Podcasts about Foreign Service Institute

Bharat Karnad is Emeritus Professor for National Security Studies, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi and Distinguished Fellow at the United Service Institution of India. His most recent book, Staggering Forward: Narendra Modi and India's Global Ambition was published by Penguin in September 2018. Previous books include Why India is Not a Great Power (Yet) (Oxford University Press, October 2015), Strategic Sellout: India-US Nuclear Deal (2009), India's Nuclear Policy (Praeger, 2008), Nuclear Weapons and Indian Security: The Realist Foundations of Strategy, now in its second edition (Macmillan, 2005, 2002), and Future Imperilled: India's Security in the 1990s and Beyond (Viking-Penguin, 1994).He was Member of the (First) National Security Advisory Board, Member of the Nuclear Doctrine-drafting Group, National Security Council, Government of India, and, formerly, Advisor on Defence Expenditure to the Finance Commission, India.Educated at the University of California (B.A., Santa Barbara; M.A., Los Angeles), he has been a Visiting Scholar at Princeton University, University of Pennsylvania, and the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champagne, and Foreign Fellow at the Shanghai Institutes of International Studies and the Henry L. Stimson Centre, Washington, DC. He lectures at the top military training and discussion forums, including CORE (Combined Operational Review and Evaluation), DRDO Annual Directors' Conference, National Defence College, Higher Command Courses at the Army War College, College of Air Warfare, College of Naval Warfare, College of Defence Management, College of Military Engineering, and at Army Command and Corps level fora and equivalent in the other two Armed Services, and Defence Services Staff College, and also at the Indian Administrative Service Academy, Foreign Service Institute, and the National Police Academy.He was commissioned by the Headquarters, Integrated Defence Staff, Ministry of Defence, to conceptualize, conduct for several years, and lecture at the annual Strategic Nuclear Orientation Course for Brigadier-rank officers and equivalent from the three Armed Services, and conceived and conducted the first ever high-level inter-agency war game on the nuclear tripwire in the subcontinent (at the Army War College, 2003).

My guest today is Steve Whearty.Steve is a certified executive coach and learning & development specialist with over 30 years of experience in leadership and learning professional roles. He began his career as a Naval Flight Officer, serving on active duty in the U.S., Italy, and Japan. Steve continued to serve as a civilian employee of the Federal Government in various roles from 2009-2022, including at the State Department's Foreign Service Institute and the Federal Executive Institute.  Since 2021, Steve has also served as an independent learning consultant, working with a variety of public and private sector clients on leadership development experiences and coaching.Steve received a B.A. in Public Policy from Duke University, an M.B.A. from Cameron University, and a M.A. in Education and Human Development from George Washington University. He resides in Charlottesville, VA.Steve and I met through mutual work opportunities and happened to be on a group call a couple of months ago when the topic of disruption came up.  I asked Steve if he'd be willing to have a deeper conversation about disruption, given that many people are facing a variety of disruptions currently.  I'm grateful he said yes, because this conversation you're about to listen to is the outcome.  And while we don't come up with a lot of answers, we share ideas, challenges, and stories of attempts to respond with agency to the disruptions in our own lives.  Steve, thank you for jumping into this conversation with curiosity and thoughtful reflection.  Thank you for sharing your stories, your questions, and your wisdom.  I'm both inspired and challenged to better my own response to the series of disruptions we call life!You can reach out to Steve at: stevewhearty@sentiero.consulting Make Life Less Difficult~ Support:buymeacoffee.com/lisatilstra

In this episode of the Foreign Area Officer Podcast, we hear from U.S. Army COL(R) Rick Cassidy. Cassidy shares a detailed account of his military career, beginning with his involvement in the ROTC program at the University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, and subsequent commissioning as an infantry officer in 1969. His military journey included assignments in Germany and a combat tour in Vietnam.  Cassidy transitioned into the Foreign Area Officer (FAO) program in 1975, where ultimately focused on Japan. His language training included a year at DLI and the Foreign Service Institute in Yokohama, Japan. Cassidy recounts his experiences managing significant bilateral relations and intelligence collection, notably as an attache in Japan and Thailand. He closes with his post-retirement career as a defense consultant, sharing insights into the business practices and challenges in international military sales.

Welcome to an episode that's a bit different.  Today, there are four of us talking and sharing experiences from the perspective of Foreign Service life – mainly as spouses and one contractor.  If you happened to listen to episode 162 which was about fitness, you may recognize these amazing women – Hillery Midkiff, Susie Csorsz Brown, and Morgan Loosli.  The four of us all met while living and working Sri Lanka, starting back in 2020.  At this point, I am now living in the US, Hillery and Susie are still in Colombo, Sri Lanka, and Morgan and her family are living in Shanghai.We recorded this conversation in the spring of 2024, and it got lost in my folders, so hence the delay in publication.  As I listened to it recently, I appreciated the stories and decided it needed to be released into the wild!IF you are not connected with the Foreign Service, a warning that there are a number of acronyms that you will hear and likely not understand.  The most frequent one is probably EFM which stands for Eligible Family Member – the term given to spouses and children who are considered dependents of Foreign Service Officers.  Susie, Morgan, and I are in the role of EFMs.  Hillery is a contracted officer and her husband is an EFM.  Other than that, I think you'll be able to follow just fine despite the other acronyms.We are talking about careers, finding professional fulfillment, and unique challenges that are associated with living and moving internationally.  Sometimes in countries where we have permission to work in the local economy, and sometimes in countries where we do not have permission to work locally.  A certain number of jobs exist at our US Embassies and Consulates that are specific for EFM employment – Susie and Morgan will share about some of their experiences in those positions.  I have chosen to develop my own business and have also worked on a part-time basis as a trainer for the Foreign Service Institute, the training center for the US Department of State.  Susie, Morgan, Hillery – thank you for this conversation.  Thanks for sharing the ups and downs and realities of this interesting life we live.  I'm super grateful for your friendships and how we stay connected across the globe!  (And quick note that Hillery does indeed drop the F bomb at one point in our conversation, so it's marked explicit.  She'll appreciate the shoutout for that.  You are welcome, Hillery!!)And with that, let me turn this over to our conversation that is graciously hosted by Susie.Make Life Less Difficult

Interview recorded - 7th of November, 2024On this episode of the WTFinance podcast I had the pleasure of welcoming on Former Ambassador Chas Freeman. Chas is a well know diplomat with an array of experience. Examples include being the main interpreter for Richard Nixon during his 1972 China visit and the US Ambassador to Saudi Arabia from 1989 to 1992, during the Gulf war.During our conversation we spoke about the US driving together China and Russia, Biden escalating tensions, US fighting Russia, sustainment of global hegemony, 0:00 - Introduction2:06 - Driving China and Russia together?5:28 - Biden escalating tensions11:22 - Should NATO have been ended when Soviet Union collapsed?15:32 - US fighting Russia?17:50 - Sustainment of global hegemony20:56 - How has the Middle East evolved?24:20 - Anyway to get back to two state solution?31:39 - Axis of evil36:09 - Further escalation?39:19 - Madman theory40:29 - Normalise relations with adversaries?49:49 - One message to takeaway from our conversation?Ambassador Freeman has recently retired from Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs. He was Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs from 1993-94, earning the highest public service awards of the Department of Defense for his roles in designing a NATO-centered post-Cold War European security system and in reestablishing defense and military relations with China. He served as U. S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia (during operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm). He was Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs during the historic U.S. mediation of Namibian independence from South Africa and Cuban troop withdrawal from Angola.Chas Freeman served as Deputy Chief of Mission and Chargé d'Affaires in the American embassies at both Bangkok (1984-1986) and Beijing (1981-1984). He was Director for Chinese Affairs at the U.S. Department of State from 1979-1981. He was the principal American interpreter during the late President Nixon's path-breaking visit to China in 1972. In addition to his Middle Eastern, African, East Asian and European diplomatic experience, he served in India.Ambassador Freeman earned a certificate in Latin American studies from the National Autonomous University of Mexico, certificates in both the national and Taiwan dialects of Chinese from the former Foreign Service Institute field school in Taiwan, a BA magna cum laude from Yale University and a JD from the Harvard Law School. He is the recipient of numerous high honors and awards. He is the author of three books on U.S. foreign policy and two on statecraft. He was the editor of the Encyclopaedia Britannica entry on “diplomacy.”  He is a sought-after speaker on a wide variety of foreign policy issues.Ambassador Freeman is Chairman of the Board of Projects International, Inc., a Washington-based business development firm that specializes in arranging international joint ventures, acquisitions, and other business operations for its American and foreign clients. After his retirement from government, he served concurrently as co-chair of the United States China Policy Foundation, president of the Middle East Policy Council, and vice chair of the Atlantic Council of the United States.Chas Freeman is married to the Hon. Margaret Van Wagenen Carpenter.  He has three children by a previous marriage, eight grandchildren, and two great grandchildren.Chas Freeman:Website - https://chasfreeman.net/WTFinance: Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/wtfinancee/Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/67rpmjG92PNBW0doLyPvfniTunes - https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/wtfinance/id1554934665?uo=4Twitter - https://twitter.com/AnthonyFatseas

In this episode of the China in the World podcast, Dr. Ian Chong speaks with Dr. Ratih Kabinawa, adjunct research fellow at the School of Social Sciences at the University of Western Australia, and Julio S. Amador III, executive director of the Philippine-American Educational Foundation, on Southeast Asia and Taiwan. The three scholars discuss how tensions over the Taiwan Strait affect Southeast Asia, and how the regional states and ASEAN look at the current dynamics.Dr. Ian Chong is a nonresident scholar at Carnegie China, where he examines U.S.-China dynamics in Southeast Asia and the broader Asia-Pacific. He is also an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore.Dr. Ratih Kabinawa is an adjunct research fellow at the School of Social Sciences at the University of Western Australia. She is a recipient of the Taiwan Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2024 Fellowship. Her research interests include transnational democracy, Taiwan's international relations, Taiwan-Southeast Asia relations, and foreign policy of non-state actors. She is currently working on her first monograph on Taiwan's use of informal diplomacy in Southeast Asia.Julio S. Amador III is the executive director of the Philippine-American Educational Foundation, the interim president of the Foundation for the National Interest, and founder and trustee of the non-profit FACTS Asia. He previously worked in the Office of the President of the Philippines and served as deputy director-general of the Foreign Service Institute. He was a Fulbright scholar and was with the East-West Center in Washington.

Bharat Karnad is Emeritus Professor for National Security Studies, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi and Distinguished Fellow at the United Service Institution of India. His most recent book, Staggering Forward: Narendra Modi and India's Global Ambition was published by Penguin in September 2018. Previous books include Why India is Not a Great Power (Yet) (Oxford University Press, October 2015), Strategic Sellout: India-US Nuclear Deal (2009), India's Nuclear Policy (Praeger, 2008), Nuclear Weapons and Indian Security: The Realist Foundations of Strategy, now in its second edition (Macmillan, 2005, 2002), and Future Imperilled: India's Security in the 1990s and Beyond (Viking-Penguin, 1994). He was Member of the (First) National Security Advisory Board, Member of the Nuclear Doctrine-drafting Group, National Security Council, Government of India, and, formerly, Advisor on Defence Expenditure to the Finance Commission, India. Educated at the University of California (B.A., Santa Barbara; M.A., Los Angeles), he has been a Visiting Scholar at Princeton University, University of Pennsylvania, and the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champagne, and Foreign Fellow at the Shanghai Institutes of International Studies and the Henry L. Stimson Centre, Washington, DC. He lectures at the top military training and discussion forums, including CORE (Combined Operational Review and Evaluation), DRDO Annual Directors' Conference, National Defence College, Higher Command Courses at the Army War College, College of Air Warfare, College of Naval Warfare, College of Defence Management, College of Military Engineering, and at Army Command and Corps level fora and equivalent in the other two Armed Services, and Defence Services Staff College, and also at the Indian Administrative Service Academy, Foreign Service Institute, and the National Police Academy. He was commissioned by the Headquarters, Integrated Defence Staff, Ministry of Defence, to conceptualize, conduct for several years, and lecture at the annual Strategic Nuclear Orientation Course for Brigadier-rank officers and equivalent from the three Armed Services, and conceived and conducted the first ever high-level inter-agency war game on the nuclear tripwire in the subcontinent (at the Army War College, 2003).

Lt. Colonel Michael Aquino Joined the program, for a rare & insightful interview. Michael A. Aquino is a Lt. Colonel, Psychological Operations, U.S. Army (Ret.). He is a graduate of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University; Defense Intelligence College, Defense Intelligence Agency; Foreign Service Institute, Department of State; U.S. Army Special Warfare Center (Special Forces (“Green Beret”)/Psychological Operations/Civil Affairs/Foreign Area Officer); U.S. Army Command & General Staff College; U.S. Army Intelligence School, and U.S. Army Space Institute.  --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/michaeldecon/support

After 3 years of producing the Available Worldwide Podcast, we're celebrating by re-interviewing our first guests, each other. Lauren talks with Steph about what's changed with Global Nomad English and how podcasting changed her work with clients and pushed her into developing skills she never knew she'd need. Steph's Bio:Stephanie loves helping people tell their stories.In 2018, she started Global Nomad English, building on her English language teaching background, to offer global professionals online writing coaching, editing, and interview prep services. She now primarily works with hopeful Foreign Service applicants to help them write strong, concise personal narratives and practice telling compelling work experience stories in oral assessments and interviews.Stephanie is a passionate supporter of the accompanying partners of the US Foreign Service, from co-founding the Available Worldwide podcast to launching the Available Worldwide Network. She firmly believes that by sharing our stories we not only inspire each other but can build solidarity leading to lasting change for the EFM professional community.Stephanie recently secured a position as an Adjunct Faculty DETO (domestic employee teleworking overseas) for the Foreign Service Institute. As an LE Staff Training Instructor, she facilitates online and in-person classes on Communication Skills, Team Building, and Supervisory Skills. Her goal is for LE Staff to feel heard and to help them build skills to find greater fulfillment and success in the workplace.Stephanie enjoys bike touring and traveling with her IRM spouse. Together, they've served at Posts in Moscow, San Salvador, and Berlin. Since being posted to London, she's reentered the rowing world and trains/competes with a Thames women's rowing club.Learn about Steph's English and Writing Coaching Services at Global Nomad EnglishFind Steph on LinkedIn or Facebook

U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Michael Ratney joins The 966 to talk diplomacy and U.S.-Saudi relations. In recent years, he was the Acting Deputy Director of the U.S. Department of State's training center, the Foreign Service Institute, where he had also been Dean of the State Department's School of Language Studies.  He was Chargé d'Affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem in 2021, and earlier served on the faculty of the National Defense University.Ambassador Ratney was the U.S. Special Envoy for Syria from 2015 to 2018, and also served as acting Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Levant and Israel and Palestinian Affairs.  He was the U.S. Consul General in Jerusalem from 2012 to 2015, where he was responsible for U.S. relations with Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza, and Jerusalem.  He has been Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Media, overseeing a network of State Department media hubs throughout the world, and was Spokesman for the State Department's Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs.

