of "Argentina's First Lady" Eva Perón. We started from the outside in; What is it that people say about her today? What does her foundation and museum say about her? What does she say about herself in her autobiography? We found a LOT of mythology in the mix - she was obviously an incredible figurehead that helped transform Argentina and the lives of her descamisados (the shirtless ones). But the legend felt heavy with a rose colored tint and a LOT of swirling rumors portraying a darker side of the story so in Part 2 Sara attempts to thread the needle and discover the heart of the story. Who was Evita? Why do we see so much conflict and such disparate versions of her story? How can a woman both be so adored by the public that she draws incredible crowds and makes the cover of Time Magazine, but also has to end her European tour early because the crowd threw tomatoes at her?! Sara brings us a more complete version of the story - the dramatic history that led up to Evita & Juan Perón's rise, what Peronism stands for and accomplished for the Argentine people, and why Peronism and the the Peróns were targeted to heavily by the media and the oligarchy of their time. It's a really interesting journey - listen now to hear this incredible story. — A Broad is a woman who lives by her own rules. Broads You Should Know is the podcast about the Broads who helped shape our world! BroadsYouShouldKnow.com YT/IG/FB @BroadsYouShouldKnow & TW @BYSKpodcast — 3 Ways you can help support the podcast: Write a review on Apple Podcasts Share your favorite episode with a friend or on social Send us an email with a broad suggestion, question, or comment at BroadsYouShouldKnow@gmail.com — Broads You Should Know is hosted by Sara Gorsky. IG: @SaraGorsky Web master / site design: www.BroadsYouShouldKnow.com — Broads You Should Know is produced and edited by Sara Gorsky, with original music by Darren Callahan.

In Episode 399 of Hidden Forces, Demetri Kofinas interviews Bowtied Mara about Argentina's political history, its economy, the local real estate market, the energy sector, and President Javier Milei's efforts to revive growth, combat inflation, and liberalize the country's economy. In the first hour, Mara and Demetri explore Argentina's political history and the roots of its economic decline, drawing comparisons with the United States during the pivotal decades of the 1930s and 1940s. They delve into the legacy of Juan Perón, the significance of Peronismo in Argentine politics, what defines a Peronista, and why Javier Milei's libertarian approach and his election as Argentina's 59th president mark a departure from the country's history of alternating between Marxist and fascist regimes. In the second hour, the discussion shifts to Milei's master plan, his initial priorities upon taking office, and the strategies he's employing to achieve his political goals. They examine specific policy changes already enacted through his use of emergency powers, such as reforms to Argentina's price control system, export tariffs, privatization initiatives, and measures aimed at cutting through decades of bureaucratic red tape to liberalize the economy. The conversation also touches on Argentina's ‘crawling peg,' efforts to align the official peso-USD exchange rate with the unofficial blue rate, the introduction of competing currencies, and Milei's controversial push to abolish the Central Bank of Argentina. You can subscribe to our premium content and access our premium feed, episode transcripts, and Intelligence Reports at HiddenForces.io/subscribe. If you want to join in on the conversation and become a member of the Hidden Forces Genius community, which includes Q&A calls with guests, access to special research and analysis, in-person events, and dinners, you can also do that on our subscriber page at HiddenForces.io/subscribe. If you enjoyed listening to today's episode of Hidden Forces, you can help support the show by doing the following: Subscribe on Apple Podcasts | YouTube | Spotify | Stitcher | SoundCloud | CastBox | RSS Feed Write us a review on Apple Podcasts & Spotify Subscribe to our mailing list at https://hiddenforces.io/newsletter/ Producer & Host: Demetri Kofinas Editor & Engineer: Stylianos Nicolaou Subscribe and Support the Podcast at https://hiddenforces.io Join the conversation on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter at @hiddenforcespod Follow Demetri on Twitter at @Kofinas Episode Recorded on 01/27/2025

Maria Eva Duarte Perón grew up in poverty with her mother after the death of her father. Falling in love with performance, she became a radio star, model and then moderately successful actress. An activist from early on - she took on leadership roles with the actor unions and became politically active - eventually meeting Juan Perón at an event and almost never leaving his side. As Juan's popularity with the people grew, the people in charge grew distressed, eventually arresting him. But after large protests he was released and was soon thereafter elected President of Argentina, with Evita as his side as First Lady. The work they did in Argentina to help the poor and protect the people is truly astonishing. The influence of the Perón Foundation and Peronism are still felt strongly in Argentina today and Evita is widely lauded as the country's most influential woman of all time - establishing women's rights including the right to vote, and helping pull countless people out of abject poverty through social services. But as we know on this podcast, the story isn't always so simple. In Part 1 of this 2-Part Broad, Sara brings you the Evita that you see in the museums and on the streets of Buenos Aires, including some of the controversy that still thrives on the lips of the people. Then next week we'll dive deeper into the rumors and the history to see if we can uncover some of the deeper truths of her story. — A Broad is a woman who lives by her own rules. Broads You Should Know is the podcast about the Broads who helped shape our world! BroadsYouShouldKnow.com YT/IG/FB @BroadsYouShouldKnow & TW @BYSKpodcast — 3 Ways you can help support the podcast: Write a review on Apple Podcasts Share your favorite episode with a friend or on social Send us an email with a broad suggestion, question, or comment at BroadsYouShouldKnow@gmail.com — Broads You Should Know is hosted by Sara Gorsky. IG: @SaraGorsky Web master / site design: www.BroadsYouShouldKnow.com — Broads You Should Know is produced and edited by Sara Gorsky, with original music by Darren Callahan.

Fernando Nikolić, Director of Marketing and Communications at Blockstream and a passionate Bitcoin advocate, offers a unique perspective on Argentina's economic turmoil and the libertarian revolution unfolding today. In this episode, we discuss the history of Argentina, exploring the impact of hyperinflation, political corruption, and the rise of populism. Fernando shares his thoughts on the impact of Juan Perón's legacy, the devastation caused by decades of mismanagement, and the cultural factors that shaped the country's economic collapse. We also discuss the rise of Javier Milei, the new libertarian leader, his drastic reforms, and the potential for Argentina to become a global libertarian test case.

Argentiniens einstige First Lady war für ihre Anhänger*innen eine Heilige, für ihre Gegner*innen eine Hure. Broadway und Hollywood machten "Evita" zur Popikone - wer war Eva Perón eigentlich? Ein Blick auf ihren steilen Aufstieg, wie sie mit ihrer Rolle das autoritäre System von Juan Perón stützte und die Saga um ihren entführten Leichnam.

Plongez dans l'histoire captivante d'Eva Perón, une femme d'exception qui a défié les conventions et marqué l'histoire de l'Argentine. Née dans l'illégitimité et confrontée aux épreuves de la pauvreté, elle s'est battue pour se hisser au sommet, devenant une figure politique emblématique et une défenseuse intrépide des droits des femmes et des travailleurs. Mariée à Juan Perón, elle forme avec lui un duo puissant qui bouleverse le paysage politique argentin. Ensemble, ils s'attaquent aux injustices sociales et mènent des réformes audacieuses pour améliorer la vie des plus démunis. Eva Perón, bien plus qu'une simple première dame, utilise son influence pour instaurer des changements significatifs, malgré les critiques et les obstacles personnels. Découvrez comment cette femme déterminée a transcendé ses origines et utilisé sa position pour laisser une empreinte indélébile dans l'histoire politique de l'Argentine. Son héritage complexe et controversé continue de susciter le débat et l'admiration, faisant d'elle une icône de la lutte pour l'égalité et la justice sociale. Merci pour votre écoute Retrouvez l'ensemble des épisodes de l'Heure H sur notre plateforme Auvio.be : https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/22750 Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement.

Welcome to our last queen of season 7, Evita aka Eva Perón. Eva Peron is probably one of the most famous names to come out of Argentina. We know she's controversial! But, before she was Evita, she was an insecure little girl from a small town. Life was not easy, but our girl made the best out of life. In this episode we'll talk her humble beginnings and see her move to the big city of Buenos Aires to make her dreams come true. 01:07 Introducing Eva Perón: Argentina's Controversial First Lady 02:04 Patreon Shoutouts and Cocktail Time 04:14 Eva's Early Life: From Humble Beginnings to Dreams of Stardom 14:38 The Move to Hunin: A New Beginning for Eva and Her Family 23:08 The Controversial Beginnings of Eva Perón 24:44 Eva's Struggles and Rise in Buenos Aires 26:48 The Harsh Realities of the Entertainment Industry 33:05 Eva Perón's Breakthrough in Radio 37:48 Eva's Foray into Politics and Union Work 39:19 The Political Climate of Argentina 45:09 Eva and Juan Perón: A Partnership Begins Some sources: Thought.co EvitaPeron.org The Real Life of Eva Peron The Animated History of Argentina Biographics Queens podcast is part of Airwave Media podcast network. Please contact advertising@airwavemedia.com if you would like to advertise on our podcast.Want more Queens? Head to our Patreon, check out our merch store and follow us on Instagram! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

La breve, ma sfolgorante vita di Eva Perón che dalla povertà dell'entroterra brasiliano arrivò a Buenos Aires dove, dopo una discreta carriera nel mondo dello spettacolo, divenne la moglie del presidente argentino Juan Perón.

Host Luisa Lyons chats with David Nando Rodgers, an actor/singer/writer whose new cabaret My Sunday Clothes will be livestreamed from NYC's The Green Room 42. In this thoughtful and enlightening conversation, David shares his journey into the world of musical theatre which began with sitting in the second row of a matinee of the Phantom of the Opera. Dive into the practice of theatre from the perspectives of drama school, performance, being a repeat viewer, and creating a new cabaret from scratch.David Nando Rodgers is an actor, singer, and writer. Recently, he appeared in The REV Theatre's Evita in the ensemble and covered Juan Perón. Other select credits are Marat/Sade, Jane Eyre, The Rover, and Sweet Revenge. He co-adapted a production of Dracula and he's been co-writing a new musical, The Starving Artist. David also has a longstanding non-profit administration career. Training: BFA, University of Minnesota/Guthrie Theater Actor Training Program and Shakespeare's Globe Theatre, London. www.davidnandrodgers.com @davidnandorodgersShow Links My Sunday Clothes @ The Green Room 42Support the showFilmed Live Musicals is where musicals come home. Use the searchable database to find musicals filmed on stage to watch from the comfort of your living room! Visit www.filmedlivemusicals.com to learn more. Follow us on Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and YouTube. You can also support the site at Patreon. Patrons get early access to the podcast and site content, no matter how much you pledge. Become a Patron today!Filmed Live Musicals is created by Luisa Lyons, an Australian actor, writer, and musician. Luisa holds a Masters in Music Theatre from London's Royal Central School of Speech and Drama and now lives, works, and plays in New York. Learn more at www.luisalyons.com and follow on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook.

Juan Perón's decade-long regime, from 1946 to 1955, is often presented as Nazi-fascist and antisemitic - claims that are strongly rooted in Argentina's collective unconscious and popular culture. Challenging this widely held view, Raanan Rein asserts that there was greater Jewish support for Perón than previously believed, and that fewer antisemitic incidents took place in Argentina during Perón's rule than during any other period in the twentieth century.  Recovering the silenced voices of Jewish Argentines who supported Peronism from the beginning, Populism and Ethnicity: Peronism and the Jews of Argentina (McGill-Queen's UP, 2020) is a historical, sociological, and political analysis that describes the many positive changes experienced by the Jewish community as a direct result of Perón's presidencies. Perón and his wife Eva gave numerous speeches denouncing antisemitism, and Perón's Argentina was the first Latin American country to open an embassy in the newly established State of Israel.  Arguing that no president before Perón so unambiguously rejected discrimination against Jews, Rein shows that many Jews secured more important posts in government in the 1940s and 1950s than in previous years, among them members of the Argentine Jewish Organization, which became a section of the ruling Peronist party. Deconstructing the myth of antisemitism during Perón's regime, Populism and Ethnicity looks deep into the heart of international memory for the truth behind Jewish-Argentine relations. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Juan Perón's decade-long regime, from 1946 to 1955, is often presented as Nazi-fascist and antisemitic - claims that are strongly rooted in Argentina's collective unconscious and popular culture. Challenging this widely held view, Raanan Rein asserts that there was greater Jewish support for Perón than previously believed, and that fewer antisemitic incidents took place in Argentina during Perón's rule than during any other period in the twentieth century.  Recovering the silenced voices of Jewish Argentines who supported Peronism from the beginning, Populism and Ethnicity: Peronism and the Jews of Argentina (McGill-Queen's UP, 2020) is a historical, sociological, and political analysis that describes the many positive changes experienced by the Jewish community as a direct result of Perón's presidencies. Perón and his wife Eva gave numerous speeches denouncing antisemitism, and Perón's Argentina was the first Latin American country to open an embassy in the newly established State of Israel.  Arguing that no president before Perón so unambiguously rejected discrimination against Jews, Rein shows that many Jews secured more important posts in government in the 1940s and 1950s than in previous years, among them members of the Argentine Jewish Organization, which became a section of the ruling Peronist party. Deconstructing the myth of antisemitism during Perón's regime, Populism and Ethnicity looks deep into the heart of international memory for the truth behind Jewish-Argentine relations. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Juan Perón's decade-long regime, from 1946 to 1955, is often presented as Nazi-fascist and antisemitic - claims that are strongly rooted in Argentina's collective unconscious and popular culture. Challenging this widely held view, Raanan Rein asserts that there was greater Jewish support for Perón than previously believed, and that fewer antisemitic incidents took place in Argentina during Perón's rule than during any other period in the twentieth century.  Recovering the silenced voices of Jewish Argentines who supported Peronism from the beginning, Populism and Ethnicity: Peronism and the Jews of Argentina (McGill-Queen's UP, 2020) is a historical, sociological, and political analysis that describes the many positive changes experienced by the Jewish community as a direct result of Perón's presidencies. Perón and his wife Eva gave numerous speeches denouncing antisemitism, and Perón's Argentina was the first Latin American country to open an embassy in the newly established State of Israel.  Arguing that no president before Perón so unambiguously rejected discrimination against Jews, Rein shows that many Jews secured more important posts in government in the 1940s and 1950s than in previous years, among them members of the Argentine Jewish Organization, which became a section of the ruling Peronist party. Deconstructing the myth of antisemitism during Perón's regime, Populism and Ethnicity looks deep into the heart of international memory for the truth behind Jewish-Argentine relations. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latin-american-studies

Juan Perón's decade-long regime, from 1946 to 1955, is often presented as Nazi-fascist and antisemitic - claims that are strongly rooted in Argentina's collective unconscious and popular culture. Challenging this widely held view, Raanan Rein asserts that there was greater Jewish support for Perón than previously believed, and that fewer antisemitic incidents took place in Argentina during Perón's rule than during any other period in the twentieth century.  Recovering the silenced voices of Jewish Argentines who supported Peronism from the beginning, Populism and Ethnicity: Peronism and the Jews of Argentina (McGill-Queen's UP, 2020) is a historical, sociological, and political analysis that describes the many positive changes experienced by the Jewish community as a direct result of Perón's presidencies. Perón and his wife Eva gave numerous speeches denouncing antisemitism, and Perón's Argentina was the first Latin American country to open an embassy in the newly established State of Israel.  Arguing that no president before Perón so unambiguously rejected discrimination against Jews, Rein shows that many Jews secured more important posts in government in the 1940s and 1950s than in previous years, among them members of the Argentine Jewish Organization, which became a section of the ruling Peronist party. Deconstructing the myth of antisemitism during Perón's regime, Populism and Ethnicity looks deep into the heart of international memory for the truth behind Jewish-Argentine relations. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/jewish-studies

Could the history books have it all wrong about Hitler's final chapter? Join my brother-in-law, Nick Gonzalez, and me as we scrutinize the shadowy theories of the Führer's alleged escape to South America. With a blend of declassified FBI documents and accounts that challenge the narrative of Hitler's demise, we embark on an enthralling discussion that treads the fine line between skepticism and the conceivable. From the depths of a Berlin bunker to the jungles of Argentina, we trace the possible paths that could have been taken by one of history's most notorious figures.Amidst the backdrop of our Michigan podcasting den, Nick and I venture beyond the austere facts, engaging with the mysterious "rat lines" that ferried Nazis to refuge under the sympathetic regime of President Juan Perón. The conversation turns to the Catholic Church's controversial involvement, where Red Cross documents were a ticket for war criminals to vanish, and the perplexing compound in Argentina that might have housed someone of Hitler's stature. We don't just stop there; we consider the broader spectrum of conspiracy theories, sharing a laugh about the absurdity of celebrity reptilians, and the undying legend of Bigfoot, providing both light-hearted amusement and chilling speculation in equal measure.Wrapping up, we reflect on the implications of the daunting escapes of Nazi war criminals and the challenges faced by international justice in a post-war world. From the depths of historical inquiry to the musings of our listeners, we celebrate the unexpected success of our podcast and the shared intrigue that keeps us searching for answers in history's murky waters. With the curious tale of Hitler's possible survival as a springboard, we invite you to pour a drink, tune in, and join us on this riveting exploration of the enigmas that time has yet to fully unveil.