About the Debate: In Nov 1945, the U.S. joined UNESCO, a new post-WWII organization designed to promote world peace and security. In Dec 1984, President Reagan took the U.S. out of UNESCO citing corruption and mismanagement. In Oct 2003, President George Bush rejoined UNESCO to advance human rights, tolerance, and learning. In Dec 2018, President Trump took the U.S.out of UNESCO citing anti-Israel bias, and the U.S.'s mounting arrears to UNESCO resulting from Palestine's election as a full member. In July 2023, President Biden rejoined UNESCO for the third time to combat increasing Chinese influence at the organization. Given the problematic relationship between the U.S. and UNESCO, and the organization's history of controversial initiatives, was this a wise decision? What are the pros and cons for the U.S. of being a member of UNESCO once again? About the Presenters: Gerald C. Anderson served as Director of Administration and Finance at the Pan American Health Organization in Washington, DC, from March 2014 to July 2021. Prior to joining PAHO, Mr. Anderson served from 2011-2014 as Secretary for Administration and Finance at the Organization of American States in Washington DC. Mr. Anderson served the United States Foreign Service from 1980 - 2010, completing his serviced as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of International Organizations. Mr. Anderson also served in Foreign Service posts in Warsaw, Tel Aviv, Seoul, Jerusalem, and at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations. Prior to joining the Foreign Service, Mr. Anderson served in the United States Peace Corps in Benin, West Africa, and in the International Trade Administration of the U.S. Department of Commerce. Mr. Anderson holds a Master of Arts degree from the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, Washington, DC, (1980) and a Bachelor of Arts from Bradley University in Peoria, Illinois (1976). Stephen Engelken is a veteran of 38 years in the U.S. Foreign Service. Notably, he was Deputy Chief of the U.S. Mission to UNESCO in 2007-2010, serving as Charge' d'Affaires for seven months in this period. Engelken went on from there to serve as Deputy Chief of the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, Pakistan (2010-2011). Prior to those senior assignments, he served postings abroad in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Lebanon, Italy; France, and Australia and at the State Department in Washington as Director of Pakistan/Bangladesh Affairs, Director of the Office of Proliferation Threat Reduction, Deputy Director of the office of Peacekeeping and Humanitarian Operations, and Deputy Director of Arabian Peninsula Affairs. Since his retirement in 2012 while Principal Officer in Peshawar, Pakistan, Mr. Engelken has taught at Foreign Service Institute, the State Department's training center. Mr. Engelken is a native of Cincinnati, Ohio, and a resident of Washington, D.C. He holds a B.A. in International Affairs from George Washington University. He is also a graduate of the Ecole Nationale d'Administration in France. Mr. Engelken speaks French, Italian, and Arabic.

Dr. Richard Restak has published 25 books on the human brain, three of them New York Times best sellers. His essays and articles have appeared in the Washington Post and New York Times, Los Angeles Times, The Huffington Post, Vogue and The American Scholar. He has been Profiled in the Washington Post, the New York Times and the Guardian. He is a past recipient of the Claude Bernard Science Journalism Award, given by the National Society for Medical Research. He served as President of The American Neuropsychiatric Association from 2005 to 2007. He has lectured on brain and behavior to groups as varied as the Smithsonian; the 92nd Street Y; the Library of Congress; the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) at Goddard Space Flight Center; the Society of Statesmen, U.S. Capitol, Washington, D.C.; the National Security Agency; the Central Intelligence Agency; the Department of State; the Foreign Service Institute, Washington, D.C.; the Pentagon; Renaissance Weekend (multiple times); Aspen Institute; Ruben Museum of Art; Brookings Institute.Sponsor: www.SeniorCareAuthority.com

Hello everyone! In this episode I discuss the difficulty of learning Chinese compared to other languages, using the Foreign Service Institute's categorization. It classifies languages into four levels of difficulty for English speakers. Chinese is considered a "super-hard language," requiring approximately 88 weeks (2200 class hours) to achieve general professional fluency. By comparison, Spanish requires 30 weeks (750 class hours). While the ease of learning a language can be influenced by one's native tongue, mastering any language, including both easier and harder ones, is always a challenging endeavor, requiring consistent effort and dedication in language learning. As long as we work hard, we will definitely see results!Hope you enjoy this episode. You can find the script  below. Let me know if you have any questions or suggestions. Have a great day!大家好! 欢迎大家收听新一期的5分钟中文。今天想跟大家聊了话题是中文到底有多难呢？今天跟学生聊，我们已经学了多少东西的时候，学生就说：“西班牙语的学生学了很多。感觉我们已经学了一年多了，应该会说更多的东西。”我说：“我们学了一年多了。而且我们进步很大。但是呢，你不能跟很多像西班牙语这样的语言比。因为中文虽然说它有简单的地方，但是总体来说他是一个比较难的语言。”然后我就跟学生讲了一下美国国务院外交学院（就是他们的Foreign Service Institute）他们把各种的语言，根据母语为英语的学习者为基础，把他们的难易程度分为了不同的类别。一共呢，就有四级。第一级的语言呢，就是category 1。就是比较容易的，你如果想达到一般的、流利的程度，他叫general professional的这个程度，差不多需要24到30周，也就是差不多600到750个课时。然后原因呢，就是像法语啊、意大利语啊、西班牙语。这些语言，他们在语法词汇上都和英语更相似。而且他们学起来好像发音上也比较容易模仿。第二级的语言呢就需要的时间长一点，差不多需要36周，也就是差不多900个课时。那这个二级语言比一级的语言要难一点，更有挑战性。比如说，二级语言里有德语、印尼语、马来语等等。就是他们稍微难一点儿。对于母语为英语的学习者来说更有挑战性。然后下一级就是第三级。就是更难！那这些就被认为是hard languages，就是比较困难的语言了。那这些语言呢和英语有着比较明显的语言上或者文化上的差异。比如说波斯语、希伯来语、还有缅甸语、波兰语啊、俄语啊。就是很多语言，他们跟英语的差别比较大。所以比如说，我知道越南语好像比中国的中文的声调还要多。就他好像是有六个tones/声调。我对这些语言了解不多。但是这些呢，对于英语为母语的学习者来说，差不多需要44周也就是1100个课时，才能基本有一定的熟练程度。然后最难的呢，才是中文这种语言。就是属于超难的语言，就是super-hard languages。这些就是特别特别地具有挑战性。如果你的英语是母语的话，你如果想学习阿拉伯语，想学习中文、日语、韩语、就会非常的困难。你需要88周，差不多2200个课时，才能有一个基础的流利程度。所以你想这四级：从一级差不多西班牙语吧，是30周可以达到一个基本的流利程度。到中文，你需要快90周才能达到一个基本的流利程度。那就相当于，如果按美国的外交学院的这个标准来看，中文要比西班牙语难三倍。就是根据他的时间上来看，你需要用三倍的时间才能达到同样的一个语言的学习的程度。那当然了，这里说的都是以母语为英语的学习者为基础的。所以有的时候呢，你会发现中国人他学日语或者学韩语很容易。或者日本人学中文也感觉不是那么难。因为他们的母语不是英语，他们在语言和文化上、历史上和中国的交集也比较多，有更多的相似点，所以学起来就很容易。包括为什么以英语为母语的人，他学西班牙语啊，学法语为什么很容易呢？因为他有很多的词是一样的。在文化上、习惯上也有更多的相似的地方，所以学起来就比较轻松。但是不管是什么语言，我觉得想要学好、学精、都不是一件简单的事。都是需要用很多的时间去真正的去下功夫、去练习、去重复、去愿意跟人进行交流、多看书，等等等等。用各种的办法坚持努力才能学好。我不知道大家学中文学了多久了。如果你能听完这个播客，我觉得你的中文应该是非常棒的！不管怎么样，我们只要坚持就一定会有结果。努力就会有成功！感谢大家收听！如果你觉得这期节目对你有帮助，请帮我订阅、转发、分享，让5分钟中文可以帮到更多的人。如果你有什么问题，欢迎你给我留言或者写电子邮件。那今天就跟大家聊到这里。我们下期再见！Support the showThank you for listening. If you like 5 Minute Chinese, please help me by subscribing, liking, and sharing the show so that it can help more people. Thank you for your support. If you have any questions, you can email me at TheLoneMandarinTeacher@outlook.com.

In this episode, Uzair talks to Dr. Kamran Bokhari about Iran's unprovoked attacks on Pakistan, Pakistan's counterstrike, and what comes next. We talked about the broader issues in the region, Iran's own calculus, and the ways in which the regional dynamics are altered in the wake of these escalations. Dr. Kamran Bokhari is the Senior Director of the Eurasian Security and Prosperity portfolio at the New Lines Institute. Previously, he served as Director of Analytical Development Department from 2019 to 2023. Dr. Bokhari is also a national security and foreign policy specialist at the University of Ottawa's Professional Development Institute. Bokhari has also served as the Central Asia Studies Course Coordinator at U.S. Department of State's Foreign Service Institute. Chapters: 0:00 Introduction 2:30 Why did Iran attack Pakistan? 11:20 Assessing Pakistan's response 20:20 Iran's broader calculus 27:50 Did Pakistan strike the right balance? 43:50 What comes next? Podcast on Iran protests - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vpUPncr5Mrs Reading Recommendations: - https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/experts-react-whats-really-going-on-with-pakistan-and-iran-exchanging-attacks/ - https://www.usip.org/publications/2024/01/making-sense-iran-pakistan-cross-border-strikes - https://amwaj.media/article/exclusive-inside-the-iranian-pakistani-exchange-of-fire-nbsp

In this episode, Ben and Kate discuss the Israel vs Hamas conflict including Israel's history, what happened on October 7th and the potential future of the conflict.Research and Resources:Creation of Israel, 1948 by Office of the Historian, Foreign Service Institute. Published in United States Department of State and available on https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/creation-israel Gaza Strip by CIA World Factbook, Published in Library of Congress Juna 2014 and available on https://www.loc.gov/today/placesinthenews/archive/2014arch/20140708_gazastrip.html How Hamas broke through Israel's border defenses during Oct 7th attack by Shira Rubin and Loveday Morris. Published in the Washington Post October 27, 2023 and available on https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/10/27/hamas-attack-israel-october-7-hostages/ Iran Helped Plot Attack on Israel Over Several Weeks by Summer Said, Benoit Faucon, and Stephen Kalin. Published in the Wall Street Journal October 8, 2023 and available on https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/iran-israel-hamas-strike-planning-bbe07b25 Israel launches second ground incursion into Gaza, Hamas commander killed in airstrike by Chris Pandolfo, Elizabeth Pritchett, Greg Wehner, Anders Hagstrom, Brie Stimson, and Landon Mion. Publishe din Fox News website October 28, 2023 https://www.foxnews.com/live-news/october-27-israel-hamas-war  Biden is worried about wider war in the Middle East. Here's how it could happen by Nahal Toosi, Lara Seligman and Paul McLeary. Published in Politico website Oct 25, 2023 and available on https://www.politico.com/news/2023/10/25/israel-hamas-war-fallout-00123360 Israel Gaza war: History of the conflict explained. Published in BBC website  October 23, 2023 and available on https://www.bbc.com/news/newsbeat-44124396 A Brief History of Israel by Echoes & Reflection. Published in the Echoes and Reflections website and available on 011-02-07_StudentHandout_ABriefHistoryofIsrael.pdfHow the Yom Kippur War Changed Israel by Olivia B. Waxman. Published in Tim Magazine website October 11, 2023 and available on https://time.com/6322802/yom-kippur-war-israel-history/ Check out our website at http://artofdiscussing.buzzsprout.com, on Facebook at Art of Discussing and on Instagram @artofdiscussing.Got a topic that you'd like to see discussed? Interested in being a guest on our show? Just want to reach out to share an opinion, experience, or resource? Leave us a comment below or contact us at info@artofdiscussing.com!! We'd love to hear from you! Keep Discussing!Music found on Pixabay. Song name: "Clear Your Mind" by Caffeine Creek Band"

November 6, 2023 on ForYourBenefit, host Bob Leins, CPA® and co-host Tammy Flanagan, Senior Benefits Director at NITP, Inc. welcome back Paula S. Jakub, RHU, CEO at The American Foreign Service Protective Association, sponsor of the Foreign Service Benefit Plan.  Today's topic will focus on things to consider during Federal Open Season and how to get the most out of the health plan you choose. Paula is a Subject Matter Expert in Federal Health Insurance and serves on the adjunct faculty of the Foreign Service Institute.  Paula will discuss: FEHB PROGRAM OPM Initiatives and 2024 Benefits Obesity Treatment Infertility Treatment and Women's Health Mental Health/Substance Use Disorder Support Gender Affirming Care Lifelong Health/Wellness and Support for Chronic Conditions  Consider how you use health care Latest on Medicare, including the Federal Medicare Advantage Plans and NEW: Plans offering Medicare Prescription Drug Plan FEDVIP Make sure you understand these supplemental plans FSAFEDS ·     Pre-tax reimbursement for eligible costs ·     What is an eligible cost? ·     Rules on carryover amounts For questions or comments, email us in advance at ForYourBenefit@nitpinc.com

The State Department is increasing its capacity to train members of the Foreign Service, and expanding the fields of expertise for its diplomatic corps, as the department embarks on its largest hiring of career diplomats in more than a decade. The department on Monday held a dedication ceremony to commemorate the opening of a new wing of its Foreign Service Institute in Arlington, Virginia. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said the new space is meant to accommodate the hundreds of new Foreign Service officers who will train at the facility in the coming years. That's because the department is overseeing its largest hiring surge in over a decade. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The State Department is increasing its capacity to train members of the Foreign Service, and expanding the fields of expertise for its diplomatic corps, as the department embarks on its largest hiring of career diplomats in more than a decade.The department on Monday held a dedication ceremony to commemorate the opening of a new wing of its Foreign Service Institute in Arlington, Virginia.Secretary of State Antony Blinken said the new space is meant to accommodate the hundreds of new Foreign Service officers who will train at the facility in the coming years. That's because the department is overseeing its largest hiring surge in over a decade. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoicesSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Our guest this week is Dr. Jared Pendleton, a Civil Service officer with the U.S. Department of State and an adjunct professor at Utah Valley University's Center for National Security Studies. Listen as Dr. Pendleton discusses graduate school in Southern California, his time as a political officer in the foreign service, and language training at the Foreign Service Institute (FSI).    What is the mission of the Department of State? How does the State Department support National Security through international relationship building? How do U.S. diplomats fulfill their mission through embracing ongoing technological developments? What can students do to prepare themselves to be future representatives of U.S. diplomacy? Learn all this, and more, in this episode of In the Interest of National Security. 

Bharat Karnad is Emeritus Professor for National Security Studies, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi and Distinguished Fellow at the United Service Institution of India. His most recent book, Staggering Forward: Narendra Modi and India's Global Ambition was published by Penguin in September 2018. Previous books include Why India is Not a Great Power (Yet) (Oxford University Press, October 2015), Strategic Sellout: India-US Nuclear Deal (2009), India's Nuclear Policy (Praeger, 2008), Nuclear Weapons and Indian Security: The Realist Foundations of Strategy, now in its second edition (Macmillan, 2005, 2002), and Future Imperilled: India's Security in the 1990s and Beyond (Viking-Penguin, 1994). He was Member of the (First) National Security Advisory Board, Member of the Nuclear Doctrine-drafting Group, National Security Council, Government of India, and, formerly, Advisor on Defence Expenditure to the Finance Commission, India. Educated at the University of California (B.A., Santa Barbara; M.A., Los Angeles), he has been a Visiting Scholar at Princeton University, University of Pennsylvania, and the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champagne, and Foreign Fellow at the Shanghai Institutes of International Studies and the Henry L. Stimson Centre, Washington, DC. He lectures at the top military training and discussion forums, including CORE (Combined Operational Review and Evaluation), DRDO Annual Directors' Conference, National Defence College, Higher Command Courses at the Army War College, College of Air Warfare, College of Naval Warfare, College of Defence Management, College of Military Engineering, and at Army Command and Corps level fora and equivalent in the other two Armed Services, and Defence Services Staff College, and also at the Indian Administrative Service Academy, Foreign Service Institute, and the National Police Academy. He was commissioned by the Headquarters, Integrated Defence Staff, Ministry of Defence, to conceptualize, conduct for several years, and lecture at the annual Strategic Nuclear Orientation Course for Brigadier-rank officers and equivalent from the three Armed Services, and conceived and conducted the first ever high-level inter-agency war game on the nuclear tripwire in the subcontinent (at the Army War College, 2003).

In this episode, we delve into the recent coup in Niger, analyzing its implications and underscoring its significance on the global stage. On July 26th, the Presidential Guard took a daring step by placing President Mohamed Bazoum under house arrest, sealing the borders, imposing airspace restrictions, and boldly proclaiming the seizure of power. The world was caught off guard by this unforeseen upheaval, prompting a wave of sanctions and international condemnations.To provide deeper insights into this complex situation, we were privileged to speak with two distinguished individuals: Kamissa Camara, former Minister of Foreign Affairs in Mali and current Senior Advisor on Africa at the U.S. Institute of Peace, and Susan Fine, a retired Foreign Service officer with 30 years of experience at USAID. Their perspectives are informed by their extensive contacts in the region, a profound understanding of Niger, and their ability to share broader contextual insights about how this crisis unfolded.While it is tempting to perceive the coup as having no impact on the United States, the truth is there are several intricate complications that could arise if Niger becomes the fourth West African country to succumb to military leadership in the span of two years. The insights shared by Camara and Fine shed light on these complications and underscore the interconnectedness of global politics and stability. As the situation continues to develop, it becomes increasingly evident that proactive engagement and thoughtful consideration of these events are imperative, even for those geographically distant from the affected region.Kamissa Camara is a senior advisor for Africa at the U.S. Institute of Peace. She is a sub-Saharan Africa policy analyst and practitioner with 15 years of professional experience. She has served as Mali's minister of foreign affairs, minister of digital economy and planning, and most recently, as chief of staff to the president of Mali. Previous to that, she served as senior foreign policy advisor to the president. Prior to working with the Malian government, Camara held leadership positions in Washington, D.C. with the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and PartnersGlobal. At NED, Camara co-founded and co-chaired the Sahel Strategy Forum. She also spearheaded a multi-million-dollar program supporting civil society initiatives in West and Central Africa, with a particular focus on the Sahel.From 2015 until 2018, she was the Sahel and sub-Saharan Africa instructor at the State Department's Foreign Service Institute where she trained U.S. diplomats. Susan Fine currently serves as the Board Chair of Rain for the Sahel and Sahara, a NH based-NGO that has partnered with rural and nomadic Nigeriens since 2001. She was Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator, and Acting Assistant to the Administrator, in USAID's Bureau for Policy, Planning and Learning (PPL).  Ms. Fine, a retired Senior Foreign Service Officer with rank of Minister Counselor, served in multiple positions in Washington and overseas including Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator, PPL, Director for Development Cooperation, and Mission Director for Senegal and the Sahel, managing a complex, multi-sector portfolio in Senegal, the Sahel Resilience program and bilateral activities in Niger and Burkina Faso.  Prior to that, she was Director for East African Affairs in the Africa Bureau where she oversaw USAID's programs in the Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes countries.

I mentioned quite a few external links in this episode. Here are the links. I encourage you to read them over after watching this video: 1. Cambridge University Press article: https://www.cambridge.org/elt/blog/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/How-long-does-it-take-to-learn-a-foreign-language.pdf 2. Foreign Service Institute data: https://www.state.gov/foreign-language-training/ 3. CEFR Global Scale: https://www.coe.int/en/web/common-european-framework-reference-languages/table-1-cefr-3.3-common-reference-levels-global-scale 4. CEFR Qualitative Aspects of Spoken Language Use: https://www.coe.int/en/web/common-european-framework-reference-languages/table-3-cefr-3.3-common-reference-levels-qualitative-aspects-of-spoken-language-use 5. CEFR Companion Guide: https://rm.coe.int/cefr-companion-volume-with-new-descriptors-2018/1680787989 Here is the website with the previous episodes in my Top Language Learning Tips video series: https://azrenthelanguagenerd.com/top-tips/ If you have any comments or questions don't hesitate to reach out on https://azrenthelanguagenerd.com/contact. My social media links are there as well as my email.

Over 350,000 African American men joined the United States military during World War I, serving valiantly despite discrimination and slander. Historian and civil rights activist W. E. B. Du Bois had hoped that their patriotism would help them gain respect and equality, but after the war it was quickly evident that would not be the case. Du Bois spent the next several decades attempting to tell the full story of Black soldiers in the Great War, but despite a vast archive of materials entrusted to him and his own towering intellect, Du Bois was never able to craft a coherent narrative of their participation.  Joining me in this episode to discuss Du Bois and his relationship with World War I is Dr. Chad L. WIlliams, the Samuel J. and Augusta Spector Professor of History and African and African American Studies at Brandeis University, and the author of The Wounded World: W. E. B. Du Bois and the First World War. Our theme song is Frogs Legs Rag, composed by James Scott and performed by Kevin MacLeod, licensed under Creative Commons. The mid-episode music is “All Of No Man's Land Is Ours,” written by James Europe and Noble Sissle, with vocals by Noble Sissle; the song was recorded around March 14, 1919 and is in the public domain and available via Wikimedia Commons. The episode image is “The famous 369th arrive in New York City,” photographed by Paul Thompson on February 26, 1919; the image is in the public domain and is available via the National Archives (National Archives Identifier: 26431290; Local Identifier: 165-WW-127A-12). Additional Sources: “W.E.B. Du Bois,” NAACP.  "Du Bois, W. E. B.," by Thomas C. Holt, African American National Biography. Ed. Henry Louis Gates Jr. and Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham. New York: Oxford UP, 2008. "W. E. B. Du Bois in Georgia," by Derrick Alridge,  New Georgia Encyclopedia, last modified Jul 21, 2020.  “Niagara Movement,” History.com, Originally posted December 2, 2009 and updated February 24, 2021. “U.S. Entry into World War I, 1917,” Office of the Historian, Foreign Service Institute, United States Department of State. “The African Roots of War,” by W. E. B. Du Bois, The Atlantic, May 1915. “Why Frederick Douglass Wanted Black Men to Fight in the Civil War,” by Farrell Evans, History.com, Originally posted February 8, 2021 and updated November 22, 2022. “Patriotism Despite Segregation: African-American Participation During World War I,” The Delaware Division of Historical and Cultural Affairs. “African Americans in the Military during World War I,” National Archives. “The 93rd Division During the Meuse-Argonne Offensive,” Pritzker Military Museum & Library. “African-American Soldiers in World War I: The 92nd and 93rd Divisions,” EdSiteMent, The National Endowment for the Humanities “W. E. B. Du Bois, World War I, and the Question of Failure,” by Chad Williams, Black Perspectives, February 19, 2018. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In September 1969, African American journalist Wallace Terry reported on “another war being fought in Vietnam — between black and white Americans.” After the 1948 integration of the military, the U.S. Army had tried to be color blind, seeing not Black or white but just olive drab, but by 1970, the Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, Gen. Walter T. Kerwin, noted: “In the past year racial discord has surfaced as one of the most serious problems facing Army leadership.” So in the midst of fighting a deeply unpopular overseas war, the military also created the Defense Race Relations Institute (DRRI) and developed mandated race relations training. Joining me to discuss race relations in the U.S. Army during the Vietnam War era is Dr. Beth Bailey, a Foundation Distinguished Professor in the Department of History at the University of Kansas and Author of An Army Afire: How the US Army Confronted Its Racial Crisis in the Vietnam Era. Our theme song is Frogs Legs Rag, composed by James Scott and performed by Kevin MacLeod, licensed under Creative Commons. The mid-episode music is “Old Soul Record” by Musictown from Pixabay and is free to use through the Pixabay license. The episode image is “Photograph of Specialist 4th Class McClanton Miller Kneeling in Dense Brush Waiting for Orders to Move Forward;” picture was taken January 23, 1966 and is available via the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration (NAID: 17331387; Local ID: 111-CC-33199) with no restrictions on use. Additional sources: “Vietnam War Timeline,” History.com, Published September 13, 2017 and Updated March 29, 2023. “Ho Chi Minh,” PBS American Experience. “Foreign Relations Of The United States, 1952–1954, Indochina, Volume XIII, Part 1,” Office of the Historian, Foreign Service Institute, United States Department of State. “Tonkin Gulf Resolution (1964),” National Archives and Records Administration. “Vietnam Lotteries,” Selective Service System. “Resistance to the Vietnam War,” by Jessica McBirney, Common Lit, 2016. “The Draft,” Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund. “Vietnam War Protests,” History.com, Published February 22, 2010 and Updates November 1, 2022. “The Forgotten History Of A Prison Uprising In Vietnam,” by Sarah Kramer, NPR All Things Considered, August 29, 2018. “History,” Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute. “Black and White in Vietnam,” by Gerald F. Goodwin, The New York Times, July 18, 2017. “Training for Vietnam, fighting for civil rights: Post an island of relative calm in a turbulent sea,” by Christine Schweickert, U.S. Army, May 14, 2015. “As we rethink the Vietnam War, we have to grapple with its racial implications,” by Hannah Gurman, The Washington Post, October 6, 2017. “African-American struggle for equality in Army during Vietnam still instructive,” by David Vergun, U.S. Army, February 25, 2014. “The military provides a model for how institutions can address racism,” by Margaret B. Montgomery, The Washington Post, June 23, 2020. “Serving without 'equal opportunity': Vietnam veterans faced racism at home and abroad,” by Erica Thompson, The Columbus Dispatch, Published December 3, 2020 and Updated December 9, 2020. “War within war,” by James Maycock, The Guardian, September 14, 2001. “Reflections On The Curse Of Racism In The U.S. Military,” by David Barno and Nora Bensahel, War on the Rocks, June 30, 2020. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

My guest today is Nadia Rivera.Nadia lives and works in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, where she works for the US Embassy. I first met Nadia in 2019, where she was training to be an adjunct faculty for the Foreign Service Institute – an add-on to her full-time job.  I didn't know it at the time, but it had just been a matter of days since Nadia had lost her father.  She shared with me later that the training, the connections with her colleagues and the facilitators, and the information she learned about emotional intelligence was really beneficial for her own journey of growth and development. Fast-forward to December of 2022, and I had the chance to connect with Nadia again, this time at the Adjunct Faculty Workshop.  We talked about her journey as a trainer and also how she has learned so much about neuro-diversity and her own discovery of having Autism and what that has opened up for her.  She graciously agreed to come on the podcast and share her story. Nadia is deeply insightful and courageous as she shares these pieces of her journey, of the healing that has occurred in her family (which she has been the catalyst of), and of what she has both experienced and learned about the world of neurodiversity, autism, and more. Nadia, thank you so very much for your willingness to share your story.  Thank you for your courage, vulnerability, and wisdom.  You are an inspiration and a light to so many!Make Life Less Difficult

Looking for a stable job with career progression from post to post? Valeria would recommend looking at jobs in international education.After years of working as an educator and administrator, Valeria is taking the first steps into a new venture — resume and cover letter consulting.In this episode, Valeria walks us through some of the questions she's asked and answered while setting up her portable business. She also shares her positive perspective and advice as a third-culture kid, a mom to TCKs, and as an accompanying partner who continues to learn and grow as she moves from educator to business owner..BIOValeria Laitinen has lived and worked internationally for over 20 years. She began her career in international development and worked on democracy and governance projects in Bangladesh, Ghana and Nigeria. In Bangladesh, she was invited to develop and teach a course on job searching skills to graduate and undergraduate students at East-West University.When she became a parent, she switched careers and became a certified international educator. She taught elementary school in Slovakia, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, Greece and Armenia. While in Greece, she entered administration and served as Elementary Vice Principal at ACS Athens.In her role as school administrator, Valeria reviewed hundreds of resumes and cover letters, noting a vast range in effectiveness in how the applicants presented themselves on paper.As a result, she founded Better See V https://betterseev.com/ to provide qualified and affordable resume and cover letter support to help jobseekers strengthen their application materials.Valeria teaches the "Teaching and Working in Education" course for Eligible Family Members (EFMs) at the Foreign Service Institute.She holds a Bachelor's degree in Government from Harvard University, a Master's degree in Conflict Resolution and Post-Conflict Reconstruction from the Fletcher School at Tufts University and a Master's in Education degree in International Education Administration from Endicott College...Learn more about Valeria's resume consultations:https://betterseev.com/ Connect with Valeria on LinkedIn:https://www.linkedin.com/in/valeria-laitinen-b56a90186/

Welcome to this week's episode of In Relation To! Coming up, Maria and this week's guest host, Faizaan Firoz, sit down with Ambassador Mark Storella to discuss his long and storied career as a United States Foreign Service Officer for over three decades serving as Ambassador to Zambia, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration, and Dean of the Leadership and Management School of the Foreign Service Institute. He shares his thoughts on climbing the ranks of the world of diplomacy, the importance of empathy in negotiations, understanding preventive diplomacy in a world of constant disruption, comparing diplomacy to the work of a salesman as well as sharing his best stories from his previous international assignments.

Episode 59: MindWar Lt. Colonel Michael Aquino Joined the program, for a very in depth interview from past to present.  Michael A. Aquino is a Lt. Colonel, Psychological Operations, U.S. Army (Ret.). He is a graduate of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University; Defense Intelligence College, Defense Intelligence Agency; Foreign Service Institute, Department of State; U.S. Army Special Warfare Center (Special Forces (“Green Beret”)/Psychological Operations/Civil Affairs/Foreign Area Officer); U.S. Army Command & General Staff College; U.S. Army Intelligence School, and U.S. Army Space Institute. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/michaeldecon/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/michaeldecon/support

Heather Emerick's EFM journey is so much like that of Steph and I. She's had jobs on the local economy, volunteered, run her own business, consulted, contracted, and now works a WAE job at FSI itself.Her story is one of finding optimism where she didn't think she might, and a transformation from being a creature of habit and lover of a particular place to a person who loves the change in variety of life as a diplomatic accompanying partner. She can "Bloom Wherever She is Planted!"Heather Emerick is a budget coach and founder of DiploBudgets, a service for ex-pats who want to create a solid financial foundation to help them take advantage of the adventure of living overseas.As an EFM and mother of three, Heather knows that living overseas comes with tremendous benefits and myriad challenges- money stress shouldn't be one of them. In 2017, after feeling frustrated and never in control of their finances, Heather discovered YNAB (You Need a Budget), and after some hard work, everything fell into place.Using YNAB four principles, Heather and her family weathered an ordered departure, traveled during every tour, completed several moves, and bought a house in D.C. without worrying about finances. Through it all, Heather learned tips and tricks for making YNAB work with the ex-pat lifestyle. She's excited to share her experience with other DiploBudgeters!When she's not sharing her love of budgeting, she is an expert talent development consultant specializing in designing, creating, and facilitating engaging learning programs for clients, including Brown University, Dartmouth College, Conservation International, and Sunshower Learning. Heather also serves as an adjunct faculty member for the Foreign Service Institute, the training school for the U.S. Department of State, teaching courses in management and leadership.Find Diplobudgets at www.DiploBudgets.com