Efter tredje rikets kollaps fanns det ett stort antal förbrytare som kunde räkna med hårda straff efter kriget. Många nazister flydde till Argentina och Spanien. I Sverige fanns det flera nätverk, ofta svenska nazister som varit medlemmar av Waffen SS, som hjälpte nazister att fly undan rättvisan.Sverige var en relativt trygg plats för nazistförbrytare då vi själva aldrig gjorde upp med svenskar som slagits för Hitler. I Norge och Danmark kunde däremot SS-män och andra kollaboratörer räkna med kännbara straff – t.o.m dödsstraff.I detta avsnitt av podden Historia Nu samtalar programledaren Urban Lindstedt med författaren Simon Olsson som skrivit boken Flyktlina Sverige – Nazisternas väg undan rättvisan tillsammans med Lars T. Larsson.Flyktlinorna i Sverige hade karaktären av lösa nätverk av nazister och tidigare Waffen-SS-män. Men mycket tyder på att flyktplaner organiserats redan under tredje rikets sönderfall och vi vet att Argentina medvetet rekryterade experter från tredje riket oavsett vilka brott de gjort sig skyldiga till. I Sverige har inofficiella argentinska tjänstemän hjälpt till med pass och viseringar för krigsbrottslingar som ville emigrera till Argentina.Den svenska polisen spanade på svenskar och utlänningar som organiserade flyktlinjerna. Men i slutändan lagfördes relativt få individer för ganska ringa brott. Sveriges föga ärorika hållning under kriget gjorde också att myndigheterna aldrig gick till botten med vilka som legat bakom flyktlinjerna. Vi hittar här nazister och SS-män som Gunnar Eklöf som aldrig blev dömda för sin inblandning i nätverken.Flyktlinjerna uppstod i och med nederlaget för de fascistiska axelmakterna under andra världskrigets slutskede. De första flyktrutterna etablerades troligtvis redan före krigets slut, och de fortsatte att användas in på 1950-talet.Flyktlinjerna var välorganiserade och hemliga nätverk som hjälpte tiotusentals människor från de forna axelmakterna att fly. De flesta av de nazister och fascister som använde flyktlinjerna sökte sig till Sydamerika. Argentina var det främsta målet, särskilt under ledning av president Juan Perón, som var öppet sympatisk till de flyende nazisterna. Men även andra länder i regionen, som Paraguay, Colombia, Brasilien, Uruguay, Mexiko, Chile, Peru, Guatemala, Ecuador och Bolivia, blev tillflyktsorter för de flyende.Flyktlinjernas existens och användning under det kalla kriget är ett annat viktigt kapitel i denna historia. Många av de nazister och fascister som flydde till Sydamerika och andra delar av världen fortsatte att vara politiskt aktiva och stödde anti-kommunistiska rörelser. Dessa rörelser spelade en nyckelroll i den globala konflikten mellan öst och väst.Många av de nazistiska och fascistiska ideologierna som dessa individer bar på har fortsatt att påverka politiken och samhällsutvecklingen i de länder där de sökte tillflykt. Dessutom har flyktlinjerna bidragit till att fördröja rättvisan för många av andra världskrigets värsta krigsförbrytare.Bild: SS-mannen och mördaren Gunnar Eklöf, som var med och organiserade flyktlinjer för krigsförbrytare efter andra världskriget, var en glödande nazist till sin död. Bilden är tagen när SS-mannen Eklöf har permission i Sverige 1942 (A.S Arkiv), Public Domain.Musik: Moonlight Tango av Rent Kid, Storyblocks AudioLyssna också på Kommendanten i Auschwitz som började prata.Klippare: Emanuel Lehtonen Vill du stödja podden och samtidigt höra ännu mer av Historia Nu? Gå med i vårt gille genom att klicka här: https://plus.acast.com/s/historianu-med-urban-lindstedt. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This week we talk about Peronists, Milei, and Argentina's inflation rate.We also discuss Justicialism, Bullrich, and military coups.Recommended Book: Future Starts Here by John HiggsTranscriptPeronism, sometimes called Justicialism, after the Justicialist party, whose name is derived from the concept of social justice, and which is the main Peronist party in Argentina, has been the dominant political force in the country since the mid-20th century.The word Peronism comes from the labor secretary-turned-president of Argentina, Juan Perón, who's wife, Eva Perón you might have heard of, but Juan came into that labor secretary position after playing a role in a military coup in 1943, and was then elected president in 1946. His platform was broadly predicated on new social programs, support for unions, and supporting his wife's efforts to attain rights for migrant workers, among other, adjacent efforts.In 1955, though, under the Peróns' leadership, the country was experiencing high levels of inflation and other economic issues, alongside political repression from the Peronists—making it difficult for anyone else to step in and take any of their power, basically, despite being ostensibly democratic—so the military overthrew them in 1955, and the party was banned until 1973 when open, non-military-controlled elections were held again; and Perón won that election, returning to the presidency after nearly two decades. Juan died a year after returning to office, and his widow, his third-wife Isabel, who was also his vice president before he died, stepped in to run the country, but she was overthrown by the military in another coup in 1976.Argentina was then run by a military dictatorship until 1983, when democracy returned, political parties were able to function again, and from that point forward, Peronist parties have dominated Argentine politics, their candidates holding the presidency for 28 of the 40 years between then and today, despite the very mixed record of Perón and others who have run as Peronists.And fundamental to that mixed record is the Peronist party's seeming inability to manage Argentina's economy. The Peronists have always promised a great deal to Argentinian voters, including social benefits, allowing workers to negotiate as unions with their employers, and offering legal protections and the other benefits of citizenship to people and groups that have traditionally been disenfranchised—all of which was has earned them accolades over the years from groups across the political spectrum. That said, the party and all its offshoots have also been accused of being authoritarian, coasting to power on populist messages and demagoguery, stripping would-be political opponents of their rights and sicing their supporters on them, initiating violence against them, in some cases, and in general creating an ideology that sounds great on paper, but which, when put into practice, is often tainted by the power-hoarding efforts of those in charge; and all these efforts, on top of those other issues, tend to be unsustainable, leaving Argentina in precarious economic situations over and over again.That economic unsustainability is part of what has made Argentina something of an outlier in South America; despite having all the ingredients of a decently successful, burgeoning state—like its neighbor to the north, Brazil—it somehow, over and over again, has stumbled into economic catastrophe, leaving it drowning in debt, stagnating, suffering from chronic inflation, and generally declining even when its regional peer-nations have enjoyed economic boom-times.What I'd like to talk about today is Argentina's 2023 presidential election, the people and ideas involved, and what a November run-off might mean for the country's fortunes, moving forward.—On October 22, 2023, Argentina held a general election, during which voters cast ballots for most government positions, including provincial governors, all the way up to President.That election for the top-billing role has been especially closely watched by the international community, as the main contenders leading up to the vote included the current Minister of the Economy from a Peronist party called the Renewal Front, a National Deputy and minor celebrity from Buenos Aries, who was the candidate for the Libertarian Party, and the former Minister of Security running under the banner of a center-right party called Republican Proposal.In the country's August primaries, the Libertarian candidate, a shock-jock-style economist named Javier Milei, took first place, alarming pretty much everyone in established Argentine politics, and the international economic community, because of his radical and unusual ideas about how economics and the government should work in the country. But he took first place in those primaries, with the center-right candidate, Patricia Bullrich, taking second, and the Peronist Renewal Front candidate, Sergio Massa, took third place; the first time the candidate from the Peronist party has been relegated to third place in the country's primaries.And that made the October general election quite the event, as there was reason to believe the two parties that typically vie for government leadership, the authoritarian-left Paronists and the center-right Republican Proposal, might be usurped by this radical outsider who has wild ideas and has been favorably compared to former US President Donald Trump for his outlandish statements and on-camera antics.As it turned out, though, once the votes were cast—and voting is compulsory in Argentina, for people ages 18 to 70, and citizens ages 16 and 17 are allowed, but not required, to vote—the Peronist candidate took first place with nearly 37% of the votes, the firebrand Milei got almost 30%, and the conservative Bullrich took not quite 24%. That third-place position means Bullrich will not be able to participate in the runoff election scheduled for November 19, which has been disappointing for many international analysts, as she was thought to be the adult in the room, so to speak, in all things monetary, as her proposed policies have been generally more in line with international standards in countries that don't suffer from the wild levels of inflation and other economic catastrophes Argentina has seen on a near-continuous basis since the mid-20th century. Instead, the country's voters will choose between the Peronists—under whose party leadership and policies the country has suffered through a half-decade monetary crisis, and a relative outsider who has suggested, among other things, that the government should end as much spending as possible in order to rush to a balanced budget, including killing off all those social programs, that the country's Central Bank should be abolished, and that Argentina should do away with the peso and adopt the US dollar as its official currency.Milei has also said that he believes abortion should be banned in all cases, including when a women has been raped, that COVID vaccines are scams, as is feminism, that minority groups are trying to take over the country, using what he calls cultural marxism, which is a conspiracy theory held by far-right nationalist groups around the world, that sex education shouldn't be taught in schools, that climate change is a hoax, that anyone who wants to own a gun should be able to get one, and that taxes should never be increased.None of which is terribly beyond the norm for far-right, at times extreme far-right groups in other nations, but with rare exceptions those groups aren't typically at the center of political discourse, and aren't winning large portions of the total vote—which Milei has done, in part on the back of votes from young people who seem to enjoy his antics and dramatic, sweeping platform.Many people have reportedly voted for him, though, based on exit polling and other surveys, because the status quo in the country, currently and for a long while, has just been abysmal for the everyday person. Some estimates suggest that Argentina will tally an inflation rate of about 140% in 2023, which is just staggering if you think about the implications of what that means for the value of a person's income and savings, and what it implies about how people should behave; for comparison, the wealthy world has been flipping out over inflation rates of medium- to high single-digits, and this is many times that, a situation that incentivizes people to immediately spend or convert into other currencies all money they bring in as soon as possible, because it will be worth substantially less tomorrow if they hang onto it.And while Milei's many and often radical beliefs aren't everyone's cup of tea, the protest vote—voting against the way things are, today, even if the alternative isn't ideal for other reasons—seems to have been strong during those primaries, and only a little less-potent during the general election that triggered this run-off, because no one attracted the 45% of the votes necessary to win outright, and part of why is that instead of just two serious candidates in the race, Milei presented voters with an opportunity to burn it all down, basically, and nearly a third of the voting population took him up on that.Massa, who isn't exactly a continuity candidate, since he's heading a party he founded to, in his words, "build the Peronism of the 21st century," is still Peronist enough that many people consider him to be nearly an incumbent, as the presidency is currently held by a Judicialist politician, and the two parties share enough of the fundamentals to make them commodity products in the eyes of many voters.Probably at least in part because of that similar-enough status, Massa was able to pull in a dominant portion of the general election votes; but while Massa has a core body of enthusiastic supporters, people who really believe in what he's trying to do, evolving the Peronist model to make it work better, basically, some people have said they're voting for him because he's not as crazy as Milei, and thus seems less likely to set fire to the government just for the sake of setting fires. Despite the current state of affairs, then, some voters are seeking continuity not because they like what's happening, but because they fear what could happen under a different guiding hand.Whomever takes the lead and thus, the presidency, will have a raft of issues to contend with, beyond inflation and economics. The country is set to undergo negotiations with the IMF in November, the same month as the runoff election, and it has seen the worst grain harvest in about 60 years as a consequence of a significant drought—and grain is its main export, so this could nudge the country even closer to default, and make those negotiations with the IMF even more fraught, as foreign reserve accumulation targets it wants to achieve could drift out of reach if those exports falter too badly and it's unable to procure the necessary volume of internationally tradable currencies.The Economist ran an editorial following the general election, in which it proposed that the outcome, which will see Massa and Milei in a runoff in late-November, is the worst of all possible outcomes, as it suggests that, first, Argentine voters aren't interested in a non-bombastic alternative vision for how the country could be run, as they relegated the center-conservative candidate Bullrich to third place, and thus, she's no longer in the running, and second that it's just astonishingly difficult to bring outsiders into a political system that has been so dominated by Peronists for so long, despite the shortcomings of the Peronist system that have plagued the country's economy for decades.That, of course, is a economics-focused perspective, which is perhaps fitting for a publication like the Economist, but because of that focus, it fails to consider the obvious benefits, for many average, non-economist people, at least, of having a government that introduces and protects social safety net and human rights-related benefits, even when doing so isn't economically sustainable; you can absolutely argue that it's short-sighted to burn a candle with an insufficient length of wick, but they've managed to do so for a good long while, even if progress in that department has often been more of a shamble than a steady run.Argentina is looking down the barrel of its sixth recession in a decade, it has had to go through 22 economic bail-out programs since 1956, and it's in debt to the tune of $56 billion to the IMF. There's no clear way out of that kind of financial pit, especially considering all the other challenges the country also faces now, and will face in the near-future.It's possible that at some point a politician will step into power who has a sense of how to both address the pervasive and persistent economic issues the country struggles with, and allow citizens to retain their rights, their social safety nets, and other sticking points that have been traditionally vital to voters; but it seems unlikely, failing some kind of major deviation from their proposed platforms, at least, that either of the candidates still in the running in this election will be that politician.Show Noteshttps://www.reuters.com/world/americas/argentinas-massa-milei-battle-woo-9-million-swing-votes-2023-10-24/https://www.vox.com/world-politics/2023/10/21/23925549/argentina-election-javier-milei-right-youthhttps://www.wsj.com/world/americas/argentines-vote-to-choose-president-in-country-hard-hit-by-economic-crisis-956c8f12https://apnews.com/article/milei-argentina-chainsaw-fed35a37c6137b951e4adada3d866436https://apnews.com/article/argentina-election-milei-massa-vote-bullrich-cead0d423f2e51444b48770af618940bhttps://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/10/23/argentina-heads-to-runoff-as-economy-minister-leads-far-right-outsider?traffic_source=rsshttps://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/23/world/americas/argentina-election-runoff-milei.htmlhttps://archive.ph/OpBmThttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2018%E2%80%93present_Argentine_monetary_crisishttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2023_Argentine_general_electionhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2023_Argentine_primary_electionshttps://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-67156220https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/analyst-view-argentina-vote-headed-runoff-between-ruling-peronist-radical-milei-2023-10-23/https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Javier_Mileihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Argentinahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Renewal_Fronthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alberto_Fern%C3%A1ndezhttps://www.economist.com/leaders/2023/10/23/argentinas-election-result-is-the-worst-of-all-possible-outcomeshttps://www.reuters.com/world/americas/how-argentinas-massa-pulled-off-election-upset-with-tax-cuts-bus-fares-2023-10-23/https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/9/argentinas-grain-harvest-suffers-under-worst-drought-in-60-yearshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peronismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_history_of_Argentinahttps://www.aljazeera.com/economy/2023/9/13/inflation-continues-to-climb-in-argentina-as-presidential-election-nearshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2018%E2%80%93present_Argentine_monetary_crisis This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit letsknowthings.substack.com/subscribe

durée : 01:32:00 - Les Nuits de France Culture - par : Albane Penaranda - Par la Communauté Radiophonique des Programmes de Langue Française, Gérald Cazaubon (Radio France), Jules Gérard-Libois et Georges Wielemans (Radio-Télévision Belge), Jérôme Deshusses (Radio Suisse Romande), Naïm Kattan et Yves Lapierre (Société Radio-Canada) - Avec les Archives de la CRPLF et de la BBC : les voix de Richard Nixon, Jean Lacouture, Henry Chapier, Juan Perón, Pablo Picasso, Pablo Neruda, Jean-Pierre Melville, Konrad Lorenz, Constantin II de Grèce, Jacques Guillermaz, Pierre Andreu et Maurice Fleuret - Réalisation Jean-Jacques Vierne

Eva bzw. Evita wurde 1919 als Eva Maria Ibarguren (bzw. Eva Duarte) in einem kleinen, ländlichen Dorf namens Los Toldos geboren.1942 beginnt sie eine Tätigkeit als Sprecherin bei den Radiosendern El Mundo und Belgrano – ihre glockenhelle Stimme wird in ganz Argentinien bekannt. 1943 wurde sie Sprecherin des argentinischen Radioverbandes. Evita lebt als recht erfolgreiche, eigenständige Frau der Medienbranche in Buenos Aires als es zur Begegnung mit einem Mann kommt, der ihr Leben auf einen Schlag verändern wird. 1943 putscht das Militär in Buenos Aires und entmachtet den erzkonservativen Präsidenten Ramón Castillo. Es wird eine Regierung aus Offizieren gebildet. Mit dabei: Oberst Juan Perón, der zunächst den unauffälligen Posten eines Ministers für Arbeit bekleidet und später dreimal Präsident des Landes werden sollte - an seiner Seite: Eva! Wir sprechen über eine Frau, die an der Seite des Putschisten und Präsidenten Juan Perón zur charismatischen Ikone aufstieg und als mächtigste Frau Lateinamerikas in die Geschichte einging. Als Evita wurde sie zu einer Heiligen – aber war sie das wirklich?Hört in unsere Episode rein und erfahrt mehr über sie.Schreibt und gern und gebt Feedback: www.podcaststarkefrauen.deÜber eine Spende via Paypal an starkefrauenpodcast@gmail.com würden wir uns freuen.Redaktionelle Vorbereitung: Tjorven SteinmeyerScript final: Kim Seidler und Cathrin JacobSchnitt: Marie RoedersQuellen (Auswahl):https://www.zeit.de/1997/03/evita.txt.19970110.xml/komplettansichthttps://www.welt.de/geschichte/article146381563/Evita-Geliebte-kalter-Vamp-verkannte-Heilige.htmlhttps://www.fembio.org/biographie.php/frau/biographie/eva-evita-peron/Drewes, Veronika “Das Leben und Wirken der Eva Peron”, https://www.grin.com/document/101850https://lateinamerika-nachrichten.de/artikel/mythos-evita/https://www.politik-kommunikation.de/politik/evitas-affaere-mit-dem-volk/Ursula Prutsch, Eva Perón. Leben und Sterben einer Legende. Eine Biografie. Verlag C. H. Beck,https://amerika21.de/analyse/214909/geburt-peronismus-argentinienhttps://www.planet-wissen.de/kultur/suedamerika/argentinien/pwiejuandomingopern100.htmlhttps://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/das-phaenomen-peronismus-argentiniens-populismus-fuer-alle-100.htmlhttps://www.matices-magazin.de/archiv/19-argentinien/eva-peron/Photo Credit:  Public domain / Arquivo Nacional Collection  Eva Perón (1950) Möchtest Du Cathrin oder Kim auf einen Kaffee einladen und dafür die Episoden werbefrei hören? Dann klicke auf den folgenden Link: https://plus.acast.com/s/starke-frauen. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