Susan Hayward, associate director of the Religious Literacy and the Professions Initiative at Harvard Divinity School, leads the conversation on religious literacy in international affairs.   FASKIANOS: Welcome to the final session of the Fall 2022 CFR Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. Today's discussion is on the record, and the video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org/Academic if you would like to share it with your classmates or colleagues. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We're delighted to have Susan Hayward with us to discuss religious literacy in international affairs. Reverend Hayward is the associate director for the Religious Literacy and Professions Initiative at Harvard Divinity School. From 2007 to 2021, she worked for the U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP), with focus on Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Columbia, and Iraq. And most recently serving as senior advisor for Religion and Inclusive Societies, and as a fellow in Religion and Public Life. During her tenure at USIP, Reverend Hayward also coordinated an initiative exploring the intersection of women, religion, conflict, and peacebuilding, partnership with the Berkley Center at Georgetown University and the World Faith Development Dialogue. And she coedited a book on the topic entitled Women, Religion and Peacebuilding: Illuminating the Unseen. Reverend Hayward has also taught at Georgetown and George Washington Universities and serves as a regular guest lecturer and trainer at the Foreign Service Institute. And she's also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. So, Susan, thank you very much for being with us today. Can you begin by explaining why religious literacy is so important for understanding international affairs? HAYWARD: Yeah, absolutely. Thank you, Irina. And thanks to the Council on Foreign Relations for inviting me to be a part of this webinar. And I really appreciate you and the invitation, and I appreciate all of you who have joined us today, taking time out of what I know is a busy time of year, as we hurdle towards final exams and cramming everything into these last weeks of the semester. So it's great to be with all of you. I am going to be—in answering that broad question that Irina offered, I'm going to be drawing on my work. As Irina said, I worked at the—I work now at Harvard Divinity School's Religion and Public Life Program. And what we seek to do here is to do here is to advance the public understanding of religion in service of a just world at peace. And we do that, in part, by working with professionals in governments and foreign policy, and in the humanitarian sector, as well as working with our students who are seeking to go into vocations in those professional spheres. And then my fourteen years with the Religion and Inclusive Societies Program at the U.S. Institute of Peace. So I'll say a little bit more about both of those as we go along, and those experiences, but I'm also happy to answer any questions about either of those programs when we turn to the Q&A. And I should say that I'm going to be focusing as well—given that a lot of you all who are joining us today are educators yourselves or are students—I'm going to be focusing in particular on how we teach religious literacy within international affairs. So I wanted to begin with the definition of religious literacy, because this is a term that is increasingly employed as part of a rallying cry that's based on a particular diagnosis. And the diagnosis is that there has been insufficient deep consideration of the multiple and complex dimensions of religion and culture that impact international affairs at all levels across the world. And that the result of that lack of a complex understanding of religion in this arena has been the—the hamstringing of the ability of the international system to operate in ways that are effective in bringing justice, peace, democracy, human rights, and development. So I'm going to circle back to that diagnosis in a bit. But first I want to jump to the prescription that's offered, which is to enhance religious literacy using various resources, trainings, courses, and ways that are relevant for foreign policymakers and those working across the international system, as well as those students who are in the schools of international affairs, or other schools and planning to go into this space, into this profession. So the definition that we use here at Harvard Divinity School—and this is one that has been adopted by the American Academy of Religion, which is the scholarly guild for religious studies—defines it in this way: Religious literacy is the—entails the ability to discern and analyze the fundamental intersections of religion and social, political, and cultural life through multiple lenses. So specifically, one who is religious literate will possess a basic understanding of different religious traditions, including sort of fundamental beliefs and practices and contemporary manifestation of different religious traditions, as well as how they arose out of and continue to be shaped by particular social, historical, and cultural contexts. And the ability to discern and explore the religious dimensions of political, social, and cultural expressions across time and space. So this gets broken down in two different ways—three, according to me. But that definition focuses on two in particular. One is often referred to as the confessional approach or the substantive approach. So that's looking at understanding different religious traditions and their manifestations in different places. That's understanding something fundamental about the difference between Theravada Buddhism and Vajrayana Buddhism, for example. Or how Islam is practiced, and dominantly practiced in Nigeria, versus in North America, for example. The second approach is the religious studies approach. Which is sometimes also called the functional approach. So that's the ability to be able to analyze the ways in which religions in complex ways are really intersecting with social, and political, and economic life, even if not explicitly so. But in implicit, embedded ways shaping different kinds of economic systems, social systems, and political systems, and being able to analyze and see that, and so ask particular questions and consider different kinds of policy solutions—diagnoses and solutions that can take that into account. And then finally, I add the religious engagement approach. That particularly comes out of my work when I was at USIP and working with foreign policymakers in the State Department and elsewhere. To some extent, overseas as well, those in the diplomatic sector. Which I understand is determining whether, when, and how to engage with specifically defined religious institutions, actors, and interests, including on issues related, for example, with religious freedom, in ways that are inclusive, just, strategic, and, importantly for the U.S. context, legal. So abiding by the Establishment Clause of the Constitution. Now, all three types of religious literacy defined here depend on three principles or ideas. So the first is that they understand religions as lived, as constituted by humans who are constantly interpreting and reinterpreting their religious traditions. This means that as a result they are internally diverse, sometimes very internally contradictory. They'll have different religious interpretations with respect to particular human rights issues, particular social issues, issues related to gender, and so on and so forth. That they change over time. That that sort of complex interpretive process that is going on within religious traditions also leads to kind of larger normative changes within religious traditions over history in different temporal contexts. And that they're culturally embedded. So as the question I was asking earlier, how is Islam, as it's understood and practiced in Nigeria, different from how it's understood and practiced in North America, for example. There are ways in which the particular religious interpretations and practices of a tradition are always going to be entangled with specific cultural contexts in ways that are near impossible to disentangle at times. And that means that they just manifest differently in different places. And this—these ideas of religion as lived pushes against an understanding of religions as being static or being monolithic. So that then leads us to ensure that there's never—that it's always going to be a problem to make sweeping claims about entire religious traditions because you'll always find somebody or some community within those religious traditions that don't believe or practice according to the claim that you just made about it. And that applies to situations of violent conflict and with respect to human rights, on global issues like climate and migration. This idea, the internal diversity in particular, is what is at play when you hear the phrase “Ambivalence of the Sacred” that was coined by Scott Appleby in his—in this very influential book by the same name. I'll throw in here a quote from Scott Appleby from that book, this idea that religions are always going to show up in ambivalent or contradictory ways across different places, but also sometimes in the very same contexts. So I think we can see that, for example, in the U.S. right now, and that there's no one, let's say, religious position with respect to reproductive rights, for example. There's a great deal of internal plurality and ambivalence that exists across religious traditions and interpretations within the Christian tradition and beyond about that specific issue. Moreover then, what religion is, what is considered religious, what is recognized as religious and what isn't, and how it manifests in different contexts depends on just a complex array of intersecting factors. I'm going to come back to—that's kind of meaty phrase just to throw out there, so I'm going to come back to that in a minute. So the second principle or idea of religious literacy that I want to highlight here is the idea of right-sizing religion. This is a phrase that Peter Mandaville used quite a bit when he was in the State Department's Religion and Global Affairs Office under the Obama administration and has written about. So I'll turn you to that article of his to understand more about it. But the central idea is that we don't want to over nor underemphasize religion's role in any given context. So just by way of a quick example, in looking at the Rohingya crisis or the ethnic cleansing of Rakhine State in Myanmar, one could not say it was all about religion, that it was about Buddhist nationalists who are anti-Muslim wanting to destroy a particular religious community. Nor could you say it had nothing to do with religion, because there were these religious dimensions that were at play in driving the violence towards the Rohingya and the larger communities' acceptance of that violence against the Rohingya community. But if you were to overemphasize the religious roles, the religious dimensions of that crisis, then your policy solutions—you might look at religious freedom tools and resources to be able to address the situation. And that would address the situation in part, but obviously there were other economic and political factors that were at play in leading to the Rohingya crisis. And including certain economic interests with oil pipelines that were being constructed across lands that the Rohingya were living on in Rakhine state, or the political conflict that was taking place between the military and the National League of Democracy, and so on. So addressing the crisis holistically and sustainably requires that we right-size the role that religion is playing in that particular crisis. And that goes across the board, in looking at conflicts and looking at the role of religion in climate, and addressing climate collapse, and so on and so forth. We need to always neither under nor overestimate the role that religion is playing in driving some of these issues and as a solution in addressing some of these issues. OK. So with that definition and principles of religious literacy in mind, I want to go back to the diagnosis that I gave at the—that I mentioned at the top, for which religious literacy is offered as a solution. The diagnosis, if you remember, was that there's been insufficient consideration given to the multiple and complex dimensions of religion and culture that impact international affairs. So I'm going to demonstrate what it means to apply the religious studies approach to religious literacy, or the functional approach to religious literacy, to help us understand why that might be. And remember, the religious studies approach is seeking to discern and explore the religious dimensions of political, social, and cultural expressions and understandings across time and place. So this approach, in trying to answer that question and consider that diagnosis, it would invite us to look historically at the development of the modern international legal and political systems in a particular time and place in Western Europe, during the European Enlightenment. As many of you may well know, this came about in the aftermath of the so-called confessional or religious wars. Those were largely understood to have pitted Protestants against Catholics, though it's more complicated in reality. But broadly, that's the story. And the modern state, on which the international system was built, sought to create a separation between religious and state authority. For the first time in European history, this separation between religious and state authority that became more rigid and enforced over time, in the belief that this was necessary in order to ensure peace and prosperity moving forward, to bring an end to these wars, and to ensure that the state would be better able to deal with the reality of increasing religious pluralism within Europe. So this was essentially the idea of secular political structures that was born in that time and place. And these secular political structures were considered to be areligious or neutral towards religion over time, again. In the process of legitimating this sort of revolutionary new model of the secular modern state, and in the process of creating this demarcated distinction that had not previously existed—at least, not a neat distinction of the secular or the political authority and the religious—the religious authority—there was an assertion as part of that ideologically legitimate and support that. There was an assertion of the secular as rational, ordered, and associated with all of the good stuff of modernity. Meanwhile, the religious was defined in counter-distinction as a threat to the secular. It was irrational, backwards, a threat to the emerging order. A not-subtle presumption in all of this is that the new modern state and the international system would serve as a bulwark against archaic, dangerous, religious, and other traditionally cultural, in particular, worldviews and practices in—it would be a bulwark against that, and a support for this neutral and considered universal international law and system—secular system. Now, I realize I'm making some, like, huge, broad historical sweeps here, given the short amount of time I have. But within that story I just told, there is a lot more complexity that one can dig into. But part of what I seek to do in offering religious literacy in international relations theory and practice to students, and to practitioners in this realm, is to help those operating in the system think through how that historically and contextually derived conception of religion and the co-constitutive conception of secularism continues to operate within and shape how we interpret and respond to global events within the system. And this occurs—I see this happening in two dominant ways. One is, first, in thinking about religion as a distinct sphere of life that can be disentangled entirely from the political, when in reality religion is deeply entangled with the political, and vice versa. And scholars like Talal Asad and Elizabeth Shakman Hurd have done really great work to show how even our understanding of the secular and secular norms and so on is shaped by Protestant Christian commitments and understandings. And saying within that, our understanding of what religion is—like, a focus on belief, for example, which has been codified in a lot of religious freedom law, as part of the international system—again, tends to emphasize Protestant Christian understandings of what religion is and how it functions. So that's the first reason for doing that. And then second, in understanding religion to be a threat to modernity, and sometimes seeing and responding to it as such rather than taking into account its complexity, its ambivalence, the ways in which it has been a powerful force for good, and bad, and everything in between, and in ways that sometimes let the secular off the hook for ways that it has driven forms of violence, colonialism, gender injustice, global inequalities, the climate crisis, and so on. So those are the consequences of when we don't have that religious literacy, of those potential pitfalls. And, on that second point, of the ways in which religion continues to be defined in ways that can overemphasize its negative aspect at time within the international system, I commend the work of William Cavanaugh in particular and his book, The Myth of Religious Violence to dig into that a little bit more. So what we're seeking to do, in bringing that kind of religious literacy to even thinking about the international system and its norms and how it operates, is to raise the consciousness of what Donna Haraway calls the situatedness of the international system, the embedded agendas and assumptions that inevitably operate within it. And it invites students to be skeptical of any claims to the systems neutrality about religion, how it's defined, and how it's responded to. So I recognize that that approach is very deconstructionist work. It's informed by, post-colonial critical theory, which reflects where religious studies has been for the last couple decades. But importantly, it doesn't, nor shouldn't ideally, lead students to what is sometimes referred to as analysis paralysis, when there's sort of groundedness within hypercritical approaches, only looking at the complexity to a degree that it's hard to understand how to move forward then to respond constructively to these concerns. Rather, the purpose is to ensure that they're more conscious of these underlying embedded norms or assumptions so that they can better operate within the system in just ways, not reproducing forms of Eurocentrism, Christo-centrism, or forms of cultural harm. So the hope is that it helps students to be able to better critique the ways in in which religion and secularism is being—are being discussed, analyzed, or engaged within international affairs, and then be able to enter into those kinds of analysis, policymaking, program development, and so on, in ways that can help disrupt problematic assumptions and ensure that the work of religious literacy or religious engagement is just. So I'm just going to offer one example of how this kind of critical thinking and critical—the way of thinking complexly about religion in this space can be fruitful. And it speaks back to one of the things Irina noted about my biography, the work I had done looking at women and religion and peacebuilding. So while I was at USIP, in that program, we spent several years looking specifically and critically at forms of theory and practice, and this subfield that had emerged of religious peacebuilding. And we were looking at it through the lens of gender justice, asking how religion was being defined in the theory or engaged in the peacebuilding practice and policy in ways that unintentionally reinforced gender injustice. And what we found is that there were assumptions operating about certain authorities—often those at the top of institutions, which tended to be older, well-educated men—representing entire traditions. Assumptions made about their social and political power as well. When in reality, we knew that those of different genders, and ages, and socioeconomic locations were doing their own work of peacebuilding within these religious landscapes, and had different experiences of violence, and so different prescriptions for how to build peace. So we began to ask questions, like whose peace is being built in this field of religious peacebuilding that was emerging? And the work that USIP had been doing in this space of religious peacebuilding? Whose stories were being left out in the dominant analyses or narratives in the media about religious dimensions of certain conflicts, and what are the consequences of that? So these kinds of questions are grounded in the recognition of, again, the internal diversity, the change over time of religious traditions. And they help ensure that analysis and policy actions aren't unintentionally reproducing forms of harm or structural violence. I'm almost done. So please do bring your questions so that we can engage in a discussion with each other. But I wanted to end by offering a couple examples of resources that I think might be helpful to both enhancing your own religious literacy but also as potential pedagogical tools in this work. So first is Religious Peacebuilding Action Guides that were produced by the U.S. Institute of Peace, in partnership with Salam Institute for Peace and Justice, and the Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers. There's four guides. They're all available for free online. Once I close down my PowerPoint, I'm going to throw the links for all of these things I'm mentioning into the chat box so you can all see it. But one of the things—I'm just going to dive in a little bit to the analysis guide, because one of the things that I think is useful in helping, again, to help us think a little bit more complexly about religion, is that it takes you through this process of thinking about the different dimensions of religion as defined here—ideas, community, institutions, symbols and practices, and spirituality. So it's already moving beyond just an idea of religious institutions, for example. And it takes you through doing a conflict assessment, and asking the questions related to religion with respect to the drivers of the conflict and the geographic location and peacebuilding initiatives, to help you craft a peacebuilding—a religious peacebuilding initiative. I have used this framework as a means to help students think through the ambivalence of religion as it manifests in different places. So I have an example there of a question that I have sometimes used that has been fruitful in thinking about how these five different dimensions of religion have manifested in American history in ways that either have advanced forms of racialized violence and injustice or that have served as drivers of peace and justice. And there's lots of examples across all of those dimensions of the ways in which religion has shown up in ambivalent ways in that respect. There's also—USIP's team has produced a lot of amazing things. So I'll put some links to some of their other resources in there too, which includes they're doing religious landscape mappings of conflict-affected states. They have an online course on religious engagement in peacebuilding that's free to take. Another resource is from here, at Harvard Divinity School in the Religion in Public Life Program. And we provide a series of case studies that is for educators. It's primarily created educators in secondary schools and in community colleges, but I think could easily be adapted and used in other kinds of four-year universities or other kinds of professional settings, where you're doing trainings or workshops, or even just holding discussions on religious literacy. So there's a series of kind of short, concise, but dense, case studies that are looking at different religions as they intersect with a host of issues, including peace, climate, human rights, gender issues. And it says something about that case study here—the example that I have here is the conflict in Myanmar, pre-coup, the conflicts that were occurring between religious communities, and particularly between Buddhist communities and Muslim communities. And then there's a set of discussion questions there that really help to unearth some of those lessons about internal diversity and about the ways in which religious intersects with state policies and other kinds of power interests and agendas—political power interests and agendas. And then also, at our program, Religion and Public Life, we have a number of courses that are available online, one that's more on the substantive religious literacy side, looking at different religious traditions through their scriptures. Another course, it's on religion, conflict and peace, all of which are free and I'm going to throw them into the chat box in a moment. And we also have ongoing workshops for educators on religious literacy, a whole network with that. So you're welcome to join that network if you'd like. And then finally, we have a one-year master's of religion and public life program for people in professions—quote/unquote, “secular” professions—who want to come and think about—they're encountering religion in various ways in their work in public health, or in their work in journalism. And so they want to come here for a year and to think deeply about that, and bring something back into their profession. And then the final thing, and then I'm going to be done, and this one is short, is the Transatlantic Policy for Religion and Diplomacy, which brings together point people from—who work on religion across different foreign ministries in North America and Europe. And their website, religionanddiplomacy.org, has a lot of really great resources that—reports on various thematic issues, but also looking at religion in situ in a number of different geographic locations. They have these strategic notes, that's what I have the image of here, that talk about, at a particular time, what are some of the big stories related to religion and international affairs overseas. And they list a number of other religious literacy resources on their website as well. So I commend all of that to. And with that, let me stop share, throw some links into the chat box, and hear responses and questions from folks. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Thank you for that. That was terrific. And we are going to send out—as a follow-up, we'll send out a link to this webinar, maybe a link to your presentation, as well as the resources that you drop into the chat. So if you don't get it here, you will have another bite at the apple, so to speak. (Gives queuing instructions.) So I'm going to go first to the written question from Meredith Coon, who's an undergraduate student at Lewis University: What would be a solution for India to have many different religions live in peace with each other, especially since most religions share a lot of the same core values of how people should live? And how can society prevent the weaponization of religion, while still allowing broad religious freedom? HAYWARD: All right. Thank you for the question, Meredith. And one thing just to note, by way of housekeeping, I'm not sure I can actually share the links with all of the participants. So we'll make sure that you get all of those links in that follow-up note, as Irina said. So, Meredith, I think a couple things. One, I just want to note that one of the assumptions within your question itself is that folks of different religious persuasions are constantly at conflict with one another. And of course, there is a reality of there is increasing religious tensions around the world, communal tensions of many different sorts, ethnic, and religious, and racial, and so on, across the world. And the threat to democracy and increasing authoritarianism has sometimes exacerbated those kinds of tensions. But there's also a lot of examples presently and historically of religiously incredibly diverse communities living in ways that are harmonious, that are just, and so on. So I think it is important—there's a lot of work that supports forms of interfaith dialogue and intra-faith dialogue. And I think that that work is—will always be important, to be able to recognize shared values and shared commitments, and in order to acknowledge and develop respect and appreciation for differences as well on different topics—again, both within religious traditions and across them. But I think that dialogue alone, frankly, is not enough. Because so often these tensions and these conflicts are rooted in structural violence and discrimination and concerns, economic issues, and political issues, and so on. And so I think part of that work, it's not just about building relationships kind of on a horizontal level, but also about ensuring that state policies and practice, economic policies and practices, and so on, are not operating in ways that disadvantage some groups over others, on a religious side, on a gender side, on a racial side, and so on. So it's about ensuring as well inclusive societies and a sense as well of inclusive political systems and inclusive economic systems. And doing that work in kind of integrated ways is going to be critical for ensuring that we're able to address some of these rising forms of violations of religious freedom. Thanks again for the question. FASKIANOS: Thank you. Next question from Clemente Abrokwaa. Clemente, do you want to ask your question? Associate teaching professor of African studies at Pennsylvania State University? I'm going to give you a moment, so we can hear some voices. Q: OK. Thank you very much. Yeah, my question is I'm wondering how peacebuilding, in terms of religious literacy, how would you look at—or, how does it look at those that are termed fundamentalists? How their actions and beliefs, especially their beliefs, those of us—there are those outside who perceive them as being destructive. So then to that person, is their beliefs are good. So they fight for, just like anyone will fight for, what, a freedom fighter or something, or a religious fighter in this case. So I'm just wondering how does religious literacy perceive that in terms of peacebuilding? HAYWARD: Right. Thank you for the question, Professor Abrokwaa. I really appreciate it. So a couple things. One, first of all, with respect to—just going back, again, to the ambivalence of the sacred—recognizing that that exists. That there are particular religious ideas, commitments, groups, practices that are used in order to fuel and legitimate forms of violence. And I use violence in a capacious understanding of it, that includes both direct forms of violence but also structural and cultural forms of violence, to use the framework of Johan Galtung. And so that needs to be addressed as part of the work to build peace, is recognizing religious and nonreligious practices and ideas that are driving those forms of violence. But when it comes to religious literacy to understand that, a couple ways in which the principles apply. One is, first, not assuming that their—that that is the only or exclusive religious interpretation. And I think sometimes well-meaning folks end up reifying this idea that that is the exclusive religious interpretation or understanding when they're—when they're offering sometimes purely nonreligious responses to it. And what I mean by this, for example, let's look at Iran right now. I read some analyses where it's saying that, the Iranian authorities and the Ayatollahs who comprise the Supreme Council and so on, that they—that they define what Islamic law is. And there's not a qualification of that. And in the meantime, the protesters are sort of defined as, like, secular, or they're not—the idea that they could be driven by certain—their own Islamic interpretations that are just as authoritative to them, and motivating them, and shaping them is critical. So being able to recognize the internal plurality and not unintentionally reify that particular interpretation of a religious tradition as exclusive or authoritative. Rather, it's one interpretation of a religious tradition with particular consequences that are harmful for peace. And there are multiple other interpretations of that religious tradition that are operating within that context. And then a second way that the religious literacy would apply would also look at the ways in which sometimes the diagnoses of extremist groups that are operating within a religious frame doesn't right-size the role of religion in that. It sometimes overemphasizes the religious commitments, and drives, and so on. And so, again, we need to right-size. There are religious motivations. And we need to take those seriously. And we need to develop solutions for addressing that. And there are economic interests. And there are political interests. So there's a whole host of factors that are motivating and inspiring and legitimating those groups. And being able to take into account that more holistic picture and ensure that your responses to it are going to be holistic. And then one final thing I want to say that's not with respect to religious literacy as much—or, maybe it is—but it's more just about my experience of work at USIP, is that—and it kind of goes back to the question that Meredith asked before you about religious harmony between multireligious relations and harmony, is that I sometimes finds that engaging with groups that are defining themselves and motivating themselves with a primary grounding in religion, that they're not going to participate generally in interfaith initiatives, and so on, right? And so that's where some of that intra-faith work can be particularly important. I saw this, for example, in Myanmar, when their—when previously the movement that was known as Ma Ba Tha, which was defined by some as a Buddhist nationalist anti-Muslim kind of Buddhist supremacist group. The folks who were most successful in being able to engage in a values-grounded conversation with members of the organization were other Buddhist monks, who were able to speak within the language of meaning and to draw attention to, like, different understandings of religious teachings or religious principles with respect to responding to minority groups, and so on. So I think that's in particular, with addressing those groups, that's where that intra-religious work or intra-communal work can be really critical, in addition to some of that cross-communal work. FASKIANOS: Thank you. So we've seen, obviously, the war in Ukraine and how Christian Orthodoxy is being—or, Greek Orthodoxy in Ukraine, and the division. Can you talk a little bit about that and how it's playing out with Russian identity? HAYWARD: Yeah, absolutely. There's been some really good analysis and work out there of the religious dimensions of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. So again, the sort of dominant story that you see, which reflects a reality, is that there are ways in which political and religious actors and interests are aligning on the Russian side in order to advance particular narratives and that legitimate the invasion of Ukraine that—that are about sort of fighting back against an understanding of the West as being counter to traditional and religious values. Those are some of the religious understandings. And then that concern gets linked then to the establishment of an independent or autocephalous Orthodox Church within the Ukraine context. And you see—in particular, what's pointed to often is the relationship between Patriarch Kirill in the Russian Orthodox Church, and Putin, and the ways in which they've sort of reinforced each other's narrative and offered support to it. And there's really great analysis out there and stories that have been done about that. And that needs to be taken into account in responding to the situation and, I would say, that some of the religious literacy principles would then ask us to think about other ways in which religion is showing up within that, that go beyond the institution too. So a lot of the news stories that I've seen, for example, have focused exclusively on—sometimes—exclusively on the clerics within the Orthodox Church and their positions, either in support of or in opposition to the war. But in reality, on the ground there's a lot more complexity that's taken place, and a lot more of the ways in which different individuals and communities on both the Russia and the Ukraine side are responding to the violence, to the displacements, and so on. It paints a more complex and, I think, fascinating story, frankly. And sort of illuminates ways forward in support of peacebuilding. For example, there's ways in which different kinds of ritual practices within Orthodoxy have served as a source of support and constancy to folks who are living in this situation of insecurity and displacement, in ways that have been helpful. There are, of course, other religious traditions that exist within both Ukraine and Russia that are operating and responding in different ways. Like, the Jewish community in Ukraine and the Catholic—the Greek Catholic Church in Ukraine. So looking at those complexities both within Orthodoxy, but there's many different ways that Orthodox Christians are responding in both countries. There's not one story of Orthodox Christianity and the invasion of Ukraine. But also looking at some of the religious diversity within it. And that helps to ensure, like I said, one, that we're developing solutions that are also recognizing the ways in which religion at a very ground level is serving as a source of support, humanitarian relief, social, psychological support to people on the ground, as well as the ways in which it's sort of manifesting ambivalently and complexly in ways that are driving some of the violence as well. And it also helps to push back against any sort of a narrative that this is about a Russian religion—on the Russian side—this is about a religious war against a secular, non-religious West or Ukraine, right? That that goes back to what I was talking about with the historical sort of contingencies that are baked into this system a little bit. And in defining it in that way, Russia's religious and its motivations are religious, Ukraine's not religious, that's both not true—(laughs)—because there's many religious folks within the Ukraine and within the West generally, but also feeds—it feeds the very narrative that Putin and Kirill are giving of a secular West that is anti-religion, that is in opposition to Russian traditional values. FASKIANOS: It seems like there needs to be some training of journalists too to have religious literacy, in the same way that we're talking about media literacy. HAYWARD: Yeah. FASKIANOS: Probably should be introduced as well. (Laughs.) HAYWARD: Yeah, Irina, it's funny, we did—one of my students actually did a kind of mapping and analysis of stories about the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the religious dimensions of it. And she noted that there was—for example, it was—almost always it was male clerics who were being quoted. So there was very little that was coming from other gendered perspectives and experiences on the ground, lay folks and so on. And again, for that—for that very reason it's sort of—because we know so many policymakers and international analysis are depending on these kinds of media stories, I worry that it creates a blinder to potential opportunities for different kinds of ways of addressing needs and partners for addressing needs on the ground. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. I'm going to go next to Liam Wall, an undergraduate student at Loyola Marymount University: With so much diversity within religions itself, how can we avoid the analysis paralysis you mentioned and take in as many unique perspectives as possible, without letting that stand in the way of progress? How does one know that they have enough religious literacy and can now become an effective practitioner? HAYWARD: Well, OK, the bad news is that you will never have enough religious literacy. (Laughs.) This is a process, not an end. There are scholars here at Harvard who have been studying one particular sect of a particular religious tradition for their entire adult lives, and they would still say that they are students of those traditions, because they're so complex. Because so many of these traditions are composed of a billion people or just—just 500 million people. But that means that there's going to be an incredible diversity to explore. And so that's the bad news. But the good news is, one, like, first take the burden off of your shoulders of having to be an expert on any one particular religious tradition, in order to be able to help to develop and enhance your own religious literacy, and those of others, and to operate in ways that reflect the principles of religious literacy, is the good news. As well as there are many different kinds of resources that you can turn to in order to understand, for example if you're going to be working in a particular geographic location, scholarship, people you can speak to in order to begin to understand at least some of the specific manifestations and practices, and some of the disputes and diversity that exists within that particular country or geographic location across religious traditions. But, secondly, I would say, it's almost more important than—like, the substance is important. But what's just as important, if not more important, is understanding what kinds of questions to be asking, and to be curious about these religious questions and their intersection with the political and social. So we sometimes say that religious literacy is about developing habits of mind in how we think about these religious questions, and what kinds of questions we ask about religion. So it's about developing that kind of a reflex to be able to kind of see what's underneath some of the analysis that you're seeing that might be relevant to religion or that might be advancing particularly problematic understandings of religion, or reinforcing binaries like the secular and the religious and so on. And that's just as—just as important. So the extent to which you're continuing to, like, hone those—that way of thinking, and those habits of mind, that will set you up well for then going into this space and being able to ask those particular questions with respect to whatever issues you're focusing on, or whatever geographic location you're looking at. FASKIANOS: Great. I'm going to go next to Mohamed Bilal, a postgraduate student at the Postgraduate Institute of Management in Sri Lanka. HAYWARD: Yay! FASKIANOS: Yes. How does sectarianism influence our literacy? In turn, if we are influenced by sectarianism, then would we be illiterate of the religion but literate of the sect? Thus, wouldn't such a religious literacy perpetuate sectarianism? HAYWARD: Thank you for the question, Mohamed. It's—I miss Sri Lanka. I have not been there in too long, and I look forward to going back at some point. So I would say sectarianism, in the sense of—so, there's both religious sects, right? There's the existence of different kinds of religious traditions, interpretive bodies, jurisprudential bodies in the case of Islam. And then broader, different schools or denominations. The term that's used depends on the different religious tradition. And that reflects internal diversity. Sectarianism, with the -ism on the end of it, gets back to the same kinds of questions that I think Professor Clemente was asking with respect to fundamentalism. That's about being sort of entrenched in an idea that your particular religious understanding and practice is the normative, authentic, and pure practice, and that all others are false in some ways. That is a devotional claim or—what I mean by a devotional claim, is that is a knowledge claim that is rooted within a particular religious commitment and understanding. And so religious literacy in this case would—again, it's the principles of internal diversity, recognizing that different sects and different bodies of thought and practice are going to exist within religious traditions, but then also ensuring that any claim to be normative or to be orthodox by any of these different interpretive bodies is always a claim that is rooted within that religious tradition that we sometimes say is authentic. It's authentic to those communities and what they believe. But it's not exclusive. It's not the only claim that exists within that religious tradition more broadly. And the concern is about—sects are fine. Different denominations, different interpretative bodies are fine and a good and sort of natural thing, given the breadth and the depth of these religious traditions. The problem is that -ism part of it, when it becomes a source of competition or even potentially violence between groups. And so that's what needs to be interrogated and understood. FASKIANOS: So another question from John Francis, who's the senior associate vice president for academic affairs at the University of Utah: If you were training new diplomats in other countries to be stationed in the United States, where a wide range of religious traditions thrive, how would you prepare them for dealing with such religious variation? HAYWARD: The same way I would—and thank you, again, for the question. The same way that I would with any other diplomats going to any other—the same way I do with foreign service officers at the Foreign Service Institute, who are going to work overseas. I would—I would invite them to think about their own assumptions and their own worldviews and their own understandings of what religion is, based on their own contexts that they grew up in. So how that shapes how they understand what religion is, in the ways I was speaking to before. So for example, in Protestant Christianity, we tend to emphasize belief as the sort of core principle of religious traditions. But other religious traditions might emphasize different forms of practice or community as sort of the central or principal factor. So recognizing your own situatedness and the ways in which you understand and respond to different religious traditions. I would invite those who are coming to work here to read up on the historical developments and reality of different religious communities and nonreligious communities in the U.S. and encourage them to look not just at some of the—what we call the world religions, or the major religions, but also at indigenous traditions and different practices within different immigrant communities. And I would have them look at the historical relationship between the state and different religious communities as well, including the Mormon tradition there in Utah, and how the experience of, for example, the Mormon community has shaped its own relationship with the state, with other religious communities on a whole host of issues as well. And then I would encourage—just as I was saying earlier—no diplomat going to the U.S. is going to become an expert on the religious context in the U.S., because it's incredibly complex, just like anywhere else in the world. But to be able to have sort of a basic understanding to be able to then continue to ask the kinds of questions that are going to help to understand how any political action is taken or response to any policy issues kind of inevitably bumps up against particular religious or cultural commitments and values. FASKIANOS: Great. I'm going to take the next question from Will Carpenter, director of private equity principal investments at the Teacher Retirement System of Texas, and also taking a course at the Harvard Extension School. HAYWARD: Hey! FASKIANOS: I'm going to ask the second part of Will's question. How will the current polarized domestic debate regarding U.S. history, which is often colored by the extremes—as a force for good only versus tainted by a foundation of injustice—impact America's capacity to lead internationally? HAYWARD: Hmm, a lot. (Laughter.) Thank you for the question. I mean, I think the fact of polarization in the U.S. and the increasing difficulty that we're facing in being able to have really deep conversations and frank conversations about historical experiences and perceptions of different communities, not just religiously, not just racially even, but across different—urban-rural, across socioeconomic divides, across educational divides and, of course, across political divides, and so on. I think that—I think that absolutely hampers our ability to engage within the global stage effectively. One, just because of the image that it gives to the rest of the world. So how can we—how can we have an authentic moral voice when we ourselves are having such a hard time engaging with one other in ways that reflect those values and that are grounded within those values? But also because I think get concern—with respect to religion questions in particular—I get concern about the increasing polarization and partisanization of religion in foreign policy and issues of religious freedom, and so on. Which means that we're going to constantly have this sort of swinging back and forth then between Republican and Democratic administrations on how we understand and engage issues related to religion and foreign policy, different religious communities in particular, like Muslim communities worldwide, or on issues of religious freedom. So I think it's incredibly critical—always has been, but is particularly right now at this historical moment—for us to be in the U.S. doing this hard work of having these conversations, and hearing, and listening to one another, and centering and being open about our values and having these conversations on that level of values. To be able to politically here in the U.S., much less overseas, to be able to work in ways that are effective. Irina, you're muted. FASKIANOS: Thank you. (Laughs.) With that, we are at the end of our time. Thank you so much for this. This has been a really important hour of discussion. Again, we will send out the link to the webinar, as well as all the resources that you mentioned, Susan. Sorry we didn't have the chat open so that we could focus on what you were saying and all the questions and comments that came forward. So we appreciate it. And thank you so much, again, for your time, Susan Hayward. And I just want to remind everybody that this is the last webinar of the semester, but we will be announcing the Winter/Spring Academic Webinar lineup in our Academic bulletin. And if you're not already subscribed to that, you can email us at cfracademic@cfr.org. Just as a reminder, you can learn about CFR paid internships for students and fellowships for professors at CFR.org/careers. Follow @CFR_Academic on Twitter and visit CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for research and analysis on global issues. Good luck with your exams. (Laughs.) Grading, taking them, et cetera. Wishing you all a happy Thanksgiving. And we look forward to seeing you again next semester. So, again, thank you to Susan Hayward. HAYWARD: Thank you, everybody. Take care.

In this episode, we delve into the dark depths of the etymology of words like Halloween and Samhain! But fear not, it's just an excuse for us to talk about Celtic languages and some words that creeped into the English language! We also covered a hotly debated topic: can you really learn a language in 3 months? And if not, how long does it really take to do so? We'll check what scientific studies say, but we will also share our own opinions and experiences. Show Notes Wikipedia Hogmanay (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hogmanay) Halloween (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Halloween#Etymology) Samhain (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samhain#Etymology) Languages of Scotland (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Languages_of_Scotland) Scots Language (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scots_language) Scottish Gaelic (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scottish_Gaelic) Celtic Languages (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Celtic_languages) Welsh Corgi dog (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Welsh_Corgi) Whisky, etymology (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Whisky#Etymology) Book series read by Raffaele: The Warlord Chronicles by Bernard Cornwell (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Warlord_Chronicles) Benny Lewis, Fluent in 3 Months (https://www.fluentin3months.com) Steve Kaufmann, Lingq (https://lingq.com/), The Linguist (https://www.youtube.com/c/Thelinguist) (YouTube) Language Learning Timelines (https://www.state.gov/foreign-language-training/) (Foreign Service Institute, US Department of State) What are the hardest languages to learn (https://voxy.com/blog/2011/03/hardest-languages-infographic/) (Voxy) Five Factors That Determine How Long it Takes to Learn a Foreign Language (https://www.studyandgoabroad.com/meaningful-travel/language-travel/long-does-learn-foreign-language/) (Study and Go Abroad) How to learn any language in six months (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d0yGdNEWdn0), Chris Lonsdale, TEDx (YouTube) Omniglot (https://omniglot.com/) A short passage from a movie (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9KzmZ17uD1M) in which a young Chinese guy enters a bar in Ireland, speaks Irish, and… (YouTube)