If you enjoyed this episode, please consider becoming a paid subscriber here on Substack to help us sustain Good Distinctions!Sins Against the Respect for the Reputation of PersonsStatements made about public figures are a dime a dozen. Individuals like Pope Francis who are known throughout the world garner certain reputations. Often, these reputations are an amalgamation of rash judgment, detraction, or calumny. In today's examination, I want to investigate the rather loaded question: is Pope Francis in favor of socialism and/or globalism? For some, this seems like a forgone conclusion and for others the sentiment is preposterous. I hope to shed a bit of light on the subject by sifting through the defining socialism and globalism, looking at Church teaching on the subject, and reviewing some statements by Pope Francis. Maybe then we will get a bit closer to understanding the mind of the Roman Pontiff on the topic.However, first I want to look briefly at these three sins against respect for the reputation of persons. The Catechism of the Catholic Church states, “Respect for the reputation of persons forbids every attitude and word likely to cause them unjust injury (CCC 2477).” So, what are rash judgments, detraction, and calumny?Rash JudgmentsIf we call into question the moral standing of another without sufficient foundation, we are guilty of the sin of rash judgment. We do not even have to be fully convinced of our neighbor's fault for the sin of rash judgment to be present. Avoiding rash judgment requires care and practice. When we encounter the thoughts, words, and deeds of another, we should attempt to interpret them in a favorable way. St. Ignatius of Loyola writes:“Every good Christian ought to be more ready to give a favorable interpretation to another's statement than to condemn it. But if he cannot do so, let him ask how the other understands it. And if the latter understands it badly, let the former correct him with love. If that does not suffice, let the Christian try all suitable ways to bring the other to a correct interpretation so that he may be saved (St. Ignatius of Loyola, Spiritual Exercises, 22).”DetractionDetraction is the sin of disclosing another's faults and failings to persons who did not know them without an objectively valid reason for doing so, to use the wording of the Catechism (cf. CCC 2477). Notice here that detraction seems to presume that the faults of failings of the other person are actually present. However, we need to take care not to share these faults and failings with an objectively valid reason. CalumnyFinally, calumny is the sin of harming the reputation of another by providing remarks which are contrary to the truth. When this happens, it invites others to make false judgments about the person being discussed. The problem with both detraction and calumny is that they “destroy the reputation and honor of one's neighbor (CCC 2479).” Actions like these are vices opposed to the virtues of justice and charity.Why Bring Up These Three Sins?There is no shortage of armchair theologians interpreting the thoughts, words, and deeds of Pope Francis in an unfavorable way. This is the sin of rash judgment. I myself have been guilty of this sin in regards to the pope several years ago, and I repent of it. Likewise, there are things which are sincerely problematic surrounding the Francis pontificate and the person of Pope Francis in the past ten years. Not all of these personal conversations needed to be brought out to the public forum, especially not in the way that they were. For example, the many letters of Archbishop Vigano would constitute, in my mind, consistent detraction against the Holy Father. Many of these letters also seem to fit the bill for calumny as well. And, of course, there is widespread calumny against the pope, as I am sure there has been against every pope in history. Folks do love to gossip. It is an unfortunate side effect of the Fall and our concupiscence. So, how does this apply to today's topic? I am going to try to avoid rash judgment, detraction, and calumny as I investigate the subject matter today. I hope by giving a model for reading the Pontiff charitably, all of us will be inspired to do likewise in the future. With that all being said, let us now turn our attention to socialism and globalism.What are Socialism and Globalism? Are they Related?When you say the word “socialism,” most people immediately think of economics. Really, socialism is more broadly a political ideology with implications in both economic and sociological structures. These structures or systems are predominantly centered around the means of production being controlled socially, rather than privately. The means of production are the land, labor, and capital which are used to produce products (in the form of goods or services). If the land, labor, or capital in a given locale are owned by the government, by a co-op, by employees, or the like, this is an indication that socialist mechanisms are in play. After the introduction of the thought of Marx and Engels in the 19th Century, a category of socialism was born which was called Communism. While there have been many iterations of socialism and communism, the key distinction is that communism is not concerned with social ownership of the means of production only but also with socially designed means of consumption of products. At any rate, both socialism and communism are opposed to capitalism, which desires to keep the means of production owned by private firms and individuals. Globalism is an interesting term without a set definition. It is usually used by right-leaning capitalists in a pejorative sense. In the 17th Century, the Peace of Westphalia led to a world-system in which several nation-states and independent nations created an interconnected economic system. These world-systems were not global as much as very large regional systems. Many of these world-systems did not interact with one another. Then, over the next two centuries, these world-systems came into ever-increasing contact in a process known as globalization. Due to transportation and communications advancements, this process took off at a feverish pace after the end of the Cold War in the 1990s. Goods, services, technology, capital, data, people, and the like move relatively freely across borders throughout the world. As a result, global markets continued to expand. In 2000, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) described four main aspects of globalization: 1) trade, 2) capital movements, 3) movement of people, and 4) the spread of knowledge and technology (Globalization: Threat or Opportunity?). Globalism is really the expression of globalization, just as nationalism is an expression of nationality. Here lies one danger: just as nationalism can go off the rails towards a well-intentioned but ultimately overzealous approach, so too can globalism devolve into an attempt to control uncontrollable mechanisms. When governments and key global leaders in politics, business, and entertainment attempt to control global markets, the outcome leads to remarkable inefficiencies which sadly lead to human suffering. This is because a society which is not founded on the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity are doomed to radically disordered structures and systems. For more on solidarity and subsidiarity, check out a previous episode on the topic. So, are socialism and globalism related? To an extent: yes! Many of the early socialists dreamed of a utopian world in which everyone had what they needed and suffering was minimized. Then, when Marx and Engels began writing the Communist Manifesto, they did so in a world which was already experiencing the nascent groans of globalization, with all its accompanying problems. Their response was to instantiate a radical form of socialism. Planned socialist economies have been tried numerous times in the 20th Century and the result has always been widespread death, suffering, and even genocide. Globalism is more or less an attempt to understand the mechanism and intricacies of globalization. This is nothing more than a desire for more knowledge about how the structures which exist in the world actually work. The problem is when globalism takes on a more “intentional” twinge and admixes socialist policies. The socialist or the globalist could dream of a world in which social structures control land, labor, and capital in order to produce goods and services for a global market. These social structures could be the United Nations, the European Union, or even the neoliberal and neoconservative efforts of nation building seen after the Cold War. What does the Church Teach About Socialism and Globalism?SocialismPope Pius XI, in his work Quadragesimo Anno, writes: “If Socialism, like all errors, contains some truth (which, moreover, the supreme pontiffs have never denied), it is based nevertheless on a theory of human society peculiar to itself and irreconcilable with true Christianity. Religious socialism, Christian socialism, are contradictory terms; no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist (Quadragesimo Anno, 120).”Likewise, the Catechism of the Catholic Church states that:“The Church has rejected the totalitarian and atheistic ideologies associated in modern times with “communism” or “socialism”  (Catechism, 2425).”Pope Leo XIII in his masterwork Rerum Novarum wrote in 1891 that:“To remedy these wrongs the socialists, working on the poor man's envy of the rich, are striving to do away with private property, and contend that individual possessions should become the common property of all, to be administered by the State or by municipal bodies. They hold that by thus transferring property from private individuals to the community, the present mischievous state of things will be set to rights, inasmuch as each citizen will then get his fair share of whatever there is to enjoy. But their contentions are so clearly powerless to end the controversy that were they carried into effect the working man himself would be among the first to suffer. They are, moreover, emphatically unjust, for they would rob the lawful possessor, distort the functions of the State, and create utter confusion in the community (Rerum Novarum, 4).”One of the key tenets of socialist ideology is contempt for private property, which is something that the Catholic Church ardently defends. Pope Leo XIII even speaks of the “inviolability” of private property, as a principle. Likewise, Pope Leo XIII speaks of socialists setting up “a State supervision” at the expense of parents, which he calls an “act against natural justice” which would “destroy the structure of the home (ibid., 14).”GlobalismBecause globalism is so ill-defined, we will be hard pressed to find many denunciations or affirmations of it. However, we can see fairly clearly that the Catholic Church is not opposed to a transnationalism corporate approach, given that it is the oldest and most interconnected organization in the world! Where the rubber meets the road on this question is between progressives in favor of an international and anti-nationalist view of global structures and a conservative and isolationist view. Between these two views is a wide diversity of ideologies of varying degrees. So, we do not want to fall into a trap of extremism. From my perspective, I think both extremes have something to offer. On the side of the internationalist progressives, I think there is value to their critique that there is an American, exceptionalist version of Catholicism which reads into everything the Vatican does as pertaining exclusively and directly to the United States. This sort of nationalism might be appropriate for navigating diplomatic relations between nations. But it is prideful and ridiculous on the global, Catholic front. I do not doubt that Pope Francis has spoken vaguely about the Western world and the United States, in particular, with negative overtones. But his critiques are centered around an observation of rampant materialism and individualism which devalues certain communities and the marginalized. And fair enough.On the side of the isolationist conservatives, there is a desire to get one's house in order before reaching out to others in assistance. The world is full of different problems, but we need to fix the problems in our own house and in our own backyard before we can be of use to anyone else. I am deeply sympathetic to this approach due to my abiding love of the principle of subsidiarity. But we have to balance this approach with solidarity, which shows how intensely interconnected the human family is. And what is more, the baptized are supernaturally brothers and sisters in an even more pronounced way than a mere natural association. The problem with globalism which is the most pronounced is the lens of seeing the world in material terms to the neglect of the spiritual. I wrote about this extensively in my part two summary of Deus Caritas Est by Pope Benedict XVI. We have a responsibility to provide for the material necessities of those in need (preferential option for the poor), but we cannot fulfill this due to the neglect of the spiritual needs of persons. Rising alongside globalization was an insidious secularism which attempted to remove God from society.Material, at the Expense of the SpiritualRiding the wave of the Enlightenment, Frederich Neitzsche famously wrote “God is dead,” but most people do not understand the point he is making. He is not simply announcing his own growing personal atheism. The quote continues:“God is dead. God remains dead. And we have killed him. Who will wipe this blood off us? What water is there for us to clean ourselves? What festivals of atonement, what sacred games shall we have to invent? Is not the greatness of this deed too great for us? Must we ourselves not become gods simply to appear worthy of it? (Neitzsche)”The Enlightenment was deeply disorienting because Christendom cannot exist apart from a Christian worldview and Christian societal ordering. When the Enlightenment thinkers and actors unmoored society from these deep roots and outstretched arms to Heaven, the response was the dramatic collapse of the moral value structure of Christian society. With continued globalization, this secularism continued to creep along the globe. Now, it is counter-cultural and an oddity to be a believer, much less a Christian. The nihilism of Nietzsche saw that society was shaking off the temporal influence of Christianity, but he also remarked that the “shadows” of God would still need to be vanquished, the vestiges of the Christian worldview. In our current postmodern world, this is certainly coming true pragmatically. The main problem with this - and thus with what globalism is effectively importing and exporting ideologically these days - is that God is not dead and never will be. Human nature does not change just because some European narcissists of the last centuries say so.Nietzsche, Kierkegaard, and Marx, in various iterations refer to the offers of Christian religion as the comfort of certainty. Marx, in particular, refers to religion as the opiate of the masses. I think this shows just how twisted the notions of Christianity were at the time. Jesus did not come to bring us comfort, He told us to pick up our cross and follow Him. The Christian life is hard. Yes, the promise of Heaven is a comfort, but it also happens to be true because the Source is trustworthy.Unfortunately, globalism has led to a bland approach to religious truths - and especially moral prescripts - which has devolved into moral relativism, subjectivism, and indifferentism. Even within the Church, we can sense the effects of these trends. Many Catholics - lay, religious, and clergy alike - are awash in the cultural cocktail of crappy creeds being advanced by every human source with no reference to transcendent, objective truth and the Source of Truth, God Himself. All of that being said, moored in good philosophical and theological convictions, globalism can be a great force for good. Humanity is interconnected. Through mass communication, we can reach out to those around us and those halfway across the globe in an instant. If those using these modern technologies are virtuous and ordered towards God, then the Holy Spirit can bear fruit in these interactions! So, while it is healthy to critique what is morally ambiguous or evil, it is important to see things as they currently are and then help order our society back towards God. Lest we think this is an impossible task, remember charity begins at home. Start there.Where Does Pope Francis Come From and Does it Matter?Before we get into Pope Francis' comments relating to socialism and globalism, it is worth looking at his own upbringing and cultural context. We are the product of nature and nurture, in many real and lasting ways. Pope Francis is no different.Jorge Mario Bergoglio was born in Buenos Aires, Argentina in 1936 to Italian parents. His family left Italy to escape the fascist oppression of Benito Mussolini in 1929. Communism sought to abolish private property. Socialism advocated government ownership of the means of production. Fascism left the means of production in private hands but through government and corporate collusion directed every economic decision.He worked as a bouncer and a janitor before training as a chemist and working as a technician in a food science laboratory. At the age of 22, he discerned a vocation to the priesthood in the Society of Jesus (the Jesuits). As we grow up, our thoughts and opinions on matters change, politically, socially, economically, and even religiously. These changes might be a deepening and maturing, a complete break for something new, or an exploration which eventually comes full circle. What is consistent is that our cultural experiences and upbringing color our approaches. In the case of Jorge Bergoglio in Argentina, Juan Perón took power in 1946 after World War Two and held power until he was overthrown in 1955.I think that Juan Perón is the key to understanding Pope Francis' approach to society and politics. Peronism is a form of corporate socialism but is seen by many as “right wing.” Confused yet?  Juan Perón was an Argentine nationalist and populist. Populism is not right or left wing; it is a way to stir up public support amongst the working class.Juan Perón harbored former Nazi officials. He was fairly isolationist. He was anti-clerical and got on the bad side of the Church when he worked to legalize divorce. He supported labor unions and corporatized them. He used violence and dictatorial rule to maintain power, but all the while styled himself as a man of the people. Though a socialist in practice, Juan Perón had a well documented respect for Benito Mussolini. I think it is fair to say that Juan Perón was willing to support any policy which helped him retain power - a hallmark of populists. Juan Perón is key to Pope Francis' approach because this is the society which Jorge Bergoglio grappled with from ten years old and forward. And even after Juan Perón was removed, his policies and ideas remained prevalent in Argentine politics into the 21st Century.  So, keep that in mind as we look at what Pope Francis has to say about socialism and globalism. Americans, especially, are notorious for reading everything in light of American politics and economic ideologies. Argentina is vastly different from the United States politically, socially, and economically. If we approach Pope Francis' writings on social and economic structuring with narrow vision, then we will miss the forest for the trees. Is Pope Francis a Socialist or Globalist?Now, finally, we can turn our attention to the question: is Pope Francis a socialist or a globalist? I am going to focus on looking at the three most authoritative documents from Pope Francis, his encyclicals: Lumen Fidei (2013), Laudato si' (2015), and Fratelli Tutti (2020). I will also touch on his 2013 Apostolic Exhortation Evangelii Gaudium. I am not writing a book on the man, nor am I claiming to exhaustively treat this question. But the conversation I want to start here is: what does he actually promulgate in his ordinary and universal magisterium, as the Pope. Popes are free to hold private opinions and even express them publicly, but they do not hold the weight of an encyclical letter. So, we will stick to these three documents. If you want to sort through the ambiguous statements the Pope has made or dive into his airplane interviews, go for it!Lumen Fidei (2013)Lumen Fidei was released shortly after Pope Francis was elected and was actually written by Pope Benedict XVI. Nonetheless, being promulgated by Francis, we should charitably assume that he is asserting what is therein contained. This encyclical is in the same vein as Deus Caritas Est and Spe Salvi on Charity and Hope and is about Faith. This is a largely theological text without much discussion of politics or economics. But there is one pertinent idea that is repeated twice: “The individual's act of faith finds its place within a community, within the common ‘we' of the people who, in faith, are like a single person - ‘my first-born son,' as God would describe all of Israel (Lumen Fidei, 14).”Likewise, in par. 43, we hear: “Since faith is a reality lived within the community of the Church, part of a common ‘We,' children can be supported by others, their parents and godparents, and welcomed into their faith, which is the faith of the Church (ibid., 43).”I think these two paragraphs, when taken as one idea, are a concrete expression of solidarity and subsidiarity in the life of the Church. The corporate “We” of the Church stretches across the entire globe (and in Purgatory and Heaven!!) but the instantiation is in the local, the family, the cell of society. As far as globalism is concerned, this seems like a perfectly balanced approach.The understanding that the integrity of the Faith is vital is beautifully expounded here:“Since faith is one, it must be professed in all its purity and integrity. Precisely because all the articles of faith are interconnected, to deny one of them, even of those that seem least important, is tantamount to distorting the whole. Each period of history can find this or that point of faith easier or harder to accept: hence the need for vigilance in ensuring that the deposit of faith is passed on in its entirety (cf. 1 Tim 6:20) and that all aspects of the profession of faith are duly emphasized. Indeed, inasmuch as the unity of faith is the unity of the Church, to subtract something from the faith is to subtract something from the veracity of communion (ibid., 48).”The unity of faith is the unity of the Church. So, if the Pope takes a global view of the Church - which he should - then the accompanying principle is unity of belief. From the beginning, this has been one of the unambiguous guiding principles of the Church: there is a unity of governance, teaching, preaching, and means of sanctification. It is only in Jesus that we are united. This is the light of life for society. The Pope writes:“Modernity sought to build a universal brotherhood based on equality, yet we gradually came to realize that this brotherhood, lacking a reference to a common Father as its ultimate foundation, cannot endure (ibid., 54).”It is abundantly clear that Pope Benedict XVI wrote these words. But Pope Francis promulgated them. This is what he believes.By living the faith in integrity, locally and based in subsidiarity, is ordered to the common good of society. “Faith does not merely grant interior firmness, a steadfast conviction on the part of the believer; it also sheds light on every human relationship because it is born of love and reflects God's own love (ibid., 50).”In this first encyclical of the Francis pontificate, there can be no doubt that any sense of a globalized reality is tempered with subsidiarity and a unity of faith, and a bold proclamation of that Faith. This is all the more clarified by Pope Francis' Apostolic Exhortation, released in November of 2013, Evangelii Gaudium. Evangelii Gaudium (2013)Pope Francis condemns a “throw away” culture which treats human beings like consumer goods. In this context, the Pope decries “trickle-down theories” of economics which:“…assume that economic growth, encouraged by a free market, will inevitably succeed in bringing about greater justice and inclusiveness in the world. This opinion, which has never been confirmed by the facts, expresses a crude and naïve trust in the goodness of those wielding economic power and in the sacralized workings of the prevailing economic system. Meanwhile, the excluded are still waiting. To sustain a lifestyle which excludes others, or to sustain enthusiasm for that selfish ideal, a globalization of indifference has developed. Almost without being aware of it, we end up being incapable of feeling compassion at the outcry of the poor, weeping for other people's pain, and feeling a need to help them, as though all this were someone else's responsibility and not our own. The culture of prosperity deadens us; we are thrilled if the market offers us something new to purchase. In the meantime all those lives stunted for lack of opportunity seem a mere spectacle; they fail to move us (EG, 54).”Clearly, the Pope is condemning a form of capitalism which relies on fallen human beings to do the right thing for the poor and marginalized. It does not seem to me that he is condemning free markets or capitalism, per se. Rather, he is condemning passive indifferentism. He also rightly says that this indifferentism has been globalized. Thus, in the same paragraph, we seem to have a condemnation of a certain kind of free market capitalism and a suspicion of globalist trends.He says that money has become an idol and imbalances in financial markets are caused by a dehumanizing effect which sees human persons only as a consumer. He goes on to say:“While the earnings of a minority are growing exponentially, so too is the gap separating the majority from the prosperity enjoyed by those happy few. This imbalance is the result of ideologies which defend the absolute autonomy of the marketplace and financial speculation. Consequently, they reject the right of states, charged with vigilance for the common good, to exercise any form of control. A new tyranny is thus born, invisible and often virtual, which unilaterally and relentlessly imposes its own laws and rules. Debt and the accumulation of interest also make it difficult for countries to realize the potential of their own economies and keep citizens from enjoying their real purchasing power (EG, 56).”Now, we are getting into a condemnation not just of trickle-down systems but of unfettered and unregulated free markets which he calls a “deified market.” What is interesting is his reasons why. He condemns unfettered free markets because he says that they reject God and seek to rule rather than serve. Further, it is not the markets which are problematic so much as the people pulling the levers. They lack a non-ideological ethics which seeks to serve human persons.He quotes someone saying: “Not to share one's wealth with the poor is to steal from them and to take away their livelihood. It is not our own goods which we hold, but theirs (EG, 57).” Golly! Who said that? Karl Marx?! Some dirty communist or socialist? No. Actually it was St. John Chrysostom, the great Church Father of Eastern antiquity. Pope Francis ends this subsection by saying:“Money must serve, not rule! The Pope loves everyone, rich and poor alike, but he is obliged in the name of Christ to remind all that the rich must help, respect and promote the poor. I exhort you to generous solidarity and to the return of economics and finance to an ethical approach which favours human beings (EG, 58).”What the Pope is talking about here is principles of ethics and social life, not economic and societal structures, as such. Reading him uncharitably, I remember hearing - mostly American - conservatives mouth off that the Pope is anti-capitalist and therefore a SOCIALIST! Well, it seems more likely from Evangelii Gaudium that the Pope is lamenting any system which is based on greedy materialism which dehumanizes people. The Pope then turns his attention to secularization which he says “tends to reduce the faith and the Church to the sphere of the private and the personal (EG, 64).” It rejects the transcendent, deteriorates ethics, weakens a sense of sin, and increases relativism. Further, he mentions that: “The individualism of our postmodern and globalized era favours a lifestyle which weakens the development and stability of personal relationships and distorts family bonds (EG, 67).”I think that this is a fruitful approach because he is describing the problems he is seeing and then proposing the principles to deal with them effectively, from the mind and heart of the Church. This is not a support or condemnation of globalism, so much as a sober look at where we are currently. I highly recommend reading this document in its entirety to get the full picture. Suffice it to say, there is nothing in Evangelii Gaudium which supports the hypothesis that Pope Francis is a socialist or a globalist.Laudato Si (2015)Laudato Si was written about the care of our common home. It is an encyclical about environmental stewardship, but Pope Francis touches on several economic issues.The Pope is skeptical of international political responses to the protection of marginalized people and ecosystems. He says that too many special interests can “end up trumping the common good and manipulating information so that their own plans will not be affected (LS, 54).” He says that the consequence of this is that:“… the most one can expect is superficial rhetoric, sporadic acts of philanthropy and perfunctory expressions of concern for the environment, whereas any genuine attempt by groups within society to introduce change is viewed as a nuisance based on romantic illusions or an obstacle to be circumvented (LS, 54).”This is the same skepticism about international rule which he expressed in 2013. Quoting from St. John Paul II, Pope Francis defends the universal destination of goods, developmental policies which focus on human rights, and a defense of legitimate right to private property. His critique here is that God's gifts are being used for the benefit of only a few and that unjust habits need to be reexamined. Further, Pope Francis puts globalization in his crosshairs again when he investigates the creativity and power of technology. He writes: “​​The economy accepts every advance in technology with a view to profit, without concern for its potentially negative impact on human beings (LS, 109).” However, he then repeats the same concern of free market trickle-down economic approaches that he brought forth in Evangelii Gaudium. He says:“Some circles maintain that current economics and technology will solve all environmental problems, and argue, in popular and non-technical terms, that the problems of global hunger and poverty will be resolved simply by market growth. They are less concerned with certain economic theories which today scarcely anybody dares defend, than with their actual operation in the functioning of the economy (LS, 109).” He admits that those who espouse such views do not always do so in words, but he says their deeds run contrary to the items he thinks are important. Namely, these priorities are “more balanced levels of production, a better distribution of wealth, concern for the environment and the rights of future generations (LS, 109).” Pope Francis does not then offer tangible steps of what more balanced levels of production would entail, but a charitable read would suggest that he is referring back to materialism and people being treated as commodities. He does not seem to be referring to who should own the means of production. He calls for a better distribution of wealth, but he clarifies this earlier in the text. There are those who are destitute and do not have their basic needs covered, while a small percentage of people have more resources than they could ever use or even effectively manage. But he does not suggest that wealth be redistributed in a socialist way. As far as Laudato Si is concerned, there is a lot more to say related to a skepticism on the Pope's part regarding global and international approaches to the issue of environmental care. But I want to share one final passage on employment. The view of Pope Francis here is as far from Socialism and Globalism as one could possibly get. And yet, many more conservative readers bristle at any possible critique of the free market and are uncharitable in the rest of their reading. It is longer, but well worth reading carefully, especially if you are prone to saying unequivocally in a kneejerk way that Pope Francis is a socialist; here is the passage:“In order to continue providing employment, it is imperative to promote an economy which favours productive diversity and business creativity. For example, there is a great variety of small-scale food production systems which feed the greater part of the world's peoples, using a modest amount of land and producing less waste, be it in small agricultural parcels, in orchards and gardens, hunting and wild harvesting or local fishing. Economies of scale, especially in the agricultural sector, end up forcing smallholders to sell their land or to abandon their traditional crops. Their attempts to move to other, more diversified, means of production prove fruitless because of the difficulty of linkage with regional and global markets, or because the infrastructure for sales and transport is geared to larger businesses. Civil authorities have the right and duty to adopt clear and firm measures in support of small producers and differentiated production. To ensure economic freedom from which all can effectively benefit, restraints occasionally have to be imposed on those possessing greater resources and financial power. To claim economic freedom while real conditions bar many people from actual access to it, and while possibilities for employment continue to shrink, is to practise a doublespeak which brings politics into disrepute. Business is a noble vocation, directed to producing wealth and improving our world. It can be a fruitful source of prosperity for the areas in which it operates, especially if it sees the creation of jobs as an essential part of its service to the common good (LS, 129).”Fratelli Tutti (2020)Pope Francis' 2020 document on fraternity and social friendship is excellent. It contains a lot of real gems. My favorite quotation, which I think shows Pope Francis' mind on the interconnectedness of man is: “We gorged ourselves on networking, and lost the taste of fraternity (FT, 33).” This is a fabulous turn of phrase that hearkens back to the Pope's desire to see people viewed as persons rather than commodities.As a social encyclical, Fratelli Tutti touches on society, persons, economics, and politics throughout. It is also quite long, in terms of encyclicals. As a social encyclical, it contains several prudential judgments, opinions, and non-definitive ideas; so, it is a bit different from the norm as far as encyclicals go. However, it is highly worth reading, in its entirety. I want to just touch on a few main points here.He begins the document taking swings against globalism, saying:“As I was writing this letter, the Covid-19 pandemic unexpectedly erupted, exposing our false securities. Aside from the different ways that various countries responded to the crisis, their inability to work together became quite evident. For all our hyper-connectivity, we witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all. Anyone who thinks that the only lesson to be learned was the need to improve what we were already doing, or to refine existing systems and regulations, is denying reality (FT, 7).”The Pope seems to come down squarely against what globalism is doing. He says, in part quoting Pope Benedict XVI:“Local conflicts and disregard for the common good are exploited by the global economy in order to impose a single cultural model. This culture unifies the world, but divides persons and nations, for ‘as society becomes ever more globalized, it makes us neighbours, but does not make us brothers' (FT, 12).”He then proceeds to provide a blistering critique of globalism and attributes to it the growing problem of loneliness. He writes:“We are more alone than ever in an increasingly massified world that promotes individual interests and weakens the communitarian dimension of life. Indeed, there are markets where individuals become mere consumers or bystanders. As a rule, the advance of this kind of globalism strengthens the identity of the more powerful, who can protect themselves, but it tends to diminish the identity of the weaker and poorer regions, making them more vulnerable and dependent. In this way, political life becomes increasingly fragile in the face of transnational economic powers that operate with the principle of ‘divide and conquer' (FT, 12).”The weak and the poor are the object of the Pope's concern, because they are precisely those with the quietest voice in society. And there are those who claim to speak for the poor for their own gain. As we look at the next quote, remember Juan Perón and the Pope's early experiences. He writes:“Lack of concern for the vulnerable can hide behind a populism that exploits them demagogically for its own purposes, or a liberalism that serves the economic interests of the powerful. In both cases, it becomes difficult to envisage an open world that makes room for everyone, including the most vulnerable, and shows respect for different cultures (FT, 155).”The Pope goes on to critique liberal approaches which speak of a respect for freedom without the roots of shared narrative. He says that leftist ideologies linked to individualistic ways of acting are ineffective and leave people in need. He calls for a greater spirit of fraternity as well as a “more efficient worldwide organization to help resolve the problems plaguing the abandoned who are suffering and dying in poor countries (FT, 165).” On first blush, this seems like an endorsement of a form of globalism. But what I think he is saying is that a more global pool of resources is needed to help the poorest nations move into a post-industrial phase. Rather than proposing socialism or a concrete form of globalism, the Pope rightly says:“It also shows that there is no one solution, no single acceptable methodology, no economic recipe that can be applied indiscriminately to all. Even the most rigorous scientific studies can propose different courses of action (FT, 165).”As the document progresses, there are more of the same critiques of trick-down economics, populism, and a materialism which diminishes the dignity of persons. Then, in paragraph 172 and following, Pope Francis enters into the few paragraphs with which I take most issue. He calls for agreements among national governments to form a “world authority regulated by law” which ought to “at least to promote more effective world organizations, equipped with the power to provide for the common good, the elimination of hunger and poverty and the sure defence of fundamental human rights (FT, 172).” I find this problematic because it seems to conflict with the principle of subsidiarity. But then the Pope takes things a step further into waters which I dare not wade. He says:“In this regard, I would also note the need for a reform of the United Nations Organization, and likewise of economic institutions and international finance, so that the concept of the family of nations can acquire real teeth' (FT, 173).” The thought of the U.N. with “real teeth” is the stuff of nightmares. Globalist governments do not seem efficient or helpful. To give teeth to an organization which can so easily be ruled by only a few countries with real sway is a recipe for disaster. I think that the U.N. should continue to arbitrate disputes and be a diplomatic force for good, but I am inclined to let their power end there.Comments on the United Nations notwithstanding, Fratelli Tutti brings up a lot of great points worth contemplating. There are several other points with which I would like to have a productive conversation with the Holy Father. But these items do not fall under the category of Faith and Moral teachings of the Church; they are almost completely prudential matters. So, disagreement, within reason and in charity, is perfectly acceptable. Bottom Line: Is Pope Francis a Socialist or a Globalist?Here is my bottom line. Based on what he has taught in his ordinary and universal magisterium, Pope Francis is not a socialist or a globalist. His critics pick up on some sincerely problematic phrasings but are largely uncharitable in their approach. As a private individual, I know that Pope Francis has condemned socialism and communism, but is very sympathetic to those ideas and what they are trying to accomplish. But this does not mean that he is firmly in that camp. He is a harsh critic of capitalism, but he does not seem to be endorsing socialism as a viable alternative.As far as globalism goes, the Pope speaks to the need for adherence to subsidiarity and solidarity, but he also espouses certainly pointedly globalist views, especially regarding international organizations and interreligious cooperation. In my opinion, these actions and especially joint-statements with non-Christian religious leaders are often misleading and imprudent. But the course of this exploration has been his ordinary and universal magisterial teachings. In all things, we must read what people say with charity and an open-mind. Of course, we must do so within reason. As G.K. Chesterton said: “The object of opening the mind, as of opening the mouth, is to shut it again on something solid.”For a further look at what we here at Good Distinctions mean by being open-minded, check out Episode 3! Until next time: have a great week! And remember: Good Distinctions are the spice of life!If you enjoyed this episode, please consider becoming a paid subscriber here on Substack to help us sustain Good Distinctions! Get full access to Good Distinctions at www.gooddistinctions.com/subscribe

Harvey Brownstone conducts an in-depth interview with Bob Gunton, Legendary Actor, Star, “The Shawshank Redemption” About Harvey's guest: Today's special guest, Bob Gunton, is a veteran actor whose prolific body of work over the past 5 decades has created some of the most memorable roles in movies, on television and on the Broadway stage.   On the big screen, he brought us “Chief George Earle” in "Demolition Man", “Mr. Pease” in “Delores Claiborne”, “Pritchett” in “Broken Arrow”, medical school dean Dr. Walcott in "Patch Adams", Cecil Dobbs in “The Lincoln Lawyer”, and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance in "Argo".   But the one role, more than any other, that has guaranteed him cinematic immortality, is his chilling portrayal of the despicable Prison Warden “Samuel Norton” in "The Shawshank Redemption".   On television, in addition to many guest appearances on shows like “Miami Vice”, “L.A. Law”, “CSI”, “Nip/Tuck”, “Boston Legal”, “Law & Order: SVU”, “The Blacklist”, and dozens more, he played Governor George Wallace in “Unconquered”, he played Tommy Dorsey in the 1992 miniseries “Sinatra”, he played President Woodrow Wilson in “Iron Jawed Angels”, he played President Nixon in “Elvis Meets Nixon”, and he played President Roosevelt twice: once in the TV movie, “Kingfish: A Story of Huey P. Long”, and again in the miniseries “World War 2: Behind Closed Doors”.   He also had recurring roles, as Dr. Leonard Schrader on “Hothouse”, “Judge Homer Conklin” in “Courthouse”, “Mayor Smith” in “Peacemakers”, “Noah Taylor” in “Desperate Housewives”, the Secretary of Defense, then Chief of Staff, then Secretary of State “Ethan Kanin” on “Twenty-Four”, “Leland Owlsley” in "Daredevil", “General William Collins” in “Royal Pains”, and “Jeremiah Davis” in “Trial and Error”.    And if all of that weren't enough, our guest is a Broadway superstar.  He originated the role of “Juan Perón” in the Broadway premiere of Evita, receiving a Tony Award nomination AND a Drama Desk Award for Outstanding Featured Actor in a Musical.  And he played the title role in the Broadway revival of “Sweeney Todd”, earning a second Tony Award nomination, and nominations for an Outer Critics Circle Award and a Drama Desk Award.   His other Broadway credits include “King of Hearts”, for which he received a Drama Desk Award nomination for Outstanding Featured Actor in a Musical, “How I Got That Story”, for which he won an Obie Award, a Clarence Derwent Award, and a Drama Desk Award nomination for Outstanding Actor in a Play, “Big River”, for which he received a Drama Desk Award nomination for Outstanding Featured Actor in a Musical, and “The Great Ostrovsky”, for which he received a Barrymore Award Nomination for Excellence in Theatre. For more interviews and podcasts go to: https://www.harveybrownstoneinterviews.com/ To see more about Bob Gunton, go to:https://www.imdb.com/name/nm0348409/https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bob_Guntonhttp://www.tcm.com/tcmdb/person/78189%7C0/Bob-Gunton/ #BobGunton    #harveybrownstoneinterviews

For decades, leftist policies first espoused by Juan Perón have dominated the country's politics. But as electioneering begins it is clear that rampant inflation is driving voters away from Peronism and toward the populist right. We examine why big American retailers see opportunity in providing primary health care (9:33). And our annual list of the world's most liveable cities (15:38).For full access to print, digital and audio editions of The Economist, try a free 30-day digital subscription by going to www.economist.com/intelligenceoffer Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

For decades, leftist policies first espoused by Juan Perón have dominated the country's politics. But as electioneering begins it is clear that rampant inflation is driving voters away from Peronism and toward the populist right. We examine why big American retailers see opportunity in providing primary health care (9:33). And our annual list of the world's most liveable cities (15:38).For full access to print, digital and audio editions of The Economist, try a free 30-day digital subscription by going to www.economist.com/intelligenceoffer Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

El regreso del líder del movimiento al país después del exilio, la batalla de Ezeiza.

Diário da História: 8 de junho Neste dia, ao longo dos anos, ocorreram eventos importantes e marcantes. Desde o falecimento de uma figura religiosa influente até acontecimentos esportivos e políticos, vamos explorar alguns dos eventos notáveis que moldaram o dia 8 de junho ao longo da história. 632: A morte de Maomé, fundador do islamismo No ano de 632: A morte de Maomé, fundador do islamismo Neste dia, em 632, em Medina, atual Arábia Saudita, faleceu Maomé, o fundador do islamismo. Maomé, cujo nome significa "altamente louvado", nasceu como Abulqasim Mohamed ibn Abdala ibn Abd al-Mutalib ibn Hashim. Ele foi uma figura central na história do islamismo, sendo considerado o último profeta por seus seguidores. Seus ensinamentos e a revelação do Alcorão são a base da fé islâmica. 1914: Fundação da Confederação Brasileira de Desportos (CBF) No dia 8 de junho de 1914, foi fundada a Confederação Brasileira de Desportos, que posteriormente se transformou na atual Confederação Brasileira de Futebol (CBF). A CBF é a entidade responsável por organizar o futebol no Brasil e representa a seleção brasileira em competições internacionais. 1941: Invasão da Síria e do Líbano pelas forças aliadas Em 8 de junho de 1941, durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, as forças aliadas britânicas e francesas invadiram a Síria e o Líbano. Essa operação militar teve como objetivo remover o controle francês da região, que estava sob o domínio de Vichy, o governo colaboracionista com os nazistas na França. 1947: Eva Perón recebida com honras em Madri pelo General Franco No dia 8 de junho de 1947, Eva Perón, esposa do presidente argentino Juan Perón, foi recebida com honras em Madri pelo General Franco, ditador espanhol. Essa saudação do ditador para um dignitário internacional foi considerada rara na época e refletiu a influência e o carisma de Eva Perón, conhecida como Evita, tanto na Argentina quanto no exterior. 1948: Fundação da Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da Ciência (SBPC) Em 8 de junho de 1948, foi fundada a Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da Ciência (SBPC). A SBPC é uma entidade científica que busca promover o avanço da ciência e da tecnologia no Brasil, além de atuar na defesa da pesquisa científica e na divulgação científica para a sociedade. 1969: Captura de James Earl Ray, suposto assassino de Martin Luther King Jr. No dia 8 de junho de 1969, as autoridades anunciaram a captura de James Earl Ray, em Londres, o suposto assassino do líder pelos direitos civis Martin Luther King Jr. O assassinato de Martin Luther King Jr. em abril de 1968 chocou os Estados Unidos e teve um impacto significativo no movimento pelos direitos civis; 1970: Golpe de Estado na Argentina depõe o presidente Juan Carlos Ongania Em 8 de junho de 1970, um golpe de Estado abalou a Argentina ao depor o presidente Juan Carlos Ongania. Ongania assumiu o poder em 1966, após um golpe militar anterior, e seu governo foi marcado por políticas autoritárias e repressivas. O descontentamento popular e a insatisfação com o regime culminaram no golpe, que resultou na queda de Ongania e na instabilidade política no país. 1978: Suspensão da censura prévia à imprensa no Brasil No dia 8 de junho de 1978, o presidente brasileiro Ernesto Geisel anunciou a suspensão da censura prévia à imprensa. Durante o período da ditadura militar no Brasil, que durou de 1964 a 1985, a censura era uma prática comum e a imprensa sofria restrições severas. A suspensão da censura prévia representou um avanço na abertura política e na liberdade de expressão no país. 1986: Kurt Waldheim é eleito presidente da Áustria Em 8 de junho de 1986, Kurt Waldheim foi eleito presidente da Áustria, apesar das alegações sobre seu envolvimento em atrocidades nazistas durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Waldheim serviu como secretário-geral da ONU de 1972 a 1981, mas sua eleição presidencial despertou controvérsias devido às revelações sobre seu passado. As acusações de seu envolvimento em crimes de guerra levantaram questões éticas e históricas na Áustria e no cenário internacional. 1996: China realiza uma explosão teste nuclear no nordeste de Xinjiang No dia 8 de junho de 1996, a China realizou uma explosão teste nuclear no nordeste de Xin jiang. Esse evento foi parte do programa nuclear chinês e gerou preocupações e críticas da comunidade internacional. A realização de testes nucleares tem implicações políticas, ambientais e de segurança global, e a China foi pressionada a aderir aos tratados internacionais que buscam limitar a proliferação nuclear. 1997: Guga conquista o título em Roland Garros Em 8 de junho de 1997, o tenista brasileiro Gustavo Kuerten, conhecido como Guga, conquistou o título de 1º lugar em Roland Garros, o prestigioso campeonato de tênis realizado na França. Essa vitória marcou um momento histórico para o esporte brasileiro, pois Guga se tornou o primeiro tenista brasileiro a vencer um Grand Slam. Sua conquista em Roland Garros elevou o tênis brasileiro a um novo patamar e inspirou gerações de jovens atletas. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/malhete-podcast/message

Eva (Evita) Perón was tijdens haar leven omstreden en is dat tot op de dag van vandaag gebleven. Had ze aandacht voor de noden van het volk uit intrinsieke overtuiging? Of was dat een manier om een menselijk gezicht te geven aan het bewind van haar man Juan Perón?

durée : 00:58:25 - Toute une vie - Adulée par les déshérités, haïe par les militaires et les réactionnaires, Eva Perón (1919-1952) a déchaîné les passions en Argentine. Fille illégitime et pauvre, starlette, épouse du dirigeant Juan Perón, idole des pauvres : qui était-elle ?

Juan Perón served as the President of Argentina between 1946 and 1955, and again for nine months just before his death in 1974. Despite dying nearly half a century ago, he still largely defines Argentine political discourse, and even many policy debates still revolve around whether single policies are sufficiently "peronist". This bizarre state of affairs is made stranger still by Perón's distinctly mixed record as leader, presiding over a considerable fall in Argentina's economic prospects. The question of why this is the case is the central topic of today's episode. My guest for this conversation is Jill Hedges, who works as Deputy Director of Analysis at Oxford Analytica, a geopolitical advisory firm. Jill is the author of various books about Argentina, including Juan Perón: The Life of the People's Colonel. In this wide ranging conversation, we also discuss the importance of the military in Argentine politics, the truth about Argentina's harbouring of members of the European far-right after World War II, and the central role of football in Argentine culture. 

Guests featured in this episode:Ricardo Regatieri, professor of sociology at the University of Bahia, Brazil. He also teaches in the Graduate Program in Social Sciences and is one of the leaders of PERIFERICAS – Research Group on Social Theories, Modernities and Colonialities at the same university. Ricardo was a visiting professor at the University of Cape Verde, as well as a research professor at Korea University and a lecturer at Hankuk University, both in Seoul, South Korea. Ricardo has published widely on critical social theory, modernity and coloniality, and democracy and authoritarian politics, and his latest research project investigates the challenges of dependency and coloniality to democracy and political stability in Brazil within the capitalist world-system. GLOSSARYWhat is the Workers Party (PT)?(02:14 or p.1 in the transcript)During the late 1970s, while Brazil was still under military rule, workers in the metallurgical industries (especially in automobile factories) located in São Paulo's industrial suburb of São Bernardo do Campo organized through factory commissions to push for increased wages and improved working conditions. The strike waves that these workers launched in 1978 and 1979 ushered in a form of organizing known as the new unionism and eventually led to the founding of the Brazilian Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores—PT) in 1979 and 1980.These workers founded their own party—under new political guidelines set out in 1979 by the dictatorship—because they saw the main opposition party (the Brazilian Democratic Movement, later the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party), the reconstituted Brazilian Labor Party, and the Brazilian Communist Party as too alienated from the concerns of rank-and-file workers. Thus, on May Day 1979, a group of labor leaders from the metalworkers' unions (who referred to themselves as labor's "authentic" leaders) issued a set of goals. The "authentics," led by Luís Inácio da Silva (popularly known as Lula), formed the Central Workers' Union (CUT) in 1983 to coordinate national labor practices for the unions associated with the PT. source What was the military dictatorship in Brazil?(13:42 or p.4 in the transcript)After overthrowing the reformist center-left government of João Goulart on March 31, 1964 in a coup d'état, the military installed a tutelary authoritarian regime to control civil society and the political system, serving as a political model for similar regimes in Latin America during the Cold War. The military passed arbitrary laws and severely repressed left-wing political groups and social movements while also seeking to accelerate capitalist development and the “national integration” of Brazil's vast territory. They intended to modernize Brazilian industry and carry out bold infrastructure projects. On the other hand, they faced strong opposition from civil society, led by political groups, artists, intellectuals, and press outlets of diverse ideological backgrounds (Marxists, liberals, socialists, and progressive Catholics). These groups were divided between total refusal to negotiate with the military and critical adherence to the policies of the generals' governments, composing a complex relationship between society and the state. source What is the Latin American populism?(15:05 or p.4 in the transcript)In Latin America, populism emerged in the 1930s and 1940s with the crisis of the oligarchical social order that combined liberal-inspired constitutions (division of powers, and elections) with patrimonial practices and values in predominantly rural societies. These estate-based societies had relations of domination and subordination characterized by unequal reciprocity. Institutional and everyday practices of domination excluded the majority of the population from politics and from the public sphere, which were kept in the hands of elites. Processes of urbanization, industrialization, and a generalized crisis of paternal authority allowed populist leaders to emerge. Classical populist leaders of the 1930s and 1940s such as Juan Perón and José María Velasco Ibarra fought against electoral fraud, expanded the franchise, and were exalted as the embodiment of the nation's true, uncorrupted traditions and values against those of foreign-oriented elites. In more economically developed nations such as Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, populist presidents pursued nationalist and redistributive social policies that coincided with the period of import substitution industrialization. Populism also emerged in agrarian contexts. In Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru, populism was not linked to industrialization, even though, as in the industrializing republics, it led to the political inclusion of previously excluded electors. source Democracy in Question? is brought to you by:• Central European University: CEU• The Albert Hirschman Centre on Democracy in Geneva: AHCD• The Podcast Company: Novel Follow us on social media!• Central European University: @CEU• Albert Hirschman Centre on Democracy in Geneva: @AHDCentreSubscribe to the show. If you enjoyed what you listened to, you can support us by leaving a review and sharing our podcast in your networks!  

El secretario General de la CTA Autónoma y ATE convocó a celebrar mañana en la ciudad de La Plata el Día de la Militancia, cuando se cumplen 50 años del regreso de Juan Perón a la Argentina, tras haberse exiliado en España luego del golpe de Estado de 1955. "Va a ser un acto multitudinario que va a marcar cuestiones muy importantes, como siempre lo hace la vicepresidenta", afirmó Hugo “Cachorro” Godoy. Cristina Fernández será la única oradora del acto que se realizará en el estadio único Diego Maradona. En ese marco, Godoy expresó: "Vamos a estar acompañando a Cristina. La persecución a la vicepresidenta es el mismo que se perpetra contra los trabajadores cuando quieren judicializar los reclamos sociales". Además, dijo que "ser militante es dar todo por el otro" y manifestó: "Necesitamos reforzar las formas de participación y lucha de la clase trabajadora". Esa celebración será la segunda actividad pública de la Vicepresidenta tras el intento de asesinato que sufrió el 1 de septiembre en la puerta de su domicilio y luego de su participación en el plenario de la Unión Obrera Metalúrgica (UOM), el 3 de noviembre último en el polideportivo municipal de Pilar. Desde las primeras horas de la tarde del jueves próximo confluirán en el estadio platense organizaciones enroladas en el Frente de Todos (FdT), funcionarios y legisladores nacionales y provinciales, las centrales sindicales CGT, CTA de los Trabajadores, CTA Autónoma y el Foro de Empresarios del sector Pyme "Producción y Trabajo", entre otros. Los organizadores del acto por el Día de la Militancia pidieron a la gente que concurra con tiempo para garantizar un ingreso ágil al estadio, por el acceso ubicado en el cruce de la avenida 32 y 26. Pase lo que pase, lunes a viernes de 7.00 a 9.00 Con Darío Villarruel, Sofía Muschetto y Jorge Vaccaro.