Episode 88: Wandering Soul Lt. Colonel Michael Aquino Joined the program, for a rare & insightful interview. Michael A. Aquino is a Lt. Colonel, Psychological Operations, U.S. Army (Ret.). He is a graduate of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University; Defense Intelligence College, Defense Intelligence Agency; Foreign Service Institute, Department of State; U.S. Army Special Warfare Center (Special Forces (“Green Beret”)/Psychological Operations/Civil Affairs/Foreign Area Officer); U.S. Army Command & General Staff College; U.S. Army Intelligence School, and U.S. Army Space Institute. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/michaeldecon/message

October 24, 2022 on ForYourBenefit, host Bob Leins, CPA® and co-host Tammy Flanagan, Senior Benefits Director at NITP, Inc. welcome back Paula S. Jakub, RHU; CEO at The American Foreign Service Protective Association, sponsor of the Foreign Service Benefit Plan. Today's topic will focus on things to consider during Federal Open Season and how to get the most out of the health plan you choose. Paula is a Subject Matter Expert in Federal Health Insurance and serves on the adjunct faculty of the Foreign Service Institute. Paula will discuss: FEHB PROGRAM COVID-19 Impact on Healthcare OPM Initiatives and 2023 Benefits Lifelong health/wellness and support for chronic conditions Consider how you use health care Latest on Medicare, including the new Federal Medicare Advantage Plans FEDVIP Make sure you understand these supplemental plans FSAFEDS Pre-tax reimbursement for eligible costs What is an eligible cost? Rules on carryover amounts For questions or comments, email us in advance at ForYourBenefit@nitpinc.com

GUEST OVERVIEW: Alan Tonelson is RealityChek's founder and voice. He's finished more than 30 years of senior positions at leading US think tanks and publications. He's written and lectured on trade, manufacturing, and their interaction with the rest of the economics world, plus national security issues, for the U.S. Business and Industry Council and the Economic Strategy Institute. He's served as Associate Editor of FOREIGN POLICY magazine. He's written The Race to Bottom. His articles and reviews have appeared in Foreign Affairs, Atlantic, Harper's, NYT, WaPo, New Republic, BloombergView, Marketwatch.com, The Hill, FOREIGN POLICY, and many other leading national publications and news sites. He's appeared on CNBC, BloombergTV, CNN, and John Batchelor's show. He's testified before numerous Congressional committees and U.S. government commissions, and lectured in for a ranging from the National Defense University and the State Department's Foreign Service Institute to numerous world affairs councils and labor and business groups in the USA, along with government and academic institutions in the UK, Germany, China, and Japan.

The Cognitive Crucible is a forum that presents different perspectives and emerging thought leadership related to the information environment. The opinions expressed by guests are their own, and do not necessarily reflect the views of or endorsement by the Information Professionals Association. During this episode, Jake Sotiriadis discusses how future studies can identify weak signals and emerging trends in order to develop anticipatory thinking which leads to better decisions. Research Question: Jake believes that we need to spend more time learning about and learning from the robust future studies literature and different methodological approaches like: back casting, causal layered analysis, traditional scenario development, the futures wheel, plus others. He encourages students to first master a narrow area of expertise and then question the status quo. Ask the question: Where are there opportunities? How do we capture emergent phenomena? How do we anticipate? Resources: Related or Mentioned Cognitive Crucible Podcast Episodes #85 Josh Kerbel on Complexity and Anticipatory Intelligence #14 BDJ on Threatcasting LtCol Jake Sotiriadis bio Social, Technological, Economical, Environmental and Political STEEP Future Framework Greece Futures Report The History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides Thinking, Fast and Slow by Daniel Kahneman The Art of the Long View: Planning for the Future in an Uncertain World by Peter Schwartz Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers by Richard E. Neustadt IPA Seeks Authors and Cognitive Security Thought Leaders Link to full show notes and resources https://information-professionals.org/episode/cognitive-crucible-episode-112 Guest Bio:  Dr. Jake Sotiriadis is a global futurist and expert in geopolitical risk intelligence. He is Director of The Center for Futures Intelligence at National Intelligence University (NIU), where he also serves on the research faculty.  Dr. Sotiriadis previously served as the US Air Force's senior futurist at the Pentagon in Washington and founded the service's Strategic Foresight and Futures Team.  At NIU, his research assists senior leaders in the intelligence and national security communities develop anticipatory thinking and strategic planning. He has served nearly two decades as an Air Force intelligence officer and holds a Ph.D. in political science and geopolitical futures from the University of Hawaii at Manoa.  He also serves as an advisor to the State Department and teaches courses at the Foreign Service Institute.  His forthcoming book, “The Invisible Regime: How Ideology Will Shape 21st Century Geopolitical Competition” will be published in 2023 by The National Intelligence Press. About: The Information Professionals Association (IPA) is a non-profit organization dedicated to exploring the role of information activities, such as influence and cognitive security, within the national security sector and helping to bridge the divide between operations and research. Its goal is to increase interdisciplinary collaboration between scholars and practitioners and policymakers with an interest in this domain. For more information, please contact us at communications@information-professionals.org. Or, connect directly with The Cognitive Crucible podcast host, John Bicknell, on LinkedIn. Disclosure: As an Amazon Associate, 1) IPA earns from qualifying purchases, 2) IPA gets commissions for purchases made through links in this post.

Ambassador John E. Lange (https://unfoundation.org/who-we-are/our-people/john-e-lange/) is Senior Fellow, Global Health Diplomacy, at the United Nations Foundation, a charitable organization headquartered in Washington, DC, that supports the United Nations and its activities. Ambassador Lange has extensive leadership experience in global health issues and longstanding involvement in United Nations affairs, focusing on issues related to global health security and the work of the World Health Organization. He also serves as the Chair of the Leadership Team of the Measles & Rubella Initiative. Ambassador Lange worked from 2009-2013 at the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, where he engaged in high-level advocacy with governments and international organizations to advance the Gates Foundation's global health and development goals in Africa. In 2012, he was the founding Co-Chair of the Polio Partners Group, the broad group of stakeholders in the Global Polio Eradication Initiative, and served in that role for a four-year term. Ambassador Lange had a distinguished 28-year career in the Foreign Service at the U.S. Department of State, where he was a pioneer in the field of global health diplomacy and a leader in pandemic preparedness and response. He served as the Special Representative on Avian and Pandemic Influenza (2006-2009); Deputy Inspector General; Deputy U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator at the inception of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief; and Associate Dean for Leadership and Management at the Foreign Service Institute, where he directed the Senior Seminar, the federal government's highest-level civilian/military joint training program. He was the U.S. Ambassador to Botswana and Special Representative to the Southern African Development Community (1999-2002), where he oversaw operations of seven U.S. Government agencies and made HIV/AIDS his signature issue. Ambassador Lange headed the U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, as Charge d'Affaires during the August 7, 1998, Al-Qaeda bombing, for which he received the State Department's Distinguished Honor Award for "skilled leadership" and "extraordinary courage." From 1991 to 1995, while at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland, Ambassador Lange managed U.S. humanitarian and refugee assistance channeled through international organizations. He also had tours of duty in the State Department Bureaus of African Affairs, Western Hemisphere Affairs and Management in Washington and at U.S. Embassies in Lomé, Togo; Paris, France; and Mexico City, Mexico. Prior to joining the diplomatic service in 1981, he worked for five years at the United Nations Association of the USA in New York. Ambassador Lange is the author of a case study in the book, Negotiating and Navigating Global Health: Case Studies in Global Health Diplomacy (2012), that describes the international negotiations on sharing of pandemic influenza viruses and access to vaccines when he led the U.S. delegation. He has delivered lectures on pandemics and other global health issues at Chatham House, London; the Council on Foreign Relations, New York; and numerous other venues. He has written numerous journal and magazine articles and blogs on the Dar es Salaam Embassy bombing, leadership in a crisis, humanitarian assistance, pandemic preparedness and response, and other global health issues. 

Episode 61 Hey there! This is Part 4 of the icipici edition of the Hungarian Living podcast on Getting Started with Hungarian. So, let me tell you, I have ALL KINDS of resources for learning Hungarian in my office. I have some oldies, like Irka Firka. I have curriculums from Debrecen and Pecs, I have a book and audio recordings from the Foreign Service Institute, and Pimsleur. Did I mention Complete Hungarian? Teach Yourself Hungarian? Hungarian the Easy Way? Hahahaha! Ok — That title cracks me up! Is there an easy way to Hungarian as an adult???  But really it isn't a bad resource. I just think it is a funny title. I have resources by Berlitz and Hippocrene and even some brainiac games for various ages. And, I have to mention Say it in Hungarian, Just Enough Hungarian the Hungarian Picture Dictionary, The Hungarian Bible for Children and countless dictionaries of all sizes. Cassette tapes? Cds? Mp3 files? Online links to programs? I've got em! So, let me just say that having resources is not my problem. I inherited about 75 % of the resources I have from my mom and the rest I have collected over the last 15 years or so. My mom knew how to speak, read, and write in Hungarian. She was an educator. And we caught a lot of Hungarian through the years, but she knew that it takes a special skill and/or training and a lot of patience to fully teach the Hungarian language. She also knew there were so many people struggling to learn it. She knew people could speak it but not know how to read and write it. And I have all sorts of projects she was collecting and working on as she was trying to figure out how to help solve the problem. Just because someone can speak and read and write in Hungarian doesn't mean they can teach it. For example, I speak English pretty well. But I am absolutely not an English teacher. In fact, I have learned a lot about the English language from my Hungarian instructors. Let's just say, English grammar wasn't my jam. There is something special about a person who understands and can explain things at my level. Not every trained teacher is a good one. And you don't have to be a trained teacher to be an effective one. So back to resources — I have enough resources. Having a few different ones is helpful because not every resource covers everything. Sometimes there is a concept that needs to be approached from a couple of different perspectives. There is no one curriculum or resource that does it all. And, just to clear the air up about a rumor – Rosetta Stone does not offer Hungarian. In addition to a few resources, I, personally, need two things. I need accountability. I need that steady appointment with another person. I need that commitment to connect with another person. I benefit from assignments, although I must confess, I don't always do them. And even though I am most often a visual learner, I need the Hungarian language in my ear in addition to being able to see the words and play with the letters. But, I also need a little skin in the game. It is worth it to me to pay out a little money because I know I will show up, even if I am not in the mood. And, a laborer is worthy of his hire. If someone is going to take time out of their day for me, I need to be there and not waste their precious time. And, I should be willing to pay them for their time. What resources do you have hanging around. Drag them out and dust them off. How can they be useful to you in your desire to study Hungarian? I know they can be useful. You just need to use them! But don't discount that regular, weekly appointment with a s

This week, Jeremi and Zachary are joined by Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch to discuss the ways in which U.S. policy has evolved in the region surrounding Ukraine, and the ways people should understand the evolution of that policy for current challenges regarding Ukraine and Democratization in the region as a whole. Zachary sets the scene with his poem: "Ode to President Zelensky". Marie Yovanovitch served as the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine (2016-2019), the Republic of Armenia (2008-2011) and the Kyrgyz Republic (2005-2008). She also served as the Dean of the School of Language Studies at the Foreign Service Institute, U.S. Department of State and as the Deputy Commandant and International Advisor at the Dwight D. Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource Strategy, National Defense University. Earlier she served as the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, where she coordinated policy on European and global security issues. Before that, she was the bureau's Deputy Assistant Secretary responsible for issues related to the Nordic, Baltic, and Central European countries. Ambassador Yovanovitch is the author of a recent memoir: Lessons from the Edge. This episode was mixed and mastered by Oscar Kitmanyen.