In „Santa Evita“ geht es um den Leichnam der zweiten Ehefrau des argentinischen Präsidenten Juan Perón, der Arte-Themenabend „Wie viel Mensch verträgt die Welt?“ fragt, wie lange der Planet sich noch von der Menschheit ausbeuten lässt und in „Streetfood: USA“ schlemmen wir uns durch die USA. >> Artikel zum Nachlesen: https://detektor.fm/kultur/was-laueft-heute-santa-evita-themenabend-wie-viel-mensch-vertraegt-die-welt-streetfood-usa

In „Santa Evita“ geht es um den Leichnam der zweiten Ehefrau des argentinischen Präsidenten Juan Perón, der Arte-Themenabend „Wie viel Mensch verträgt die Welt?“ fragt, wie lange der Planet sich noch von der Menschheit ausbeuten lässt und in „Streetfood: USA“ schlemmen wir uns durch die USA. >> Artikel zum Nachlesen: https://detektor.fm/kultur/was-laueft-heute-santa-evita-themenabend-wie-viel-mensch-vertraegt-die-welt-streetfood-usa

Eva Duarte de Perón, conhecida como Evita, foi primeira-dama da Argentina durante o primeiro mandato de Juan Perón na presidência do país e faleceu precocemente com o status de Santa Evita devido à sua atuação política pelos direitos das mulheres, da classe trabalhadora e dos “descamisados”. Décadas após sua morte, o peronismo que ela ajudou a moldar permanece vivo nos bairros pobres e nos movimentos por justiça social da Argentina atual.

In „Santa Evita“ geht es um den Leichnam der zweiten Ehefrau des argentinischen Präsidenten Juan Perón, der Arte-Themenabend „Wie viel Mensch verträgt die Welt?“ fragt, wie lange der Planet sich noch von der Menschheit ausbeuten lässt und in „Streetfood: USA“ schlemmen wir uns durch die USA. >> Artikel zum Nachlesen: https://detektor.fm/kultur/was-laueft-heute-santa-evita-themenabend-wie-viel-mensch-vertraegt-die-welt-streetfood-usa

Welcome to the Instant Trivia podcast episode 519, where we ask the best trivia on the Internet. Round 1. Category: Around The Bible 1: The first word in I Chronicles is this man first mentioned in Genesis 2:19. Adam. 2: The first word in I Chronicles is this man first mentioned in Genesis 2:19. Adam. 3: Upright man who moaned, "Naked came I out of my mother's womb and naked shall I return thither". Job. 4: Upright man who moaned, "Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and naked shall I return thither". Job. 5: I Kings uses "slept with his fathers" as a euphemism for this. death (or died). Round 2. Category: "Two""Thousand" And "Eight" 1: Be grateful for what you have, because "a bird in the hand is worth" this. two in the bush. 2: This book by Eliot Asinof is subtitled "The Black Sox and the 1919 World Series". Eight Men Out. 3: In effect from 1922 to 1944, it was the part of the army code that allowed them to kick you out for undesirable traits. Section 8. 4: Completes the 1940 song title "Beat Me Daddy...". 8 To The Bar. 5: This Jane Smiley farmland novel was adapted into a movie starring Jessica Lange and Michelle Pfeiffer. A Thousand Acres. Round 3. Category: Name That Autocrat 1: Spain1939-1975. Franco. 2: Argentina1946-1955. (Juan) Perón. 3: Norway1942-1945. Vidkun Quisling. 4: Nicaragua1967-1972 and 1974-1979. Somoza. 5: The Soviet Union1964-1982. Brezhnev. Round 4. Category: A Rose Is A Rose Is A Rose 1: This World War II radio propagandist was born on the Fourth of July, 1916. Tokyo Rose. 2: Alliterative woman described in song here by Nat King Cole"Wild and wind-blown /That's how you've grown". "Ramblin' Rose". 3: In 1956 Aussie Murray Rose became the 1st male swimmer to win 2 solo Olympic golds since this man in 1924. (Johnny) Weissmuller. 4: In this Umberto Eco novel, William of Baskerville solves a murder like a medieval Sherlock Holmes. The Name of the Rose. 5: The 2 British royal houses of the Wars of the Roses. York and Lancaster. Round 5. Category: Says You 1: He told Frank Gorshin, "I never said...'mmm you dirty rat!'". James Cagney. 2: Bartlett's list "Stop da music!" and "Dese are de conditions dat prevail" under this man's name. Jimmy Durante. 3: Abraham Lincoln said, "The ballot is stronger than" this. The bullet. 4: The most famous line from this author's "Sacred Emily" is "Rose is a rose is a rose is a rose". Gertrude Stein. 5: Heraclitus noticed, "You cannot step twice into the same" one of these. River. Thanks for listening! Come back tomorrow for more exciting trivia!

Welcome to the Instant Trivia podcast episode 519, where we ask the best trivia on the Internet. Round 1. Category: Around The Bible 1: The first word in I Chronicles is this man first mentioned in Genesis 2:19. Adam. 2: The first word in I Chronicles is this man first mentioned in Genesis 2:19. Adam. 3: Upright man who moaned, "Naked came I out of my mother's womb and naked shall I return thither". Job. 4: Upright man who moaned, "Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and naked shall I return thither". Job. 5: I Kings uses "slept with his fathers" as a euphemism for this. death (or died). Round 2. Category: "Two""Thousand" And "Eight" 1: Be grateful for what you have, because "a bird in the hand is worth" this. two in the bush. 2: This book by Eliot Asinof is subtitled "The Black Sox and the 1919 World Series". Eight Men Out. 3: In effect from 1922 to 1944, it was the part of the army code that allowed them to kick you out for undesirable traits. Section 8. 4: Completes the 1940 song title "Beat Me Daddy...". 8 To The Bar. 5: This Jane Smiley farmland novel was adapted into a movie starring Jessica Lange and Michelle Pfeiffer. A Thousand Acres. Round 3. Category: Name That Autocrat 1: Spain1939-1975. Franco. 2: Argentina1946-1955. (Juan) Perón. 3: Norway1942-1945. Vidkun Quisling. 4: Nicaragua1967-1972 and 1974-1979. Somoza. 5: The Soviet Union1964-1982. Brezhnev. Round 4. Category: A Rose Is A Rose Is A Rose 1: This World War II radio propagandist was born on the Fourth of July, 1916. Tokyo Rose. 2: Alliterative woman described in song here by Nat King Cole"Wild and wind-blown /That's how you've grown". "Ramblin' Rose". 3: In 1956 Aussie Murray Rose became the 1st male swimmer to win 2 solo Olympic golds since this man in 1924. (Johnny) Weissmuller. 4: In this Umberto Eco novel, William of Baskerville solves a murder like a medieval Sherlock Holmes. The Name of the Rose. 5: The 2 British royal houses of the Wars of the Roses. York and Lancaster. Round 5. Category: Says You 1: He told Frank Gorshin, "I never said...'mmm you dirty rat!'". James Cagney. 2: Bartlett's list "Stop da music!" and "Dese are de conditions dat prevail" under this man's name. Jimmy Durante. 3: Abraham Lincoln said, "The ballot is stronger than" this. The bullet. 4: The most famous line from this author's "Sacred Emily" is "Rose is a rose is a rose is a rose". Gertrude Stein. 5: Heraclitus noticed, "You cannot step twice into the same" one of these. River. Thanks for listening! Come back tomorrow for more exciting trivia!

號稱「南美巴黎」的布宜諾斯艾利斯，就文化藝術而言絲毫不遜於歐洲大城；不但擁有號稱全世界最美的書店，還孕育了眾所皆知的「探戈」音樂與舞蹈。更有趣的是，她的地理位置雖然遙遠，卻有好幾個聞名世界的重要人物在此留下足跡—— 韋伯音樂劇中的主角艾薇塔 (Eva Perón)，堪稱是阿根廷的「國母」，其夫婿裴隆總統 (Juan Perón) 的深遠影響更是至今猶見。阿根廷人是怎麼看這位舉足輕重的偉大女性的？眾人琅琅上口的「阿根廷別為我哭泣」，又為何不時在足球賽場響起？ 原本可以好好當個醫學生的阿根廷人切．格瓦拉 (Che Guevara) ，為什麼會想不開，在摩托車之旅之後踏上共產革命之路？究竟是怎樣的後殖民困境，促成了近代拉丁美洲的集體左傾、又稱「粉紅浪潮」(Pink Tide) 的那段歷史？ 雖然號稱南美巴黎，世紀球王馬拉度納 (Diego Maradona) 卻是成長於這裡的貧民區裡，並且和教宗方濟各 (Pope Francis) 以及超過一半的阿根廷人一樣，有著義大利血統。移民歷史為阿根廷的文化增添了怎樣的色彩？義大利料理的影響，又是如何滲透到阿根廷的美食之中？ 這集節目繼續由晉弘領路，帶我們一起漫步於這座歐洲風情洋溢的城市中！我們將一邊拜訪景點，一邊挖掘背後的故事，一步步的從歷史片段中拼湊出這個國家的面貌，相信身為歷史控或文化控的你一定不會失望！還等什麼，現在就一起隨著探戈的樂聲前往布宜諾斯艾利斯吧！ 特別開場音樂： Por una Cabeza (1935) by Carlos Cardel and Alfredo Le Pera, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

Any Ventura, periodista especializada en el género de entrevistas, socióloga, de gran trayectoria en televisión y autora de los libros el hombre que sabe demasiado, Las que mandan y sin anestesia entre otros, repasó su carrera junto a periodistas de todo el país y dio su mirada acerca de la historia del peronismo, la evolución del rol de la mujer y el ejercicio del periodismo en la actualidad. Any también se refirió a la guerra de Malvinas con motivo de los 40 años de aquel conflicto, interpretando que ese hecho logró devolvernos la democracia, y más allá de la guerra misma significo la pérdida del poder para el gobierno militar y ganar la democracia para nosotros. En esta línea expresó su deseo de malvinizar la política argentina como una reivindicación histórica que trascienda el tiempo y destacó la participación de las mujeres que prestaron su ayuda en el conflicto. En lo que hace al rol de la mujer en la sociedad recordó su libro “Las que mandan” donde desarrolla el rol de la mujer durante la argentina de lo ´90 frente a su contraparte en la actualidad con mujeres ocupando lugares donde antes no eran visibilizadas logrando su lugar por merito propio. Asimismo se refirió al libro “El hombre que sabe demasiado” donde deja plasmada su visión del peronismo y en este particular se refirió a la figura de Néstor Kirchner como reivindicador de lo mejor del movimiento, desarrollando una capacidad de negociación similar a la de Juan Perón. Finalmente se expreso sobre la evolución del feminismo y los derechos de la mujer ganados con el peronismo desde sus inicios hasta la actualidad y a la función de las redes sociales como fuente periodística.

Musical, ik vind hier iets van wordt gemaakt door: Benno Hoogveld & Annemiek LelyDe hosting is in handen van popuppodcast.studioSpeciaal voor jou maken we een Spotify playlist met de muziek die we bespreken!Als regisseur/ex-musicalacteur en theaterwetenschapper delen wij - Benno Hoogveld en Annemiek Lely - onze liefde voor musicals met als doel een audio musicalencyclopedie met een kritische noot te maken. Luister je graag naar onze podcast? Heb je iets opgestoken van onze visie(s) op een musical? Of wil je ons naar West End sturen om nieuwe input voor een aflevering op te doen? Kies dan voor een applaus of staande ovatie: https://petje.af/musicalikvindhierietsvan

Luis César Amadori (Pescara, Italia, 28 de mayo de 1902 - Buenos Aires, Argentina, 5 de junio de 1977) fue un director de cine, guionista, escritor, músico, letrista y productor argentino nacido en Italia. Fue una notable e insoslayable figura de la época dorada del cine, teatro y del tango argentino. Nacido en Italia emigró a los 5 años a Argentina. Comenzó sus estudios en una escuela primaria de Villa Ballester e hizo el bachillerato en el Colegio De La Salle Buenos Aires. Cursó sus estudios universitarios de medicina en Córdoba en 1918, si bien los abandonó en favor de su vocación de escritor y adaptador de comedias francesas. Fue elegido por Walt Disney para dirigir el doblaje al español de 4 de sus propios filmes, Fantasía, Pinocho, Dumbo y Bambi; el director de fotografía de su película Madreselva fue el húngaro John Alton, quien luego desarrolló su carrera en Hollywood. Como guionista cinematográfico utilizó el seudónimo de Gabriel Peña, como autor de revistas musicales el de Leo Carter; sus íntimos lo llamaban Gino. La dictadura Militar de 1955 decretó la proscripción del peronismo y de todo aquello que lo refiriese, por lo que, con cargos ficticios fue apresado junto con otros como Hugo del Carril y Atilio Mentasti. ​En 1955 emigró a España debido al golpe de Estado contra Juan Perón que instauró la auto-denominada Revolución Libertadora y comenzó a perseguirlo por sus ideas políticas. Se convirtió así en una de las figuras de la dirección en el cine español de los ‘50 y los ‘60, sobre todo de corte histórico. Se inició con Ivo Pelay para estrenar en el Teatro Nuevo una adaptación francesa titulado Un buen muchacho. Luego pasó al Teatro Comedia y, finalmente, se desempeñó por largo tiempo como empresario del Teatro Maipo (en 1940 compra la sala) donde montó decenas de espectáculos de revista. Incursionó también en el teatro lírico. Fue directivo de Argentores y ejerció la crítica musical en más de 150 piezas teatrales y varios libros cinematográficos. Tuvo su único hijo varón Luis Alberto Amadori, quien tuvo junto a la célebre actriz de cine Zully Moreno (1920-1999), casado desde 1947. Murió en su domicilio en Buenos Aires el 5 de junio de 1977 a los 75 años. (Fuente: Wikipedia)

Stéphane Bern et Matthieu Noël, entourés de leurs chroniqueurs historiquement drôles et parfaitement informés, s'amusent avec l'Histoire – la grande, la petite, la moyenne… - et retracent les destins extraordinaires de personnalités qui n'auraient jamais pu se croiser, pour deux heures où le savoir et l'humour avancent main dans la main. Aujourd'hui, Juan Perón.

Stéphane Bern et Matthieu Noël, entourés de leurs chroniqueurs historiquement drôles et parfaitement informés, s'amusent avec l'Histoire – la grande, la petite, la moyenne… - et retracent les destins extraordinaires de personnalités qui n'auraient jamais pu se croiser, pour deux heures où le savoir et l'humour avancent main dans la main. Aujourd'hui, Juan Perón.

Historiquement Vôtre réunit 3 personnages qui ont repris du service : le tigre des mers, le roi des Corsaires Robert Surcouf, le marin de Saint-Malo qui a repris la mer à bord du Revenant, 6 ans après avoir posé le pied à terre, et terrassé, en pleine mer, les Anglais. Puis, lui est retourné au pouvoir : le Général argentin Juan Perón qui fut président par deux fois. Avant de l'être une troisième, près de 20 ans après ! Dans un pays qui avait changé. Et lui aussi…Et une actrice de films X qui avait raccroché les gants il y a bien longtemps, mais y est retourné récemment, pour l'unique et dernière fois (et pour la bonne cause aussi) : Brigitte Lahaie. 

Historiquement Vôtre réunit 3 personnages qui ont repris du service : le tigre des mers, le roi des Corsaires Robert Surcouf, le marin de Saint-Malo qui a repris la mer à bord du Revenant, 6 ans après avoir posé le pied à terre, et terrassé, en pleine mer, les Anglais. Puis, lui est retourné au pouvoir : le Général argentin Juan Perón qui fut président par deux fois. Avant de l'être une troisième, près de 20 ans après ! Dans un pays qui avait changé. Et lui aussi…Et une actrice de films X qui avait raccroché les gants il y a bien longtemps, mais y est retourné récemment, pour l'unique et dernière fois (et pour la bonne cause aussi) : Brigitte Lahaie. 

Charismatic leaders who are intent on governing solely using their charismatic authority and subverting other things to their personal power are inherently bad for democracy and inherently illiberal. They're anti-pluralist. They don't want to share their power with others even within their own movement or their own party. They don't tolerate dissent.Caitlin Andrews-LeeA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements: Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo  here.Caitlin Andrews-Lee is an Assistant Professor in Ryerson University's Department of Politics and Public Administration. She is the author of the book, The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements: Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo.Key HighlightsA profile on Juan Perón, the prototypical charismatic leaderWhy has Peronism survived its founder?Why do the anointed successors of charismatic leaders fail?How do new personalist leaders arise out of charismatic movements?Is Donald Trump a harbinger of future charismatic leaders or was he an historical aberration?Key LinksThe Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements: Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo by Caitlin Andrews-LeeLearn more about Caitlin Andrews-Lee at www.caitlinandrewslee.comFollow Caitlin Andrews-Lee on Twitter @caitlineandrewsRelated ContentStephan Haggard and Robert Kaufman on Democratic BackslidingJames Loxton Explains Why Authoritarian Successor Parties Succeed in DemocraciesMore from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on Democracy

Subscribe to Quotomania on Simplecast or search for Quotomania on your favorite podcast app!Julio Cortázar, pseudonym Julio Denis, (born August 26, 1914, Brussels, Belgium—died February 12, 1984, Paris, France), was an Argentine novelist and short-story writer who combined existential questioning with experimental writing techniques in his works.Cortázar was the son of Argentine parents and was educated in Argentina, where he taught secondary school and worked as a translator. Bestiario (1951; “Bestiary”), his first short-story collection, was published the year he moved to Paris, an act motivated by dissatisfaction with the government of Juan Perón and what he saw as the general stagnation of the Argentine middle class. He remained in Paris, where he received French citizenship in 1981, though he also kept his Argentine citizenship and remained engaged with political causes in Argentina and Nicaragua. He also traveled widely.Cortázar's masterpiece, Rayuela (1963; Hopscotch), is an open-ended novel, or antinovel; the reader is invited to rearrange the different parts of the novel according to a plan prescribed by the author. It was the first of the “boom” of Latin American novels of the 1960s to gain international attention. Cortázar's other novels were Los premios (1960; Eng. trans. The Winners), 62: modelo para armar (1968; 62: A Model Kit), and Libro de Manuel (1973; A Manual for Manuel). A series of playful and humorous stories that Cortázar wrote between 1952 and 1959 were published in Historias de cronopios y de famas (1962; Cronopios and Famas). His later collections of short stories included Todos los fuegos el fuego (1966; All Fires the Fire, and Other Stories), Un tal Lucas(1979; A Certain Lucas), and Queremos tanto a Glenda, y otros relatos (1981; We Love Glenda So Much, and Other Tales). Cortázar also wrote poetry and plays and published numerous volumes of essays.From https://www.britannica.com/biography/Julio-Cortazar. For more information about Julio Cortázar:“Julio Cortázar, The Art of Fiction No. 83”: https://www.theparisreview.org/interviews/2955/the-art-of-fiction-no-83-julio-cortazar“What Julio Cortázar Might Teach Us About Teaching Writing”: https://www.newyorker.com/books/page-turner/what-julio-cortazar-might-teach-us-about-teaching-writing“The Subtle Radicalism of Julio Cortázar's Berkeley Lectures”: https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2017/03/the-subtle-radicalism-of-julio-cortazars-berkeley-lectures/520812/

El 17 de noviembre de 1972, el ex presidente Juan Domingo Perón volvió a la Argentina luego de 17 años de exilio a partir del golpe de Estado que en 1955 lo había derrocado. Aquel día, una de las movilizaciones más grandes de la historia argentina se volcó a las calles para recibir a su líder pero no pudo acceder al aeropuerto de Ezeiza, cercado por soldados del Ejército y efectivos de la policía. El avión que traía a Perón proveniente de Roma, Italia, aterrizó a las 11.20 y lo acompañaba una comitiva de 154 hombres y mujeres. Entre ellos, había 22 presidentes provinciales del Partido Justicialista y del distrito capital; miembros retirados de las Fuerzas Armadas; de la Confederación General del Trabajo, las 62 Organizaciones, empresarios, exfuncionarios y legisladores, científicos y artistas. El gobierno de facto había declarado aquel 17 de noviembre como día no laborable, prohibiendo las concentraciones y solo permitiendo el acceso al aeropuerto de Ezeiza como “invitado especial”. El sindicalismo, por su parte, había dispuesto un paro general, convirtiendo a la CGT en el lugar central del Operativo Retorno. Con la impotencia por la derrota que significaba la vuelta de Perón, el presidente de facto, Alejandro Agustín Lanusse lo retuvo en el Hotel de Ezeiza hasta la madrugada del día siguiente, cuando decidió liberarlo. Pero el líder del movimiento peronista sólo permaneció 29 días en Buenos Aires y partió nuevamente a España, desde donde retornó definitivamente el 20 de junio de 1973. Casi un mes después, el entonces presidente Héctor Cámpora renunció a su cargo para facilitar la convocatoria a elecciones en las que Perón se impuso por el 62 por ciento de los votos, accediendo a su tercera y última presidencia. Recordamos aquella jornada del 17 de noviembre de 1972, símbolo de la resistencia y la militancia fortalecida por casi 20 años de proscripción del peronismo, a partir de testimonios conservados en el Archivo Histórico de Radio Nacional. FICHA TÉCNICA Testimonios y música `Milonga del Proscripto´ (Francisco y Oscar Rovito) por Leonor Benedetto 1972-07-07 Lanusse, Alejandro A. (Presidente de facto) Cena de Camaradería de las FFAA (Colegio Militar) `Movilizar Organizar´ por Daniel Barberis 1972-08-22 Sobrevivientes de la Masacre de Trelew - Conferencia de Prensa (Aeropuerto de Trelew) 1972-11-05 Cámpora, Héctor J. (Secretario de Perón) El cronista Ovidio Martínez anuncia el regreso de Perón al país (Aeropuerto de Ezeiza) 1972-11-08 Cámpora, Héctor J (Secretario de Perón) Anuncia fecha del regreso de Perón a la Argentina `Triunfo del cuero´ (Alejandro Mayol) por Marilina Ross 1972-11-07 Lanusse, Alejandro A. (Presidente de Facto) Promete garantías para el regreso de Perón a la Argentina (Cadena Nacional) 1972-11-13 Villarruel, Sergio (Cronista) Se refiere al retorno de Juan Perón a la Argentina (Madrid) 1972-11-15 Abal Medina, Juan Manuel (Secretario General Movimiento peronista) Carta de Perón 1972-11-13 Villarruel, Sergio (Cronista) Se refiere al retorno de Juan Perón a la Argentina (Madrid) `Aquí están, éstos son´ por Francisco Rovito y Oscar Rovito 1972-11-16 Villarruel, Sergio (Periodista) Operativo Retorno (Roma - Italia) 1972-11-16 Favio, Leonardo (Cineasta) y Sergio Villarruel (Periodista) Operativo Retorno (Roma - Italia) 1972-11-16 Villarruel, Sergio (Periodista) Lorenzo, Miguel (Gremialista) Operativo Retorno (Roma - Italia) 1972-11-16 Perón, Juan Domingo (Ex Presidente) Conferencia de Prensa (Roma – Italia) 1972-11-17 Perón, Juan Domingo (Ex Presidente) Regreso del Exilio (Avión) 1972-11-17 Maidana, Roberto (Cronista) Arribo a La Argentina (Ezeiza) 1972-11-17 Sanfilipo, José (Jugador de Futbol) Maidana, Roberto (Cronista) Arribo a La Argentina (Ezeiza) 1972-11-17 Cachazú, Abel (Boxeador) Maidana, Roberto (Cronista) Arribo a La Argentina (Ezeiza) 1972-11-17 Cámpora, Héctor J (Secretario de Perón) Retorno de Juan Domingo Perón (Ezeiza)

SEEN: Oct 5, 2021 Gardens of Anunicia Globe-commissioned world premiere musical Book, music, and lyrics by Michael John LaChiusa Directed and co-choreographed by Graciela Daniele A Globe-commissioned world premiere musical by five-time Tony Award nominee Michael John LaChiusa. The Gardens of Anuncia is inspired by the life story of an icon of the American stage who directs and choreographs the show at the Globe: Broadway legend Graciela Daniele. Anuncia tends the garden of her country house as she reflects on her life, looking back on her girlhood in Juan Perón's Argentina and paying homage to the family of women whose sacrifices allowed her to become an artist. This funny, poignant, and beautiful musical features a beguilingly romantic and tango-infused score filled with the exuberant sounds of women reveling in the joys of being alive.

Evita! Evita! Evita! Juan Perón was the President of Argentina and founder of the influential Peronist movement. But would he have been anything without his charismatic wife Evita? A surprisingly fun mix of politics and musicals is ahead of us this week on Fire… So join us and historian Natalia Milanesio to learn more! See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Eva Duarte (1919-1952), actriz, casada con el presidente Juan Perón y comandando la Fundación Eva Perón, conquistó almas y corazones de millones y el odio de tantos otros. Más informaciones aquí. Bernardo Gurbanov

Today's Quotation is care of Julio Cortázar.Listen in!Subscribe to the Quarantine Tapes at quarantinetapes.com or search for the Quarantine Tapes on your favorite podcast app!Julio Cortázar, pseudonym Julio Denis, (born August 26, 1914, Brussels, Belgium—died February 12, 1984, Paris, France), was an Argentine novelist and short-story writer who combined existential questioning with experimental writing techniques in his works.Cortázar was the son of Argentine parents and was educated in Argentina, where he taught secondary school and worked as a translator. Bestiario (1951; “Bestiary”), his first short-story collection, was published the year he moved to Paris, an act motivated by dissatisfaction with the government of Juan Perón and what he saw as the general stagnation of the Argentine middle class. He remained in Paris, where he received French citizenship in 1981, though he also kept his Argentine citizenship and remained engaged with political causes in Argentina and Nicaragua. He also traveled widely.Cortázar's masterpiece, Rayuela (1963; Hopscotch), is an open-ended novel, or antinovel; the reader is invited to rearrange the different parts of the novel according to a plan prescribed by the author. It was the first of the “boom” of Latin American novels of the 1960s to gain international attention. Cortázar's other novels were Los premios (1960; Eng. trans. The Winners), 62: modelo para armar (1968; 62: A Model Kit), and Libro de Manuel (1973; A Manual for Manuel). A series of playful and humorous stories that Cortázar wrote between 1952 and 1959 were published in Historias de cronopios y de famas (1962; Cronopios and Famas). His later collections of short stories included Todos los fuegos el fuego (1966; All Fires the Fire, and Other Stories), Un tal Lucas(1979; A Certain Lucas), and Queremos tanto a Glenda, y otros relatos (1981; We Love Glenda So Much, and Other Tales). Cortázar also wrote poetry and plays and published numerous volumes of essays.From https://www.britannica.com/biography/Julio-Cortazar. For more information about Julio Cortázar:“Julio Cortázar, The Art of Fiction No. 83”: https://www.theparisreview.org/interviews/2955/the-art-of-fiction-no-83-julio-cortazar“What Julio Cortázar Might Teach Us About Teaching Writing”: https://www.newyorker.com/books/page-turner/what-julio-cortazar-might-teach-us-about-teaching-writing“The Subtle Radicalism of Julio Cortázar's Berkeley Lectures”: https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2017/03/the-subtle-radicalism-of-julio-cortazars-berkeley-lectures/520812/

The Revolución Libertadora began in Argentina, resulting in the end of Juan Perón's second term as ...

El periodista, escritor, y autor del guión del film Evita: la tumba sin paz, recorrió la cruda y macabra historia en torno al cuerpo de Eva Perón, y recordó cómo consiguió los documentos que probaron la mutilación del cuerpo a manos del cuerpo de inteligencia del Ejército Argentino, fotos que, contó, tomó el propio Juan Perón. Encuentro Nacional, lunes a viernes de 17.00 a 20.00 Con Luisa Valmaggia, Horacio Embón, Natalia Maderna, Nora Lafón, Daniela Bruno, Silvia Bacher, Claudio Leveroni y Carla Ruíz.  

Russ doesn't live in the Springfield area anymore, but he was a mainstay on the Muni stage during much of the 1980s. He made his Muni debut as James in Shenandoah in 1979. Later that summer he played Billy Bigelow in Carousel. Russ played such roles as Frank in Show Boat, Lieutenant Cable in South Pacific, Buddy Plummer in Follies and Juan Perón in the first production of Evita in 1985. His last role at Muni was Julian Marsh in 42nd Street in 1988. Russ also directed two productions for Muni, The Student Prince in 1983 and Seven Brides for Seven Brides in 1986. Russ now resides in Louisville, Kentucky. Want to get involved in this project? Email history@themuni.org.

Rob Koch, Ph.D., is a historian of Latin America and combat veteran whose research focuses on the geopolitics of Argentine Peronism and the notion of forming a 'Third Position' or 'Third Way' to bring about a post-imperial world order. His work also looks at the global proliferation of counterinsurgency during the Cold War, including the international spread of dirty war methods. In this episode, Dr. Rob Koch talks about his research on Juan Perón, Fascism, and the Global Cold War.***More articles by Dr. Rob Koch:https://usf.academia.edu/RobertDKoch***Artwork by Nacer Ahmadi: IG @x.filezzzAudio by TwistedLogix 

Marina Pierce, longtime fan and loyal listener, joins Melissa on the mic to tell the story of Eva Perón. Eva Perón was an actress and First Lady of Argentina who many considered a literal saint for her endless generosity and charity toward the Argentine people. Melissa tells the story of Queen Nanny, "The Mother of all Jamaicans" who led a community of formerly enslaved Africans known as the Windward Maroons.If you enjoy this episode, please share it with your friends on social media. If you're looking for ways to support this show, check out my new support feature!SHOW NOTESIn this episode, we talk about:Melissa and Marina's meeting in 2019 at PodCon 2 in Seattle, WAMarina's life as a student, actress, singer, dancer, and make up artist in Seattle, WANakedwines.com and Dave Harvey's SyrahEva Perón, Argentina's Spiritual Leader of the NationMoving to Buenos Aires at 15 years old and becoming a successful radio actress Eva's marriage to Juan Perón, which largely occurerd for political and career advancementThe Eva Perón Foundation and her involvement with the women's rights movement in ArgentinaEva's death and the disappearance of her body for 16 yearsQueen Nanny, the spiritual and military leader of JamaicaThe Atlantic Slave Trade + Queen Nanny's relocation from West Africa to Jamaica Queen Nanny's community of escaped slaves, The Windward MaroonsWaging war on the British to maintain independence in the Blue Mountains of JamaicaThe many myths and legends around Queen Nanny's magical powersRESOURCES:Follow Marina Pierce on InstagramFollow Melissa on InstagramCheck out the Mimosa Sisterhood websiteSign up for the Mimosa Sisterhood newsletter HERE and receive a free postcard!Call 562-270-4914 and leave a voice message to be featured in a future episodeCheck out Dave Harvey, SyrahWatch Madonna play Eva Perón in the movie Evita on Amazon PrimeWatch this awesome Youtube documentary on Queen Nanny of the MaroonsSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/mimosasisterhoodpodcast. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Photo: Some populist leaders give their name to wider populist political movements; examples include the Peronism of Juan Perón or the Fortuynism of Pim Fortuyn.  Here: Juan Perón .The New John Batchelor ShowCBS Audio Network@BatchelorshowDenouncing Bolsonaro's populism in a pandemic & What is to be done? @JMHumire @MariaFdaCabal Secure Free Societyhttps://www.securefreesociety.orghttps://www.ft.com/content/55713895-2423-4259-a222-f778f9587490

When Perón became president in 1946, he wanted a representative on the ground — and he turned to none other than his wife, Eva. She advocated for the poor and galvanized her husband’s followers. They may have been loyal to Juan Perón, but it was Evita they loved.  This episode is brought to you by Dictators, a Spotify Original from Parcast. For more episodes like this one, follow Dictators, free on Spotify! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Elected president in 1946, Perón spent nine years in office. His regime became increasingly corrupt and repressive, and in 1955, he was excommunicated by the Catholic Church. But Juan Perón would not stay in exile forever.

He rose through the ranks as an ambitious infantry officer in the Argentine army, learning to play politics and enact coups. In the 1940s, after years of pulling the strings of power behind the scenes, Juan Perón became the most powerful man in Argentina. 

Argentina went from being the tenth wealthiest country in the world in 1913 to 69th now, and it all started with the rise of the populist Juan Perón. Argentina has vacillated between Perónism, dictatorships and democracy for most of the 20th century and the result has been nationalizations, confiscations and multiple debt defaults. America is entering a period of political and economic instability. In this podcast, the Edifice of Trust host, Victor Bolles, looks at the sources of this instability and attempts to find a way for America to avoid being the Argentina of the 21st century.

Épouse du président argentin Juan Perón, Maria Eva Duarte dite Evita Perón est une figure majeure de l'histoire récente de l'Argentine. Issue d'un milieu populaire, elle a – en effet – voué une grande partie de sa vie à la réalisation d'œuvres sociales, marquant ainsi durablement l'opinion publique argentine... See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

On this edition of Parallax Views, A.M. Gittlitz of the Antifada podcast joins us to discuss his new book I Want to Believe: Posadism, UFOs, and Apocalypse Communism (Pluto Press, 2020). For the uninitiated Posadamism is most popularly known as a strange online meme of a nihilistic and ironic bent that references communism, nuclear war, dolphins, and UFOs. If that sounds weird, well, the true story of J. Poasadas, the 20th century Argentinian communist from which the meme gets its name, is perhaps even more bizarre. It's a story of spies, lies, and, yes, communists UFO hunters that features appearances from historical figures from the controversial Argentian authoritarian leader Juan Perón to Cuban revolutionary Che Guevara. Even Leon Trotsky manages to show up in A.M.'s historical overview of J. Posadas' life and times!But why has this unusual, marginal figure within communist thought become a popular meme with alienated youths with far left-wing tendencies? A.M. tries to answer that in I Want to Believe as well and the answer may surprise. We discuss all this as well as SETI (Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence), Carl Sagan, futurism, and much, much more on this wild edition of Parallax Views! SUPPORT PARALLAX VIEWSON PATREON! FORBONUS CONTENTANDARCHIVED EPISODES! ANDCHECK OUT OUR SPONSOR: FAILED STATE UPDATEANEW PODCASTFROMJOURNALISTJOSEPH FLATLEY

MHz Networks' SVOD service, MHz Choice, will premiere critically-acclaimed dramedy Arde Madrid: Burn Madrid Burn on May 5, 2020. Directed by Paco León, best known as the director of the feature film April 9th, Arde Madrid: Burn Madrid Burn is set in Franco's Madrid in 1961. Shot in Spain, the 8 episode series stars Debi Mazar, Paco Leon and Inma Cuestra. Based loosely on actress and Hollywood star Ava Gardner's (Debi Mazar) move to Madrid, to flee her husband Frank Sinatra, Metro Goldwyn Mayer, and the paparazzi that followed her everywhere and made her life impossible. In Madrid her only goal is to have as much fun as possible. Extremely beautiful, captivating, intelligent, sexy and free, Ava always does exactly as she pleases, not tied down either romantically or professionally. Her life is completely different to that of Spanish woman around her. Ana Mari (Inma Cuesta), a loyal, conservative spinster with a limp, who teaches young ladies how to be good housewives and mothers, is ordered by Franco to go work as a maid at Gardner's house in order to spy on her. To do so she will have to pretend to be married to Manolo (Paco León), a petty thief and cocky opportunist, who will become the actress' chauffeur. Full of himself, thuggish and hard faced, Manolo soon finds himself involved in dodgy dealings with the underworld. Ava and Manolo's liberal lifestyle are the exact opposite of Ana Mari's moral code. Whether it's the all-night parties that rob their neighbor, exiled Argentinian dictator Juan Perón, of his cherished sleep, or bringing a wasted Ava back to life after nights with the local Dolce Vita crowd at Madrid's hippest clubs, in all the turmoil, Ana Mari finds herself loosening up and beginning to fall for the craziness as she is compelled to make decisions that shake her solid ideological foundations. Produced in Spain for Telefonica's Movistar Plus, it quickly became the streaming platform's most binged series after its release. Paco Leon directed, co-wrote with Anna R. Costa and stars in the series along with Inma Cuestra and American actress Debi Mazar (Entourage, Younger). "We loved everything about this series from the minute we first saw it," said Frederick Thomas, CEO and President of MHz Networks. "The decision to film in black and white really paid off. It vividly captured the Dolce Vita lifestyle of Gardner and the colorful characters of Madrid who surrounded her. For us it's golden, and we're delighted it found it's home on MHz Choice."

MHz Networks' SVOD service, MHz Choice, will premiere critically-acclaimed dramedy Arde Madrid: Burn Madrid Burn on May 5, 2020. Directed by Paco León, best known as the director of the feature film April 9th, Arde Madrid: Burn Madrid Burn is set in Franco's Madrid in 1961. Shot in Spain, the 8 episode series stars Debi Mazar, Paco Leon and Inma Cuestra. Based loosely on actress and Hollywood star Ava Gardner's (Debi Mazar) move to Madrid, to flee her husband Frank Sinatra, Metro Goldwyn Mayer, and the paparazzi that followed her everywhere and made her life impossible. In Madrid her only goal is to have as much fun as possible. Extremely beautiful, captivating, intelligent, sexy and free, Ava always does exactly as she pleases, not tied down either romantically or professionally. Her life is completely different to that of Spanish woman around her. Ana Mari (Inma Cuesta), a loyal, conservative spinster with a limp, who teaches young ladies how to be good housewives and mothers, is ordered by Franco to go work as a maid at Gardner's house in order to spy on her. To do so she will have to pretend to be married to Manolo (Paco León), a petty thief and cocky opportunist, who will become the actress' chauffeur. Full of himself, thuggish and hard faced, Manolo soon finds himself involved in dodgy dealings with the underworld. Ava and Manolo's liberal lifestyle are the exact opposite of Ana Mari's moral code. Whether it's the all-night parties that rob their neighbor, exiled Argentinian dictator Juan Perón, of his cherished sleep, or bringing a wasted Ava back to life after nights with the local Dolce Vita crowd at Madrid's hippest clubs, in all the turmoil, Ana Mari finds herself loosening up and beginning to fall for the craziness as she is compelled to make decisions that shake her solid ideological foundations. Produced in Spain for Telefonica's Movistar Plus, it quickly became the streaming platform's most binged series after its release. Paco Leon directed, co-wrote with Anna R. Costa and stars in the series along with Inma Cuestra and American actress Debi Mazar (Entourage, Younger). "We loved everything about this series from the minute we first saw it," said Frederick Thomas, CEO and President of MHz Networks. "The decision to film in black and white really paid off. It vividly captured the Dolce Vita lifestyle of Gardner and the colorful characters of Madrid who surrounded her. For us it's golden, and we're delighted it found it's home on MHz Choice."

Guest host Kari Ginsburg talks to usual host Patrick Flynn about his rebirth as a music theatre devotee and what he thought the podcast would be versus what it is. Topics Include: the Queen, Judy Kuhn, long may she reign; oddball Juan Peróns; crying and crying; the eternal struggle of the cast album as artform, commodity, and obsession. Featured Recordings: Fun Home - A New Broadway Musical (2015) • A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Forum - Original Broadway Cast (1962) • Fiddler on the Roof - The Original Broadway Cast Recording (1964) • Fun Home - Original Cast Recording (2014) T-shirts and tote-bags and more at the Original Cast Store! Join us on PATREON to get our patrons-only podcast The Original Cast at the Movies? This month Roddy Flynn, Kari Ginsburg, and I begin our year-long mission to cover all 4 theatrical film versions of A Star is Born. And we start with at the beginning in 1937 with Janet Gaynor and Fredric March. It's not a musical but it will be! Patreon • Twitter • Facebook • Email    

What do Nazis, the rising of the masses and dictatorships have in common? In today's episode, Carol and Stephanie discuss a criminal mystery that doesn't really involve murders but still manages to creep people out. The graverobbery of Juan Perón, Argentina's most infamous leader. Song to set the mood: El Simbolo - No Te Preocupes Follow us on social media for a shoutout! Instagram: @suspiriapodcast @suspiriacarol @eu.steph Twitter: @suspiriapodcast Facebook: Suspiria: A True Crime Podcast Have any feedback? Fill out our anonymous listener survey! --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

Éktor Rivera es un cantante, actor y pintor puertorriqueño que actualmente reside en Los Angeles, California. Éktor ha sido parte del elenco en musicales como "On Your Feet!" en Broadway donde protagonizó como Emilio Estefan, "Evita" en Londres donde le dio vida a Juan Perón y pronto lo verás como Usnavi en el musical "In The Heights". En el episodio de hoy Éktor nos cuenta cómo comenzó su pasión por el arte y cómo, desde una temprana edad, le apasionaba hacer las artes en todas sus expresiones. Hablamos sobre la importancia de la educación en el negocio del arte y cómo la misma te ayuda a estar preparado ante las oportunidades inesperadas de la vida, los beneficios que le ha traído la visualización en su rutina y el proceso de preparación para interpretar un personaje como Emilio Estefan en Broadway. Además, nos cuenta la historia detrás de un cassette que le envió a Emilio 20 años antes de protagonizar "On Your Feet!". Tres "takeaways" de este episodio: 1. Tienes que dar el salto, atreverte e ir con la confianza del mundo como si eso es tuyo porque ninguna oportunidad nadie te la quita. No existe competencia. Eso es tuyo. Si te llegó la oportunidad, agárrala, abrázala, prepárate, practica y zúmbate. 2. La persistencia, la educación y la disciplina son las que finalmente van a hacer que tú logres tus cosas. 3. Ten paciencia y fe de que vas a lograrlo. Prepárate para que, cuando llegue la oportunidad, te comas el mundo.    Puedes darle follow a Éktor en Instagram https://www.instagram.com/ektorrivera/, encontrar sus obras de arte en http://www.ektorriveraart.com/ y pronto, en una pantalla cerca de ti, lo verás interpretando al cantante puertorriqueño Daniel Santos en el filme local "La Última Gira". No olvides darle follow a Mentores en Línea en Instagram https://www.instagram.com/mentoresenlinea/.