GUEST OVERVIEW: Alan Tonelson is RealityChek's founder and voice. He's finished more than 30 years of senior positions at leading US think tanks and publications. He's written and lectured on trade, manufacturing, and their interaction with the rest of the economics world, plus national security issues, for the U.S. Business and Industry Council and the Economic Strategy Institute. He's served as Associate Editor of FOREIGN POLICY magazine. He's written The Race to Bottom. His articles and reviews have appeared in Foreign Affairs, Atlantic, Harper's, NYT, WaPo, New Republic, BloombergView, Marketwatch.com, The Hill, FOREIGN POLICY, and many other leading national publications and news sites. He's appeared on CNBC, BloombergTV, CNN, and John Batchelor's show. He's testified before numerous Congressional committees and U.S. government commissions, and lectured in fora ranging from the National Defense Univesity and the State Department's Foreign Service Institute to numerous world affairs councils and labor and business groups in the USA, along with government and academic institutions in the UK, Germany, China, and Japan.

We have the pleasure of interviewing Jud Nirenberg, author of Johann Trollmann and Romani Resistance to the Nazis, which we read from for our Romani Resistance Day episode in season 1. In this episode, we hear about Jud's work, the importance of Romani Resistance Day, and the story of Sinto fighter Johann Trollmann.Jud Nirenberg is a Romani American writer who has authored, co-authored and edited several books on Romani issues. He won the 2017 Baxt Award, given by the Romani Media Initiative.  Jud lived for many years in Europe, working in the Romani civil rights movement. Starting out at a Romani political party in Prague, he would later direct the largest program funding and training Roma activists in Europe at George Soros' Open Society Foundations. He went on to hold a variety of leadership positions in Roma organizations before serving as CEO and, later, consultant to the largest federation of Roma community organizations, the ERTF (European Roma and Traveller Forum), which survives on a much-reduced scale. Jud has lectured on Roma issues at the State Department's Foreign Service Institute and as a guest speaker at schools including Harvard, Tufts, NYU, Purdue and more.Today he serves as vice-president of board of the National Roma Centre in North. Macedonia and is a consultant to immigration attorneys and Roma asylum-seekers in refugee law cases.This episode's Romani crush is activist Orhan Tahir.Thank you for listening to Romanistan podcast.You can find us on Instagram @romanistanpodcast, and on Facebook under the same name, and on Twitter @romanistanpodWe started a Ko-fi fundraiser to help us expand. Our goal is to release 2 episodes a month, create video content, like an advice column and other treats, and we would also like to register as a nonprofit so we can produce content by other Romani & Sinti creators. We are hoping to cover production costs, like paying for our hosting site, website, editing and producing, and all the rest. We would love it if you could contribute and spread the word. The link, Ko-fi.com/romanistan, is in our bio on Instagram, and will be in the show notesPlease rate, review, and subscribe. It helps us so much. If you would like to advertise with us, email us at romanistanpodcast@gmail.com. We offer sliding-scale for Romani, Sinti & related businesses, so reach out!You can find Jess on Instagram @jezmina.vonthiele, and you can find Jess' vintage and curiosities shop Evil Eye Edit on Instagram @evileyeedit & Etsy.You can find Paulina Verminski on Instagram @_paulina_v_ and at https://romaniholistic.com/. Follow Paulina's store, Romani Holistic, in Corona Del Mar, CA, on Instagram @romaniholistic Romanistan is hosted by Jessica Reidy and Paulina VerminskiConceived of by Paulina VerminskiEdited by CherubWith Music by Viktor PachasAnd Artwork by Elijah Vardo

EPISODE NOTES HEREGo BIGTENTUSA.ORG AND SIGN UP TO JOIN US!Ambassador Marie L. Yovanovitch (Ret) is a Senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a non-Resident Fellow at the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, Georgetown University. Previously, she served as the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine (2016-2019), the Republic of Armenia (2008-2011) and the Kyrgyz Republic (2005-2008). She also served as the Dean of the School of Language Studies at the Foreign Service Institute, U.S. Department of State and as the Deputy Commandant and International Advisor at the Dwight D. Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource Strategy, National Defense University.Mila Atmos, a global citizen based in New York City, is the producer and series host of Future Hindsight, a weekly podcast that takes big ideas about civic life and democracy and turns them into action items for everyday citizens. In-depth conversations with citizen changemakers showcase how to be an active participant in our democracy that's beyond voting and short of running for office. Mila combines life experiences from living in multiple cultures ranging from Indonesia to Germany to the rural U.S. with her knowledge base in history, economics, and international affairs (B.A. & M.I.A. Columbia University) in creating Future Hindsight. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit bigtentnews.substack.com

Season 4, Episode 8: In the current series of Diplomatic Immunity, ISD Director of Programs and Research Dr. Kelly McFarland looks back at the first year of the Biden administration's foreign policy and looks forward to the next.  In the final episode of the season, Kelly is joined by Ambassador Maria L. Yovanovitch, former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine (2016-2019), to discuss her recent book Lessons from the Edge: A Memoir as well as the threat corruption poses to national security and the importance of history. Additionally, Ambassador Yovanovitch explains her motivation to describe and extol the work of foreign and civil service officers when she testified during President Trump's first impeachment trial, and shares her insights into the ongoing Russian war in Ukraine.  Ambassador (ret.) Marie L. Yovanovitch is a Senior Fellow in the Russia and Eurasia Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. She first joined ISD as a Senior State Department Fellow in the spring of 2019 after three years as the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine (2016-2019). She previously served as Ambassador to the Republic of Armenia (2008-2011) and the Kyrgyz Republic (2005-2008). From 2012-2013, Ambassador Yovanovitch was the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, where she was responsible for policy on European and global security issues. She also served as the Senior Advisor to the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs from 2004-2005. She retired from the Department of State as a Career Minister in January 2020. Ambassador Yovanovitch served as the Dean of the Language School at the Foreign Service Institute, as well as International Advisor and Deputy Commandant at the Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource Strategy at the National Defense University, where she also taught national security strategy. She began her career in Ottawa, followed by overseas assignments in Moscow, London and Mogadishu, and at the Department of State as Deputy Director of the Russian Desk. A graduate of Princeton University with a master's degree from the National Defense University, Ambassador Yovanovitch received numerous Presidential and State Department awards, including the Secretary's Diplomacy in Human Rights Award. Episode recorded: April 19, 2022 Image: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III visit Kyiv, Ukraine, on April 24, 2022. [Public Domain] Hosted and produced by Kelly McFarland. Audio editing by Aaron Jones. Production assistance by Kit Evans.  Diplomatic Immunity: Frank and candid conversations about diplomacy and foreign affairs Diplomatic Immunity, a podcast from the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University, brings you frank and candid conversations with experts on the issues facing diplomats and national security decision-makers around the world.  Funding support from the Carnegie Corporation of New York.  For more, visit our website, and follow us on Twitter @GUDiplomacy. Send any feedback to diplomacy@georgetown.edu.

This is the third part of our four-episode series where we take a look at America's policy challenges for the next decade. In this episode, hosted by the Concordia Forum at the Atlantic Council headquarters in Washington D.C., Muddassar Ahmed is joined by a panel of experts to discuss the future of Afghanistan after the withdrawal of American troops and what foreign actors, such as the U.S., the OIC and neighbouring Pakistan, can do to support the Afghan people under the Taliban rule. Our panellists include Haris Tarin (Senior Policy Advisor at the U.S. Department of Homeland Security), Hassan Abedin (Former Senior Advisor to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation), and Hassan Abbas (Author & Distinguished Professor of International Relations at the Near East South Asia Strategic Studies Centre). This panel is led by Kamran Bokhari, a national security and foreign-policy specialist at the University of Ottawa's Professional Development Institute, who previously served as the coordinator for Central Asia studies at the U.S. State Department's Foreign Service Institute. The episode was done in partnership with the Atlantic Council, an international affairs think tank galvanizing U.S. leadership and engagement in the world.

Dr. Roger Kangas, Ph.D. Academic Dean and Professor Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies, National Defense University TNWAC Global Town Hall at Belmont University, March 31, 2022 @ 6:00 p.m. CT with Moderator, Dr. Thomas A Schwartz, Ph.D., Distinguished Professor of History of U.S. Foreign Relations, Vanderbilt University Transcript available at TNWAC.org | Support the Tennessee World Affairs Council by becoming a member and making a contribution | Sign up for the newsletter | All on TNWAC.org Dr. Roger Kangas – Academic Dean and a Professor of Central Asian Studies at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies. Previously Dr. Kangas served as a Professor of Central Asian Studies at the George C. Marshall Center for European Security in Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany; Deputy Director of the Central Asian Institute at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) in Washington, DC; Central Asian Course Coordinator at the Foreign Service Institute for the U.S. Department of State; Research Analyst on Central Asian Affairs for the Open Media Research Institute (OMRI) in Prague, Czech Republic; and as an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Mississippi. Dr. Kangas has been an advisor to the Combatant Commands, NATO/ISAF, the US Air Force Special Operations School, National Democratic Institute, International Research and Exchanges Board, American Councils, Academy for Educational Development, USIA, USAID, and other US government agencies on issues relating to Central and South Asia, Russia, and the South Caucasus. He is also an Adjunct Professor at Georgetown University. Dr. Kangas holds a B.S.F.S. in Comparative Politics from the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and a Ph.D. in Political Science from Indiana University. Dr. Thomas A. Schwartz Thomas Alan Schwartz is a historian of the foreign relations of the United States, with related interests in American politics, the history of international relations, Modern European history, and biography. His most recent book is Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography (Hill and Wang, 2020). The book has received considerable notice and acclaim. Harvard's University's Charles Maier has written: “Thomas Schwartz's superbly researched political biography reveals the brilliance, self-serving ego, and vulnerability of America's most remarkable diplomat in the twentieth century, even as it provides a history of U.S. engagement in global politics as it moved beyond bipolarity.” Earlier in his career, Schwartz was the author of America's Germany: John J. McCloy and the Federal Republic of Germany (Harvard, 1991), which was translated into German, Die Atlantik Brücke (Ullstein, 1992). This book received the Stuart Bernath Book Prize of the Society of American Foreign Relations, and the Harry S. Truman Book Award, given by the Truman Presidential Library. He is also the author of Lyndon Johnson and Europe: In the Shadow of Vietnam (Harvard, 2003), which examined the Johnson Administration's policy toward Europe and assessed the impact of the war in Vietnam on its other foreign policy objectives. He is the co-editor with Matthias Schulz of The Strained Alliance: U.S.-European Relations from Nixon to Carter, (Cambridge University Press, 2009).

Patrick Dennis Duddy, director of the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies and senior visiting scholar at Duke University, leads a conversation on democracy in Latin America. This meeting is part of the Diamonstein-Spielvogel Project on the Future of Democracy. FASKIANOS: Welcome to today's session of the Winter/Spring 2022 CFR Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Today's discussion is on the record, and the video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org/academic. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We're delighted to have Patrick Dennis Duddy with us today to talk about democracy in Latin America. Ambassador Patrick Duddy is the director of Duke University's Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies and teaches in both Duke's Fuqua School of Business and Sanford School of Public Policy. From 2007 to 2010, he served as the U.S. ambassador to Venezuela under both the Bush and Obama administrations. Prior to his assignment to Venezuela, Ambassador Duddy served as deputy assistant secretary of state for the Western Hemisphere, and he's also held positions at embassies in Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay, the Dominican Republic, Costa Rica, and Panama, and has worked closely with Haiti. So it is my pleasure to have him with us today. He has served nearly three decades in the Foreign Service. He's taught at the National War College, lectured at the State Department's Foreign Service Institute, and is a member of CFR. So, Ambassador Duddy, you bring all of your experience to this conversation to talk about this very small question of the state of democracy in Latin America and what U.S. policy should be. It's a broad topic, but I'm going to turn it over to you to give us your insight and analysis. DUDDY: Well, good afternoon, or morning, to all of those who have tuned in, and, Irina, thank you to you and the other folks at the Council for giving me this opportunity. I thought I would begin with a brief introduction, partially rooted in my own experience in the region, and then leave as much time as possible for questions. To start with, let us remember that President Biden held a Democracy Summit in early December, and in opening that summit he emphasized that for the current American administration, in particular, the defense of democracy is, I believe he said, a defining challenge, going ahead. Now, I, certainly, subscribe to that assertion, and I'd also like to start by reminding folks how far the region has come in recent decades. I flew down to Chile during the Pinochet regime to join the embassy in the very early 1980s, and I recall that the Braniff Airlines flight that took me to Santiago, essentially, stopped in every burg and dorf with an airport from Miami to Santiago. It used to be called the milk run. And in virtually every country in which we landed there was a military dictatorship and human rights were honored more in the breach than in fact. Things have really changed quite substantially since then, and during much of the '80s we saw a pretty constant move in the direction of democracy and somewhat later in the '80s also, in many parts of Latin America, an embrace of a market-oriented economic policy. There was some slippage even in the early part of the new millennium. But, nevertheless, the millennium opened on 9-11-2001 with the signature in Lima, Peru, of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Secretary Powell was, in fact, in Lima for the signing of that agreement, which was endorsed by every country in the region except Cuba. This was a major step forward for a region that had been synonymous with strongman politics, military government, and repression. The slippage since then has been significant and, indeed, as recently as a year or two ago during the pandemic the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Management or Electoral Administration—I believe it's called IDEA—noted that across much of the region, publics were losing faith in democracy as the preferred form of government. I would say, rather more pointedly, of real significance in recent years has been the deterioration of democracy in a series of countries and the inability of the rest of the hemisphere to do anything about it, notwithstanding the fact that the hemisphere as a whole had indicated that full participation in the inter-American system required democratic governance and respect for human rights. Venezuela now is pretty unapologetically an authoritarian government. So is Nicaragua, and there has been real slippage in a number of other countries in the region as well. I think it would be appropriate to ask, given the progress made from, say, the early '80s through the year 2000, what accounts for this, and I would say there are a number of key factors. By and large, I would note, the factors are internal. That is to say they derive from circumstances within the region and are not necessarily a consequence of external subversion. Poverty, inequality, crony capitalism in some cases, criminality, drug trafficking—these things continue to bedevil a range of countries within the region. Endemic corruption is something that individual countries have struggled with and, by and large, been unsuccessful in significantly reducing. In effect, governability, as a general heading, probably explains or is the heading under which we should investigate just why it is that some publics have lost faith in democracy. You know, we've had several really interesting elections lately. Let's set aside just for the moment the reality that, particularly since 2013, Venezuela has deteriorated dramatically in virtually every respect—politically, economically—in terms of, you know, quality of life indicators, et cetera, as has Nicaragua, and look, for instance, at Peru. Peru has held a free, fair—recently held a free, fair election, one that brought a significant change to the government in that the new president, a teacher, is a figure on the left. Now, I don't think we, collectively or hemisphere, there's, certainly, no problem with that. But what accounts for the fact that a place like Peru has seen wild swings between figures of the left and of the right, and has most recently, notwithstanding a decade of mostly sustained significant macroeconomic growth, why have they embraced a figure who so—at least in his campaign so profoundly challenged the existing system? I would argue it's because macroeconomic growth was not accompanied by microeconomic change—that, basically, the poor remained poor and the gap between rich and poor was, largely, undiminished. Arguably, much the same thing has happened recently in Chile, the country which was for decades the yardstick by which the quality of democracy everywhere else in the hemisphere was frequently judged. The new president or the president—I guess he's just taken office here—president-elect in Chile is a young political activist of the left who has, in the past, articulated an enthusiasm for figures like Hugo Chavez or even Fidel Castro, and now, as the elected president, has begun to use a more moderate rhetoric. But, again, the country which, arguably, has had the greatest success in reducing poverty has, nevertheless, seen a dramatic swing away from a more conventional political figure to someone who is advocating radical change and the country is on the verge of—and in the process of revising its constitution. How do we explain that? I think in both cases it has to do with frustration of the electorate with the ability of the conventional systemic parties, we might say, to deliver significant improvement to the quality of life and a significant reduction of both poverty and income inequality, and I note that income inequality persists even when at times poverty has been reduced and is a particularly difficult problem to resolve. Now, we've also seen, just to cite a third example, just recently this past weekend an election in Costa Rica, which was well administered and the results of which have been accepted unquestionably by virtually all of the political figures, and I point to Costa Rica, in part, because I've spent a good deal of time there. I've witnessed elections on the ground. But what is the reality? The reality is over decades, indeed, certainly, beginning in the late '40s during the administration of the first “Pepe” Figueres, the country has been successful in delivering quality services to the public. As a result, though, notwithstanding the fact that there have been changes, there's been no serious deterioration in the country's embrace of democracy or its enthusiasm for its own political institutions. This makes it not entirely unique but very closely unique in the Central American context. A number of other things that I'd like to just leave with you or suggest that we should consider today. So we—throughout much of Latin America we're seeing sort of plausibly well-administered elections but we are seeing often sort of dramatic challenges, sometimes to political institutions but often to economic policy, and those challenges have resulted in tremendous pendulum swings in terms of public policy from one administration to the next, which, at times, has undermined stability and limited the attractiveness of the region for foreign direct investment. Beyond that, though, we're also seeing a kind of fracturing of the region. In 2001, when the Inter-American Democratic Charter was embraced—was signed in Lima—an event that would have, perhaps, attracted a good deal more attention had other things not happened on that very same day—much of the region, I think, we would understand, was, largely, on the same page politically and even to some degree economically, and much of the region embraced the idea of—I'm sorry, I'm losing my signal here—much of the region embraced a deeper and productive relationship with the United States. The situation in Venezuela, which has generated over—right around 6 million refugees—it's the largest refugee problem in the world after Syria—has, to some degree, highlighted some of the changes with respect to democracy. The first—and I'm going to end very shortly, Irina, and give folks an opportunity to ask questions—the first is the frustration and the inability of the region to enforce, you know, its own mandates, its own requirement that democracy be—and democratic governance and respect for human rights be a condition for participation in the inter-American system. And further to that, what we've seen is a breakup of the one larger group of countries in the region which had been attempting to encourage the return to democracy in Venezuela, known as the Lima Group. So what we've seen is that the commitment to democracy as a hemispheric reality has, to some degree, eroded. At the same time, we are increasingly seeing the region as a theater for big power competition. You know, it was only within the last few days that President Fernández, for instance, of Argentina traveled to meet with both the Russian leadership and the Chinese. This is not inherently problematical but it probably does underscore the degree to which the United States is not the only major power active in the region. We may still have the largest investment stock in the region, but China is now the largest trading partner for Brazil, for Chile, for Peru, the largest creditor for Venezuela. I haven't yet touched on Central America and that's a particularly difficult set of problems. But what I would note is while we, in the United States, are wrestling with a range of issues, from refugees to drug trafficking, we are also simultaneously trying to deepen our trade relationships with the region, relationships which are already very important to the United States. And, unfortunately, our political influence in the region, I believe, has become diluted over time by inattention at certain moments and because of the rise or the introduction of new and different players, players who are frequently not particularly interested in local political systems much less democracy, per se. So, if I may, I'll stop there. As Irina has pointed out, I served extensively around the region for thirty years and I'd be happy to try and answer questions on virtually any of the countries, certainly, those in which I have served. FASKIANOS: So I'm going to go first to Babak Salimitari. If you could unmute yourself and give us your affiliation, Babak. Q: Good morning, Ambassador. My name is Babak. I am a third-year student at UCI and my question—you mentioned the far-left leaders who have gained a lot of traction and power in different parts of Latin America. Another guy that comes to mind is the socialist in Honduras. But, simultaneously, you've also seen a drift to the far right with presidents like President AMLO—you have President Bolsonaro—all who are, basically, the opposite of the people in Honduras and, I'd say, Chile. So what is—these are countries that—I know they're very different from one another, but the problems that they face like poverty, income inequality, I guess, drug trafficking, they exist there and they also exist there. Why have these two different sort of polarities—political polarities arose—arisen, arose— DUDDY: Risen. (Laughs.) Q: —in these countries? DUDDY: That's a great question. I would note, first of all, I don't see President Lόpez Obrador of Mexico as a leader of the right. He is, certainly—he, largely, comes from the left, in many respects, and is, essentially, a populist, and I would say populism rather than sort of a right/left orientation is often a key consideration. Returning to my earlier comment in that what I see is popular frustration with governments around the region, often, President Bolsonaro was elected in the—in a period in which public support for government institutions in Brazil, particularly, the traditional political parties, was at an especially low level, right. There had been a number of major corruption scandals and his candidacy appeared to be—to some, at least—to offer a kind of tonic to the problems which had beset the earlier governments from the Workers' Party. He, clearly, is a figure of the right but I think the key thing is he represented change. I think, you know, my own experience is that while some leaders in Latin America draw their policy prescriptions from a particular ideology, the voters, essentially, are looking at very practical considerations. Has the government in power been able to deliver on its promises? Has life gotten better or worse? President Piñera in Chile was a figure of the right, widely viewed as a conservative pro-market figure. The PT in Brazil—the Workers' Party—came from the left. Both were succeeded by figures from the other end of the political spectrum and I think it was more a matter of frustration than ideology. I hope that answers your question. FASKIANOS: I'm going to take the next written question from Terron Adlam, who's an undergraduate student at Delaware State University. Essentially, can you discuss the relationship between climate change and the future of democracy in Latin America? DUDDY: Well, that's just a small matter but it's an important one, actually. The fact is that especially in certain places climate change appears to be spurring migration and poverty, and there are people here at Duke—some of my colleagues—and elsewhere around the country looking very specifically at the links between, especially, drought and other forms of climate change, the, you know, recovery from hurricanes, et cetera, and instability, unemployment, decline in the quality of services. Overburdened countries, for instance, in Central America have sometimes not recovered from one hurricane before another one hits, and this has effects internally but it has also tended to complicate and possibly accelerate the movement of populations from affected areas to other areas. Sometimes that migration is internal and sometimes it's cross-border. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to a raised hand, Arnold Vela. If you—there you go. Q: Good afternoon, Ambassador Duddy. DUDDY: Good afternoon. Q: I'm Arnold Vela. I served in the Foreign Service for a couple of years and I'm now retired teaching government at Northwest Vista College. I think you put your finger on a very important point, which is that of the economic inequality and poverty that exists in Latin America, and, you know, with that being the case, I think Shannon O'Neil makes a good case about focusing on economic policy. And I was wondering what your thoughts were on ways in which we could do that in terms of, for example, foreign development investment, which may be decreasing because of a tendency to look inward for economic development in the United States. But are there other mechanisms, such as through the U.S. Treasury Department, financial ways to cut corruption? And also what about the Inter-American Development Bank? Should it be expanded in its role for not just infrastructure development but for such things as microeconomic development that you mentioned? Thank you. DUDDY: You know, as deputy assistant secretary, I, actually had the economic portfolio for the Western Hemisphere for a couple of years within the State Department. Clearly, trade is important. Foreign direct investment is, I think, critical. One of the things that we need to remember when we talk about foreign direct investment is that, typically, it's private money, right—it's private money—and that means governments and communities need to understand that in order to attract private money they need to establish conditions in which investors can see a reasonable return and in which they can enjoy a reasonable measure of security. That can be very, very difficult in the—Arnold, as you probably will recall, in much of Latin America, for instance, in the energy sector—and Latin America has immense energy resources—but the energy resources are frequently subject to a kind of resource nationalism. And so my experience is that in some parts of Latin America it's difficult to attract the kind of investment that could make a very substantial difference in part because local politics, largely, preclude extending either ownership or profit participation in the development of some resources. The fact that those things were not initially permitted in Mexico led to a constitutional change in order to permit both profit sharing and foreign ownership to some degree of certain resources. Investors need a certain measure of security and that involves, among other things, making sure that there is a reasonable expectation of equal treatment under the law, right. So legal provisions as well as a determination to attract foreign investment. Places like—little places, if you will, like Costa Rica have been very, very successful at attracting foreign investment, in part because they've worked hard to create the conditions necessary to attract private money. I would note—let me just add one further thought, and that is part of the problem in—I think, in some places has been something that we in the United States have often called crony capitalism. We need to make sure that competition for contracts, et cetera, is, in fact, transparent and fair. As for international institutions, there are many in the United States that are sometimes with which the region is unfamiliar like, for instance, the Trade and Development Agency, which promotes, among other things, feasibility studies, and the only condition for assistance from the TDA is that subsequent contracts be fairly and openly competed and that American companies be allowed to compete. So there are resources out there and I, certainly, would endorse a greater concentration on Latin America and I think it can have a real impact. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question—a written question—from Chaney Howard, who is a business major at Howard University. You spoke about the erosion of democratic push in Latin America growth, specifically with the Lima Group. What do you feel would need to happen for a new power to be established or encouraged to help nations band together and improve democratic growth? DUDDY: Well, the Lima Group was—which was organized in 2017 for the express purpose of advocating for the restoration of democracy in Venezuela, fell apart, essentially, as countries began to look more internally, struggling, in particular, with the early economic consequences of the pandemic. Some of you will remember that, particularly, early on, for instance, cruise ships in the Caribbean, essentially, stopped sailing. Well, much of the Caribbean depends absolutely on tourism, right. So the pandemic, effectively, turned people's attention to their own internal challenges. I think that we have good institutions still. But I think that we need to find ways other than just sanctions to encourage support for democracy. The U.S. has been particularly inclined in recent years not to interventionism but to sanctioning other countries. While sometimes—and I've sometimes advocated for sanctions myself, including to the Congress, in very limited circumstances—my sense is that we need to not only be prepared to sanction but also to encourage. We need to have a policy that offers as many carrots as sticks, and we need to be prepared to engage more actively than we have in the last fifteen years on this. Some of these problems date back some time. Now, one particularly important source of development assistance has always been the Millennium Challenge account, and there is a key issue there, which, I think, largely, limits the degree to which the Millennium Challenge Corporation can engage and that is middle income countries aren't eligible for their large assistance programs. I think we should revisit that because while some countries qualify as middle income, when you only calculate per capita income using GDP, countries with serious problems of income inequality as well as poverty are not eligible and I think that we should consider formulae that would allow us to channel more assistance into some of those economies. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Kennedy Himmel, who does not have access to a mic, a student at University of Wisconsin-Green Bay. There seems to be surmounting evidence that suggests that U.S. imperialism has waged both covert warfare and regime change itself in Central American countries through the last century and our current one. The most notable cases was Operation Condor, which peaked during Reagan's administration. You suggested the problems plaguing these countries' embrace of primarily right-wing dictatorships is a product of crony capitalism, poverty, and corruption, which are all internal problems. Do you think some of these problems of these countries are a byproduct of U.S. and Western meddling, economic warfare, the imposition of Western neoliberalism? DUDDY: Well, that's a good question. My own experience in the region dates from the early '80s. I mean, certainly, during the Cold War the United States tended to support virtually any government that we perceived or that insisted that they were resolutely anti-communist. For decades now the U.S. has made support for democracy a pillar of its policies in the region and I think we have, largely, evolved out of the—you know, our earlier, you know, period of either interventionism or, in a sense, sometimes even when we were not entirely—when we were not active we were complicit in that we applied no standard other than anti-communism with the countries we were willing to work with. That was a real problem. I note, by the way, for any who are interested that several years ago—about five years ago now, if I'm not mistaken, Irina—the Foreign Affairs, which is published by the Council on Foreign Relations, ran a series of articles in one issue called “What Really Happened?”, and for those interested in what really happened in Chile during the Allende government, there is a piece in there by a man named Devine, who was actually in the embassy during the coup and was working, as he now acknowledges, for the CIA. So I refer you to that. My sense in recent decades is that the U.S. has, certainly, tried to advance its own interests but has not been in the business of undermining governments, and much of the economic growth which some countries have sustained has derived very directly from the fact that we've negotiated free trade agreements with more countries in Latin America than any other part of the world. I remember very distinctly about five years into the agreement with Chile that the volume of trading both directions—and as a consequence, not just employment, but also kind of gross income—hence, had very substantially increased; you know, more than a hundred percent. The same has been true with Mexico. So, you know, we have a history in the region. I think it is, largely, explained by looking at U.S. policy and understanding that it was—almost everything was refracted through the optic of the Cold War. But, you know, it's now many decades since that was the case. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go to Elizabeth McDowell, who has a raised hand. Q: Hi. I'm Elizabeth McDowell. I'm a graduate student in public policy at Duke University. Ambassador Duddy, thanks for your talk. I want to ask a question about a potential tradeoff between good governance and— DUDDY: I lost your audio. Please repeat. Q: How's my audio now? OK. My— DUDDY: You'll have to repeat the question. Q: My question is about critical minerals and metals in the region and, essentially, these metals and minerals, including lithium, cobalt, and nickel, copper, others, are essential for clean energy transition, and there are a lot of countries that have instituted new policies in order to gain financially from the stores since these minerals are very prevalent in the region. And my question is do you think that there's a tradeoff between sustainable development and having the minerals that we need at low cost and countries being able to benefit economically from their natural resource stores? DUDDY: Yeah. I'm not quite sure how I would characterize the tradeoffs. But, you know, as I mentioned with respect, for instance, to oil and gas but the same applies to lithium, cobalt, et cetera, in much of Latin America the resources that are below the surface of the Earth belong to the nation, right. They belong to the nation. And in some places—I very vividly remember in Bolivia—there was tremendous resistance at a certain point to the building of a pipeline by a foreign entity which would take Bolivian gas out of the country. And that resistance was rooted in Bolivia's history in the sense that much of the population had—that the country had been exploited for five hundred years and they just didn't trust the developers to make sure that the country shared appropriately in the exploitation of the country's gas resources. Just a few years ago, another—a major company, I think, based in—headquartered in India, opened and then closed a major operation that was going to develop—I think it was also lithium mining—in Bolivia because of difficulties imposed by the government. I understand why those difficulties are imposed in countries which have been exploited but note that the exploitation of many of these resources is capital intensive and in many of these countries is going to require capital from outside the country. And so countries have to find a way to both assure a reasonable level of compensation to the companies as well as income to the country. So that's the challenge, right. That is the challenge. For the time being, in some places the Chinese have been able to not just exploit but have been able to do business, in part, because they have a virtually insatiable appetite for these minerals and as well as for other commodities. But long-term development has to be vertically integrated and that—and I think that's going to take a lot of external money and, again, certain countries are going to have to figure out how to do that when we're talking about resources which, to a very large degree, are viewed as patrimony of the nation. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Leah Parrott, who's a sophomore at NYU. Do you find that globalization itself, the competitive global markets, vying for influence in the region are a cause of the rise in the populist frustration that you have been talking about? DUDDY: Hmm. Interesting question. I suppose it has—you know, there is a connection. Just to give sort of a visceral response, the fact is that there are cultural differences in certain markets and regions of the world. Some countries have—you know, have taken a different approach to the development of their own labor markets as well as trade policy. I would say that, today, the reality is we can't avoid globalization so—and no one country controls it. So countries that have heretofore been unsuccessful in inserting themselves and seeing the same kind of growth that other countries have experienced are going to have to adapt. What we do know from earlier experiences in Latin America is that high tariff barriers are not the way to go, right—that that resulted in weak domestic industries, endemic corruption, and, ultimately, very, very fragile macroeconomic indicators. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Alberto Najarro, who's a graduate student at Duke Kunshan University. DUDDY: Well. Q: Hi. Good afternoon. Thank you for your time. My question is about El Salvador. I'm from El Salvador, and I'll just provide a brief overview. Since assuming the presidency and, particularly, over the last six months, President Bukele and the National Assembly dominated by Bukele's allies have moved quickly to weaken checks and balances, undermine the rule of law, and co-opt the country's judiciary, consolidating power in the executive. What do you think should be the United States' role, if any, in reversing trends of democratic backsliding in El Salvador? Given the recent events like the abrupt exit of the United States interim ambassador Jean Manes from the country, can the United States continue to engage with El Salvador, particularly, as Bukele strengthens relationship with leaders like Xi Jinping and Erdoğan? DUDDY: Well, first, my recollection is that Ambassador Jean Manes, who, by the way, is an old friend of mine, had returned to El Salvador as chargé, and I'm not sure that the Biden administration has, in fact, nominated a new ambassador yet. I tend to think that it's important to remember that we have embassies in capitals to advance U.S. interests and that when we withdraw those embassies or cease talking to a