Don’t cry for me, Diva Dailies Listeners. The truth is I never left you…(even though one of us did, lol.) Anywho- sorry this episode is late! But hopefully the wait is worth it in my first ever solo episode! This week, we talk Madonna in her Golden Globe winning role as Eva Paron in “Evita” (1996).LOGLINE: Movie-musical based on the life of Eva Duarte Peron, an Argentinian actress who eventually became the wife of Argentinian president Juan Peró. Detailing her beginnings, rise to fame, political career and death at the age of 33, Evita is a story about one of the most beloved and hated woman in Argentina*Email us for show notes: divadailiespod@gmail.com*Twitter & Instagram: @divadailiespod*Diva Hotline: 714-729-3121TIME STAMPS:- Oscar & Razzie Moment of the Week (Personal High & Low of the Week): 02:00- Movie Breakdown: 06:25- Pop Corn & Pop Stars (Career Context of Diva): 50:55- Spill the Technicolor Tea (Movie Tea!): 57:45- Tinseltown Showdown (Actors/Actresses Up for the Role): 66:31- Show Me the Receipts (Movie Stats): 69:11- Closing Thoughts/Impact: 72:16- Coming Attractions (Sneak Peek for Next Episode): 73:47

Recordando esta entrevista que le hice a la leyenda de la lucha libre profesional Angel Pantoja "El Profe" oriundo del barrio Almirante Sur de Vega Baja, Puerto Rico, debutó en 1972. Comienza su carrera en la Lucha Libre con el pseudónimo de Mano Blanca a principio de los años sesenta con el promotor Arturo Mendoza, luego se llamó Ángelo Rivera, Ángel Pantoja, Ángel Perón, Ángel Rivera, José Perón, Juan Perón, The Assasin, El Bronco y finalmente como muchos lo conocemos, El Profe. Luchó en Estados Unidos, México, todo Centroamérica y Puerto Rico. En Canadá luchó para Stu Hart, su combate más conocido en este territorio fue como parte de Los Hermanos Perón vs Bret “The Hitman” Hart y el “British Buldog” Davey Boy Smith (1980). En México como parte de Los Hermanos Perón, sobresalen sus combates con Ultraman & Dorrel Dixon y Los Misioneros de la Muerte (1984). En Puerto Rico fue parte de los Campeones del Caribe y sobresale un combate ante “Cowboy” Bob Orton  y Barry Orton. En 1974 hace pareja con el luchador salvadoreño, El Vikingo, como Los Diamantes Negros, manejados por Barrabás y tuvieron una gran lucha contra los colombianos Bill Martínez y Henry London. También tuvo el honor de combatir con grandes estrellas como “Supertar” Billy Graham y Rocky Johnson, padre de The Rock (Dwayne Johnson). En 1986 se convierte en El Profe, el cual ha manejado a prácticamente a gran parte de las grandes estrellas que han pisado cuadrilátero en Puerto Rico, entre ellos: Ivan Koloff, Nikolai Volkoff, The Wild Samoan (Afa y Sika), The Great Kokina (Yokozuna), Greg “The Hammer” Valentine, Super Black Ninja (The Great Muta), Mr. Pogo, Kendo Nagasaki y muchos más. Esperamos que les guste la entrevitsa.  --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

Daniel is senior vipassana teacher (Acharya) in the S.N. Goenka tradition, in addition to being a licensed acupuncturist. He was appointed a Center Teacher (CT) originally for Dhamma Santi in Brazil, and then a Coordinating Area Teacher (CAT) “to serve the Rest of Africa.” A native Argentinian, he described going into self-exile after Juan Perón's return to power, which led him first to Paris and then to India, where he took up meditation under Goenka-ji's guidance. After being appointed a teacher, he undertook Spanish translation of all discourses and instructions, and conducted courses across Latin and South America, in many cases for the first time. This interview coincided with his return to Burma for the first time in exactly 40 years, when he had first visited in order to ordain as a monk at the International Meditation Center. Daniel also shares his memories about the early days of Goenka-ji's vipassana courses in India and how they have since spread around the world. If you would like to support our mission, we welcome your contribution. You may give via Patreon at https://www.patreon.com/insightmyanmar (https://www.patreon.com/insightmyanmar), via PayPal at http://www.paypal.me/insightmyanmar (www.paypal.me/insightmyanmar), or by credit card by going to http://www.insightmyanmar.org/donation (www.insightmyanmar.org/donation). Support this podcast

You are probably familiar with the musical ‘Evita,’ by Tim Rice and Andrew Lloyd Webber, which tells the story of Eva Duarte and her relationship with Argentinian President Juan Perón. In the most famous number, ‘Don’t Cry for Me, Argentina’, Evita addresses the crowds after orchestrating an insurrection to free her husband, prisoner to a military Junta. A young Che Guevara witnesses the events, providing some commentary – in song form, of course.

Donna Guy’s 2016 book Creating Charismatic Bonds in Argentina: Letters to Juan and Eva Perón (University of New Mexico Press) is a history of Peronist populism that puts everyday people at the center of her exploration. Using letters written by Argentine citizens to the Perón couple between 1946 and 1955, Guy offers a nuanced approach to understand charisma, that ineffable quality said to bind popular actors to leadership. She shows that the bonds between popular groups and the Perón couple did more than turn out voters to elections. Ordinary Argentines, at the request of Juan Perón, shaped policies by making suggestions for Five-Year Plans, communicating their visions of national uplift directly to the president. Many letters discussed in her work come from impoverished Argentines living in the countryside or recent migrants to Buenos Aires, groups more marginalized than the members of organized labor and other sectors known for their Peronist loyalty. Guy makes clear that the charisma of Juan Perón is inextricable from the charisma of his wife Eva, bringing the insights of gender history to understand the couple as a dual political force. Many Argentines, especially women, directed their requests and suggestions to her, and her responses helped build the popularity both Juan and Eva Perón. Although writing letters to political leadership is a longstanding practice among popular groups in Latin America, Guy notes the particularities of correspondence to the president and First Lady in the mid-twentieth century. Citizens’ consumption of modern media, such as the radio, shaped the content of their written letters. Furthermore, given high levels of basic literacy throughout Argentina, most of the people sending letters were able to pen their own missives without the help of notaries or other intermediaries. This facilitated the sense that the Perón couple could be directly accessed by the people, making the emotional connection to their addressees all the more deeply felt. In the podcast, Guy discusses the archival sources that form the heart of this book, once assumed to be lost, and she provides context on inequality and modernization in Argentina. This book shows that charismatic bonds were shaped as much by the Argentine people as by their leadership, and her close reading of hundreds of letters offers a window into how ordinary Argentines built the charismatic reputation of the Perón couple that has long outlasted their lifetimes. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about elite migration, education, transnationalism, and youth in twentieth-century Mexico. She is also the author of a book on a binational program for migrant children whose families divided their time between Michoacán, Mexico and Watsonville, California. She is on Twitter (@rachelgnew). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Donna Guy’s 2016 book Creating Charismatic Bonds in Argentina: Letters to Juan and Eva Perón (University of New Mexico Press) is a history of Peronist populism that puts everyday people at the center of her exploration. Using letters written by Argentine citizens to the Perón couple between 1946 and 1955, Guy offers a nuanced approach to understand charisma, that ineffable quality said to bind popular actors to leadership. She shows that the bonds between popular groups and the Perón couple did more than turn out voters to elections. Ordinary Argentines, at the request of Juan Perón, shaped policies by making suggestions for Five-Year Plans, communicating their visions of national uplift directly to the president. Many letters discussed in her work come from impoverished Argentines living in the countryside or recent migrants to Buenos Aires, groups more marginalized than the members of organized labor and other sectors known for their Peronist loyalty. Guy makes clear that the charisma of Juan Perón is inextricable from the charisma of his wife Eva, bringing the insights of gender history to understand the couple as a dual political force. Many Argentines, especially women, directed their requests and suggestions to her, and her responses helped build the popularity both Juan and Eva Perón. Although writing letters to political leadership is a longstanding practice among popular groups in Latin America, Guy notes the particularities of correspondence to the president and First Lady in the mid-twentieth century. Citizens’ consumption of modern media, such as the radio, shaped the content of their written letters. Furthermore, given high levels of basic literacy throughout Argentina, most of the people sending letters were able to pen their own missives without the help of notaries or other intermediaries. This facilitated the sense that the Perón couple could be directly accessed by the people, making the emotional connection to their addressees all the more deeply felt. In the podcast, Guy discusses the archival sources that form the heart of this book, once assumed to be lost, and she provides context on inequality and modernization in Argentina. This book shows that charismatic bonds were shaped as much by the Argentine people as by their leadership, and her close reading of hundreds of letters offers a window into how ordinary Argentines built the charismatic reputation of the Perón couple that has long outlasted their lifetimes. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about elite migration, education, transnationalism, and youth in twentieth-century Mexico. She is also the author of a book on a binational program for migrant children whose families divided their time between Michoacán, Mexico and Watsonville, California. She is on Twitter (@rachelgnew). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Donna Guy’s 2016 book Creating Charismatic Bonds in Argentina: Letters to Juan and Eva Perón (University of New Mexico Press) is a history of Peronist populism that puts everyday people at the center of her exploration. Using letters written by Argentine citizens to the Perón couple between 1946 and 1955, Guy offers a nuanced approach to understand charisma, that ineffable quality said to bind popular actors to leadership. She shows that the bonds between popular groups and the Perón couple did more than turn out voters to elections. Ordinary Argentines, at the request of Juan Perón, shaped policies by making suggestions for Five-Year Plans, communicating their visions of national uplift directly to the president. Many letters discussed in her work come from impoverished Argentines living in the countryside or recent migrants to Buenos Aires, groups more marginalized than the members of organized labor and other sectors known for their Peronist loyalty. Guy makes clear that the charisma of Juan Perón is inextricable from the charisma of his wife Eva, bringing the insights of gender history to understand the couple as a dual political force. Many Argentines, especially women, directed their requests and suggestions to her, and her responses helped build the popularity both Juan and Eva Perón. Although writing letters to political leadership is a longstanding practice among popular groups in Latin America, Guy notes the particularities of correspondence to the president and First Lady in the mid-twentieth century. Citizens’ consumption of modern media, such as the radio, shaped the content of their written letters. Furthermore, given high levels of basic literacy throughout Argentina, most of the people sending letters were able to pen their own missives without the help of notaries or other intermediaries. This facilitated the sense that the Perón couple could be directly accessed by the people, making the emotional connection to their addressees all the more deeply felt. In the podcast, Guy discusses the archival sources that form the heart of this book, once assumed to be lost, and she provides context on inequality and modernization in Argentina. This book shows that charismatic bonds were shaped as much by the Argentine people as by their leadership, and her close reading of hundreds of letters offers a window into how ordinary Argentines built the charismatic reputation of the Perón couple that has long outlasted their lifetimes. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about elite migration, education, transnationalism, and youth in twentieth-century Mexico. She is also the author of a book on a binational program for migrant children whose families divided their time between Michoacán, Mexico and Watsonville, California. She is on Twitter (@rachelgnew). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Donna Guy’s 2016 book Creating Charismatic Bonds in Argentina: Letters to Juan and Eva Perón (University of New Mexico Press) is a history of Peronist populism that puts everyday people at the center of her exploration. Using letters written by Argentine citizens to the Perón couple between 1946 and 1955, Guy offers a nuanced approach to understand charisma, that ineffable quality said to bind popular actors to leadership. She shows that the bonds between popular groups and the Perón couple did more than turn out voters to elections. Ordinary Argentines, at the request of Juan Perón, shaped policies by making suggestions for Five-Year Plans, communicating their visions of national uplift directly to the president. Many letters discussed in her work come from impoverished Argentines living in the countryside or recent migrants to Buenos Aires, groups more marginalized than the members of organized labor and other sectors known for their Peronist loyalty. Guy makes clear that the charisma of Juan Perón is inextricable from the charisma of his wife Eva, bringing the insights of gender history to understand the couple as a dual political force. Many Argentines, especially women, directed their requests and suggestions to her, and her responses helped build the popularity both Juan and Eva Perón. Although writing letters to political leadership is a longstanding practice among popular groups in Latin America, Guy notes the particularities of correspondence to the president and First Lady in the mid-twentieth century. Citizens’ consumption of modern media, such as the radio, shaped the content of their written letters. Furthermore, given high levels of basic literacy throughout Argentina, most of the people sending letters were able to pen their own missives without the help of notaries or other intermediaries. This facilitated the sense that the Perón couple could be directly accessed by the people, making the emotional connection to their addressees all the more deeply felt. In the podcast, Guy discusses the archival sources that form the heart of this book, once assumed to be lost, and she provides context on inequality and modernization in Argentina. This book shows that charismatic bonds were shaped as much by the Argentine people as by their leadership, and her close reading of hundreds of letters offers a window into how ordinary Argentines built the charismatic reputation of the Perón couple that has long outlasted their lifetimes. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about elite migration, education, transnationalism, and youth in twentieth-century Mexico. She is also the author of a book on a binational program for migrant children whose families divided their time between Michoacán, Mexico and Watsonville, California. She is on Twitter (@rachelgnew). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Donna Guy’s 2016 book Creating Charismatic Bonds in Argentina: Letters to Juan and Eva Perón (University of New Mexico Press) is a history of Peronist populism that puts everyday people at the center of her exploration. Using letters written by Argentine citizens to the Perón couple between 1946 and 1955, Guy offers a nuanced approach to understand charisma, that ineffable quality said to bind popular actors to leadership. She shows that the bonds between popular groups and the Perón couple did more than turn out voters to elections. Ordinary Argentines, at the request of Juan Perón, shaped policies by making suggestions for Five-Year Plans, communicating their visions of national uplift directly to the president. Many letters discussed in her work come from impoverished Argentines living in the countryside or recent migrants to Buenos Aires, groups more marginalized than the members of organized labor and other sectors known for their Peronist loyalty. Guy makes clear that the charisma of Juan Perón is inextricable from the charisma of his wife Eva, bringing the insights of gender history to understand the couple as a dual political force. Many Argentines, especially women, directed their requests and suggestions to her, and her responses helped build the popularity both Juan and Eva Perón. Although writing letters to political leadership is a longstanding practice among popular groups in Latin America, Guy notes the particularities of correspondence to the president and First Lady in the mid-twentieth century. Citizens’ consumption of modern media, such as the radio, shaped the content of their written letters. Furthermore, given high levels of basic literacy throughout Argentina, most of the people sending letters were able to pen their own missives without the help of notaries or other intermediaries. This facilitated the sense that the Perón couple could be directly accessed by the people, making the emotional connection to their addressees all the more deeply felt. In the podcast, Guy discusses the archival sources that form the heart of this book, once assumed to be lost, and she provides context on inequality and modernization in Argentina. This book shows that charismatic bonds were shaped as much by the Argentine people as by their leadership, and her close reading of hundreds of letters offers a window into how ordinary Argentines built the charismatic reputation of the Perón couple that has long outlasted their lifetimes. Rachel Grace Newman is Lecturer in the History of the Global South at Smith College. She has a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and she writes about elite migration, education, transnationalism, and youth in twentieth-century Mexico. She is also the author of a book on a binational program for migrant children whose families divided their time between Michoacán, Mexico and Watsonville, California. She is on Twitter (@rachelgnew). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Shepard, Richard F. [“'Evita' Up for 11 Tonys, 'Talley's Folly Gets 5.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/05/13/archives/evita-up-for-11-tonys-talleys-folly-gets-5.html?searchResultPosition=100) The New York Times, 13 May 1980.Blau, Eleanor. [“Tonys to 'Children of Lesser God,' 'Evita'; Win Choreography Award.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/06/09/archives/tonys-to-children-of-lesser-god-evita-win-choreography-award.html?searchResultPosition=2) The New York Times, 9 June 1980. Schneider, Alan. [“THEATER MAILBAG.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/06/29/archives/theater-mailbag.html?searchResultPosition=4) The New York Times, 29 June 1980. Rich, Frank. [“STAGE VIEW; Selected Highlights Of the Season STAGE VIEW Highlights of the Season.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/06/08/archives/stage-view-selected-highlights-of-the-season-stage-view-highlights.html?searchResultPosition=15) The New York Times, 8 June 1980. O'Connor, John J. [“TV: Tonys Capture Aura of the Theater.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/06/10/archives/tv-tonys-capture-aura-of-the-theater.html?searchResultPosition=8) The New York Times, 10 June 1980. Sloane, Leonard. [“What Keeps Broadway; Behind The Theater Boom.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/05/11/archives/what-keeps-broadway-behind-the-theater-boom.html?searchResultPosition=55) The New York Times, 11 May 1980. Nakano, Craig. [“Why Mary Tyler Moore Received Her Special Tony Award in 1980.”](https://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/la-et-cm-mary-tyler-moore-tony-20170126-htmlstory.html) Los Angeles Times, 21 Nov. 2017.Kakutani, Michiko. [“The Great Theater Duel and How It/Affects Broadway; How the Theater Duel Affects Broadway.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/09/14/archives/the-great-theater-duel-and-how-itaffects-broadway-how-the-theater.html?searchResultPosition=9) The New York Times, 14 Sept. 1980. [“THEATER MAILBAG: Arguing The Merits of Evita .”](https://www.nytimes.com/1979/11/25/archives/theater-mailbag-arguing-the-merits-of-evita-yeats-and-the-irish.html?searchResultPosition=11) The New York Times, 25 Nov. 1979. Owen, Michael. [“A London Hit Arrives - With a Controversial Heroine.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1979/09/23/archives/a-london-hit-arriveswith-a-controversial-heroine-a-controversial.html?searchResultPosition=8) The New York Times, 23 Sept. 1979.Kerr, Walter. [“Stage: 'Evita,' a Musical Perón.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1979/09/26/archives/stage-evita-a-musical-peron-ambitions-progress.html?searchResultPosition=1) The New York Times, 26 Sept. 1979.Grein, Paul. [“When 'Evita' Won Seven Tonys in 1980, It Was a Big Win for Brits.”](https://www.billboard.com/articles/news/awards/8513264/evita-tony-awards-british-history) Billboard, 5 June 2019.Queenan, Joe. [“The Origin of Don't Cry For Me, Argentina.”](https://www.theguardian.com/music/2007/sep/07/4) The Guardian, 7 Sept. 2007. Chretien, Todd, et al. [“Juan Perón's Many Heirs.”](https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/10/juan-peron-peronism-populism-scioli-kirchner-eva-menem-argentina) Jacobin.Little, Becky. [“'The Greatest Showman' Sidesteps P.T. Barnum's Most Controversial Act.”](https://www.biography.com/news/joice-heth-pt-barnum-george-washington-nurse)  Biography.com, 25 June 2019.Kakutani, Michiko. [“Jim Dale Is Toast of Broadway; Three Disney Movies Chance to Learn His Craft.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/05/02/archives/jim-dale-is-toast-of-broadway-three-disney-movies-chance-to-learn.html?searchResultPosition=13) The New York Times, 2 May 1980.Gussow, Mel. [“Mini-Musicals Are Maxi on Broadway This Season; STAGE VIEW The Mini-Musical on Broadway.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/04/27/archives/minimusicals-are-maxi-on-broadway-this-season-stage-view-the.html?searchResultPosition=12) The New York Times, 27 Apr. 1980.Rich, Frank. [“Theater: 'Barnum,' A Circus Musical; Ring of Tunes.”](https://www.nytimes.com/1980/05/01/archives/theater-barnum-a-circus-musical-ring-of-tunes.html?searchResultPosition=3) The New York Times, 1 May 1980.Grimes, William. [“David Mitchell, Broadway Set Designer, Dies at 79.”](https://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/05/theater/david-mitchell-broadway-set-designer-dies-at-79.html?searchResultPosition=4) The New York Times, 5 Oct. 2011. Slotnik, Daniel E. [“Mark Bramble, Book Writer of Broadway's 'Barnum,' Dies at 68.”](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/26/obituaries/mark-bramble-dies.html?searchResultPosition=13) The New York Times, 26 Feb. 2019. LuPone, Patti. *Patti Lupone: a Memoir*. Harmony Books, 2010.Filichia, Peter. *Broadway Musicals: The Biggest Hit & the Biggest Flop of the Season 1959 to 2009.* Applause Books, 2010.Bloom, Ken, and Frank Vlastnik. *Broadway Musicals: the 101 Greatest Shows of All Time.* Black Dog & Leventhal Pubs., 2010.Nachman, Gerald. *Showstoppers!: the Surprising Backstage Stories of Broadway's Most Remarkable Songs.* Chicago Review Press, 2017.Guernsey, Otis L. *Curtain Time: The New York Theatre (1965-1987).* Applause , 1987.Webber, Andrew Lloyd. *Unmasked: a Memoir.* Harper, 2019.Prince, Harold. *Sense of Occasion.* Applause Theater, 2019.

Today’s episode will be about Juan Perón and his complicated legacy!Against all odds, Donald Trump succeeded in challenging political elites during the presidential campaign. He had not yet won the election, but commentators already struggled to find historical examples to explain the appeal of his vociferous movement. On 11 August, the Financial Times ran an article titled: “Donald Trump Evokes Latin America’s Old Style Strongmen.” The article was illustrated with cartoons of Trump, Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez, and, yes, Perón. Many followed. “Is Donald Trump a Peronist?” “It’s What Perón Sounded Like.” This time, analysts’ emphasis was not only placed on government intervention in the economy, but on the supposed political irrationality of the lower classes: under economic duress, blue-­collar workers—allegedly unlike bankers or dentists—are prone to support demagogues who trick them into believing that there are easy shortcuts to their daily hardshipsWhere did those images associated with Perón come from? How did they arrive in the United States in 2009 or 2016? Many of them were born in the mid-1940s in remote places like León Segovia’s house in the Chaco territory, a region in northern Argentina, eight hundred miles from Buenos Aires. On 9 December 1946, Segovia received a letter with a presidential seal and the signature of President Juan Perón. Segovia was a welder at Las Palmas, a sugar mill that belonged to an Irish couple until a traditional Argentine family bought both it and the entire town. Housing, food, drink, currency—everything was provided by the mill. Of criollo descent and indigenous features, Segovia did not even use the official Spanish language at home.4 Although fluent in Spanish, he spoke mostly Guaraní—a language spoken by native inhabitants of the Chaco Forest—with his parents and friends. Three aspects of Segovia’s life were deeply entangled with the larger national community: he was a member of his union, he had had run-­ins with the National Gendarmerie, and he had voted for Colonel Juan Perón in the presidential elections. His decision to vote for Perón seemed an unlikely one, given that his socialist union had supported the republic in the Spanish Civil War and the Allies in World War II, while Perón was a nationalist who revered Spanish Falangism and belonged to a group of officers with Nazi sympathies. In the official letter, President Perón notified Segovia that he had been selected as a student in the training course for diplomatic worker attachés.5 It was a new position within the Argentine foreign service that Perón created a few weeks after taking office. Along with Segovia, approximately one hundred rank-­and-­file union members received similar letters. The General Confed­eration of Labor (cgt) had selected its most valued activists to represent Argentina abroad. A few months later, leaving the country for the first time in their lives, Segovia and forty other labor activists traveled to embassies worldwide with the mission of spreading Perón’s gospel of social revolution. Originating from the small towns of the countryside and the crowded working-­class suburbs of Buenos Aires, the attachés were stationed in Washington, São Paulo, Moscow, Bogotá, and Paris, “as [Perón’s] personal representatives beyond the national borders.” Over the following decade, five hundred labor activists became members of the Argentine foreign service. Self-­described as Perón’s proud foot soldiers, they represent the largest presence of blue-­collar workers in the foreign service of any country in historyOnce abroad, the attachés wielded their own diplomatic position as proof of the swift changes occurring in Argentina under Perón. Nowhere else had workers accomplished so much, reaching positions in a realm usually reserved for elites. As part of their mission, they described the Argentine reality: hundreds of factories—many of them state-­owned—were producing everything from steel to canned food. Unions held unprecedented bargaining power. They managed hotels for their workers at the most scenic vacation resorts. And hospitals and schools were free to all. The attachés showed that the daily caloric intake of an Argentine worker was among the highest in the world. And they emphatically attributed these advances to Perón and his wife, Eva Perón. In diplomatic dispatches, personal letters, and news articles, they reported back to Argentina about a European continent ravaged by the war. From Latin America, they described with ethnographic precision the meager wages of workers at an oil refinery in Peru and the kilometers that Guatemalan peasants at a plantation had to walk between their shacks and the first source of running water. From the United States, they chronicled layoffs at telephone companies, the end of rent regulation, which had benefited low-­income workers during the New Deal, and the massive strikes in the automaker sector. The attachés made sure that the setbacks of unions and the efforts of the business sector to reverse workers’ gains in the United States were widely publicized in Argentina and the rest of Latin America.The attachés joined the democratic spring that swept Latin America after 1945. The contrast in the achievements of organized labor at home and the difficulties of workers abroad reinforced their belief in the exceptionality of the Peronist recipe. And this, in turn, provided a class ethos to a long-­standing sense of predestination and to ambitions for regional leadership that ran deep in Argentine nationalism. They promoted Peronism as a path for the expansion of social citizenship for the emerging working class and denounced U.S. foreign policy as an ally of local elites in obstructing that mission. With this basic toolkit of ideas, they allied with the leftist leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in 1948 in Colombia and made sure that indigenous people in Peru had a copy of Perón’s Declaration of the Rights of Workers, which had been translated into Quechua by 1950. They funded an early venture abroad of a young Cuban law student, Fidel Castro, and befriended an equally young Argentine doctor, Ernesto Guevara. In 1954, a Peronist attaché sheltered members of the future leadership of the Guatemalan guerrilla in the Argentine embassy during the cia-­backed military coup. The attachés confronted U.S. labor diplomats of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (afl-­cio), who had deployed representatives throughout the world since the end of World War II. Particularly in Latin America, they had worked closely with the U.S. government, the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the business sector. Labor diplomats became part of the larger U.S. efforts to contain communism by gaining the support of workers in the region for the strengthening of liberal democracy. The U.S. labor diplomats saw Peronism as a fascist threat and worked with U.S. officials in containing Perón’s transnational aims. They shared with Peronism the idea that inequality was a major problem in Latin America. They also argued that democracy could not be achieved without social reform. But they claimed that workers should gain their rights without violent upheavals of social order, which could be used by demagogues (i.e., Perón) to create a totalitarian government that would curtail citizens’ freedoms. The Peronist specter captured the concerns of officials and elites in the Americas. By 1946, Argentina was already mentioned as one of the main threats to democratic liberalism in the document that became the blueprint for Cold War containment. And two years later, a U.S. official stationed in Europe reflected, “The threat which gives us the worst case of cold shivers is that of a southern bloc dominated by Argentina.” Attachés like Segovia came to represent this menace to the extent that their actions were eventually described by Robert Alexander, the scholar with the greatest influence on U.S. officials working with organized labor in Latin America, as part of “the whole Peronista propaganda apparatus . . . against the United States [that] outdid even that of the Communists.” By the onset of the Cold War, the image of Peronism as a symbol of social change gone awry was engraved in such a powerful way that it survived the Cold War itself. Excerpt from Ambassadors of the Working Class, by Ernesto SeamanYou can find out more about Ernesto by visiting his twitter page Get full access to Historic.ly at historicly.substack.com/subscribe

1955 la mitad del siglo comienza desandarse y aun es antiguo: en Estados Unidos muere Albert Einstein. Físico alemán autor de la teoría de la relatividad que con sus investigaciones daría vestigios del futuro. Mientras tanto: en la Argentina se provoca un acontecimiento atroz militares bombardean plaza de mayo a la caza del presidente Juan Perón quien es derrocado y comienza su exilio y el partido justicialista es proscripto . --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/guillermo-romani/message

Stream podcast episodes on demand from www.bitesz.com (mobile friendly).Evita (Arts Centre, Melbourne, Australia) (review)With more than 20 major awards to its credit, the original Broadway and West End production of Tim Rice and Andrew Lloyd Webber’s iconic musical EVITA is now playing at Arts Centre Melbourne.EVITA charts the story of Eva Perón, wife of Argentine dictator Juan Perón, from her humble beginnings through to the extraordinary wealth, power and status which ultimately led her to be heralded as the ‘spiritual leader of the nation’ by the Argentine people.Featuring some of the best loved songs in musical theatre, including Don’t Cry For Me Argentina, On This Night of a Thousand Stars, Oh What A Circus, You Must Love Me, and Another Suitcase in Another Hall, this smash hit show truly promises to be THE THEATRICAL EVENT OF THE YEAR!For more information visit  https://evitathemusical.com.au/   Theatre First RSS feed:   https://feeds.megaphone.fm/ivetheatrereviews Subscribe, rate and review Theatre First at all good podcatcher apps, including Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts (formerly iTunes), Stitcher, Pocket Casts, CastBox.FM, Podbean, ACast etc.If you're enjoying Theatre First podcast, please share and tell your friends. Your support would be appreciated...thank you.#theatre #stage #reviews #melbourne #australia Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Support this Podcast here: www.patrickcoffin.media/donate. "Like" us on Facebook HERE Sign up to the waiting list for our upcoming premium site Coffin Nation. You'll be the first to be notified!   ****************************   This episode with “Marcantonio Colonna” (real name Dr. Henry Sire) is a do-over, owing to poor sound quality. The upside is that  got to hit topics I didn’t get to because of time constraints in the previous episode. The pontificate of the former Jorge Mario Bergoglio, SJ, as Pope Francis started off full of promise as one of reform and renewal. Most were happy to learn the new Pope was from Latin America, and many thought the Church could stand some fresh air and energy. But things have take one bad turn after another. Never has a Roman Pontiff been the source of so much confusion, weaponized ambiguity, nor been seemingly motivated by such a political modus operandi. A spate of books have come out in the last year discussing what can no longer be denied: that the current papacy has been tainted by corruption, scandal, and (to take one example) the Holy Father’s refusal to address the stunning allegations by Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò. Space here forbids a full account of the problems Catholics around the world are now awakening to, but this interview with historian Dr. Henry Sire author is the-now worldwide publishing phenomenon, The Dictator Pope: The Inside Story of the Francis Papacy, goes into greater detail, starting with Bergoglio’s handling of predator priests in his native Buenos Aires to to current problems. If you’ve been wincing as you wonder what the next confusing or vexing papal decision or directive is going to be, don’t miss this respectful conversation.   In this episode you will learn: How the political philosophy of Argentine dictator Juan Perón, who ruled the country intermittently in the decades after World War II, strongly influenced young Jorge Bergoglio Why Perónism, as a strategy for implementing an agenda, is neither conservative nor liberal: it is Machiavellian How Pope Francis’s defenders do not answer the evidence, but change the subject or resort to ad hominem attacks The ways in which a climate of fear reigns inside the walls of the Vatican Specific names, places, and facts that must be confronted when assessing the level of dereliction of episcopal duty How to stay hopeful and balanced in the meantime through intensified prayer and renewing the effort at understanding the perennial teachings of the Church   Resources recommended in this episode: The Dictator Pope: The Inside Story of the Francis Papacy by Marcantonio Colonna (aka Henry Sire) Sacrilege: Sexual Abuse In the Catholic Church by Dr. Leon Podles Pope Francis In Context by E. Michael Jones Lost Shepherd: How Pope Francis Is Misleading His Flock by Philip Lawler To Change the Church: Pope Francis and the Future of Catholicism by Ross Douthat   Question of the week What is one practical thing you can do to strengthen your faith in the midst of the current turmoil in the Church?      "Like" us on Facebook HERE Sign up to the waiting list for our upcoming premium site Coffin Nation. You'll be the first to be notified! Tweet to Patrick HERE

If you enjoy this podcast please consider being a supporter here: Donate to The Patrick Coffin Show "Like" us on Facebook HERE Sign up to the waiting list for our upcoming premium site Coffin Nation. You'll be the first to be notified! Tweet to Patrick HERE.   ***************************** The pontificate of the former Jorge Mario Bergoglio, SJ, as Pope Francis has not exactly met the excited hopes of Catholics around the world. Most were happy to learn the Holy Father was from Latin America, and many thought the Church could stand some fresh air and energy. But things have not turned out so rosy. Never has a Roman Pontiff been the source of so much confusion, ambiguity, and been motivated by such an obviously politicized modus operandi. A spate of books have come out in the last year discussing what can no longer be denied: that the current papacy has been tainted by corruption, scandal, and (to take one example) the refusal to address the stunning allegations by Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò. Space here forbids a full account of the problems Catholics around the world are now awakening to, but this interview with Dr. Henry Sire (pen name Marcantonio Colonna), who wrote what is now a worldwide publishing phenomenon, The Dictator Pope: The Inside Story of the Francis Papacy, goes into greater detail, starting with Bergoglio’s handling of predator priests in his native Buenos Aires. If you’ve been wincing along, wondering what the next confusing or vexing papal decision or directive is going to be, don’t miss this conversation.   In this episode you will learn: How the political philosophy of Argentine dictator Juan Perón, who ruled the country intermittently in the decades after World War II, strongly influenced young Jorge Bergoglio Why Perónism, as a strategy for implementing an agenda, is neither conservative nor liberal: it is Machiavellian How Pope Francis’s defenders do not answer the evidence, but change the subject or resort to ad hominem attacks The ways in which a climate of fear reigns inside the walls of the Vatican Specific names, places, and facts that must be confronted when assessing the level of dereliction of episcopal duty How to stay hopeful and balanced in the meantime through intensified prayer and renewing the effort at understanding the perennial teachings of the Church   Resources recommended in this episode: The Dictator Pope: The Inside Story of the Francis Papacy by Marcantonio Colonna (aka Henry Sire) Sacrilege: Sexual Abuse In the Catholic Church by Dr. Leon Podles Pope Francis In Context by E. Michael Jones Lost Shepherd: How Pope Francis Is Misleading His Flock by Philip Lawler To Change the Church: Pope Francis and the Future of Catholicism by Ross Douthat   Question of the week What is one practical thing you can do to strengthen your faith in the midst of the current turmoil in the Church?     Comment below or on our Facebook page "Like" us on Facebook HERE Sign up to the waiting list for our upcoming premium site Coffin Nation. You'll be the first to be notified! Tweet to Patrick HERE   Don’t forget to Subscribe to the show in YouTube, as well as the full length podcast available in iTunes and other podcast directories, while you are there, please leave an honest review. Ratings and reviews are extremely helpful and greatly appreciated. Thank you!

Why Won't Pope Francis Respond to Viganò? As a follow up to why did Pope Benedict resign, we look at the political history of Pope Francis and the influence of the Argentinian ruler Juan Perón (1895-1974). We examine the clip of Francis on the plane wh...

Le destin d'Evita Perón est intimement lié à celui de son mari, le président argentin Juan Perón, mais il est également lié à celui du peuple argentin et particulièrement à ceux qu'on appelait à l'époque, les sans-chemise, des laissés-pour-compte, les plus pauvres des plus pauvres. Même si Évita Perón est femme ambitieuse et qu'elle veut atteindre le sommet, elle n'oubliera jamais ses origines modestes. Son engagement en faveur des déshérités, son combat pour donner une voix aux femmes argentines, et sa mort prématurée à l'âge de 33 ans, feront d'elle une véritable légende. Invité Victor Armony

Pablo and I spoke about Argentina, critiques of power, finding life in death and about how film doesn’t pass judgment.   Eva Doesn’t Sleep - Film SynopsisIMDBGael García Bernal gives a supremely creepy performance in the new film from visionary Argentinean director Pablo Agüero, which tells the unbelievable true story of the transport of the embalmed body of the country’s beloved First Lady Eva Perón.The strangest thing about this story is that it’s true. With Eva Doesn’t Sleep, Argentine filmmaker Pablo Agüero takes an unbelievable chapter of his country’s history and transforms it into a deeply strange cinema experience.In 1952, Argentina’s beloved First Lady, Eva Perón, died of cancer at the age of thirty-three. A renowned embalmer was commissioned by the grieving Juan Perón to preserve her body for display, and Argentines flocked to be near “Evita.” Three years later, when his government was overthrown by a military coup, Perón fled the country before he could make arrangements for the transportation of his wife’s body. The military junta now in control kidnapped the corpse; so afraid were they of Eva’s symbolic power that they even made it illegal to utter her name. Thus began the two-decade journey of Eva’s body throughout Europe and eventually back to Argentina.Agüero’s coming-of-age debut Salamandra demonstrated a predilection for the surreal, and while his latest film tackles a very different topic, his absurd sensibility once again underlies the narrative. Agüero uses sociopathic Admiral Emilio Massera (a supremely creepy Gael García Bernal) as a sort of lightning rod for the misogynistic obsession with obliterating the memory of Eva. Responsible for orchestrating Argentina’s Dirty War, one of the darkest eras in the country’s history, the Admiral would not rest until Eva was buried under six metres of cement.Interspersing his film’s eerie and bizarre scenes with found footage, Agüero creates a resonant reconstruction of the dream — or nightmare — that is Argentina’s past. Bold and original, and boasting brilliant set pieces, including a fight inside a truck between the driver (Denis Lavant) and a young officer who wants to open Eva’s coffin, Eva Doesn’t Sleep showcases the talents of one of Argentina’s most visionary and politically engaged cinematic voices.BiographyPablo Aguero was born in El Bolsón in Patagonia, Argentina. His shorts include Lejos del sol and Primera Nieve. His first feature, Salamandra, played the Festival and was followed by 77 Doronship and Eva Doesn’t Sleep. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

El músico argentino Leo Fernandez viene de visita para el primer Especial de Navidad de #QuieroCreer. Además: contamos con una presencia histórica, literlmente, ya que nos visita un notable Ex Presidente y fundador del Movimiento Justicialista, el General Juan Domingo Perón. Y como nada es suficiente para nosotros, también invitamos a la Señora Tatita para hablar de tradiciones navideñas. Con la participación especial de @Alto_Perseo y @srtaBimbo.

What do René Descartes, Joseph Haydn, and Oliver Cromwell have in common? All three lost their heads after death. In this week's episode of the Futility Closet podcast, we'll run down a list of notable corpses whose parts have gone wandering. We'll also hear readers chime in on John Lennon, knitting, diaries and Hitchcock, and puzzle over why a pilot would choose to land in a field of grazing livestock. Sources for our feature on posthumously itinerant body parts: Bess Lovejoy, Rest in Pieces: The Curious Fates of Famous Corpses, 2013. Edith Sitwell, English Eccentrics, 1993. I'd written previously about Descartes, Haydn, Cromwell, Bentham, Einstein, and Juan Perón. Thanks to listener Alejandro Pareja for the tip about Goya. Listener mail: Barney Snow's documentary about Gerald and Linda Polley is Where Has Eternity Gone? QI, "Knitting in Code." Douglas Martin, "Robert Shields, Wordy Diarist, Dies at 89," New York Times, Oct. 29, 2007. Listener Christine Fisher found Charles Thomas Samuels' interview with Alfred Hitchcock in Sidney Gottlieb's 2003 book Alfred Hitchcock: Interviews. It appeared originally in Samuels' 1972 book Encountering Directors. This week's lateral thinking puzzle is from Kyle Hendrickson's 1998 book Mental Fitness Puzzles. You can listen using the player above, download this episode directly, or subscribe on iTunes or via the RSS feed at http://feedpress.me/futilitycloset. Enter coupon code CLOSET at Harry's and get $5 off their starter set of high-quality razors. Please consider becoming a patron of Futility Closet -- on our Patreon page you can pledge any amount per episode, and all contributions are greatly appreciated. You can change or cancel your pledge at any time, and we've set up some rewards to help thank you for your support. You can also make a one-time donation via the Donate button in the sidebar of the Futility Closet website. Many thanks to Doug Ross for the music in this episode. If you have any questions or comments you can reach us at podcast@futilitycloset.com. Thanks for listening!

Step into the historical realm with "Five Minutes of Fire," your daily portal to the past, dissecting Billy Joel's "We Didn't Start the Fire" in quick, engaging episodes. Join us twice a day as we unravel the historical names and events that define the 20th century.In today's episode, the flames of history blaze brightly with the geopolitical complexities of the Communist Bloc, a Cold War powerhouse that shaped global politics. We then dive into the enigmatic world of Roy Cohn, a figure whose influence touched both politics and the legal landscape. The episode concludes with a journey to Argentina and the charismatic leadership of Juan Perón.In just five minutes, we'll guide you through these pivotal moments in history, offering context, anecdotes, and a deeper understanding of the forces that molded the world. Whether you're a dedicated Billy Joel fan or someone eager to explore the stories behind the lyrics, "Five Minutes of Fire" is your daily dose of historical enlightenment.Subscribe now to join us as we unravel the verses of "We Didn't Start the Fire," offering insights that illuminate the captivating tales behind the names etched into the song. "Five Minutes of Fire" - where history unfolds swiftly and vibrantly, twice a day. Don't miss your daily spark of historical exploration!Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy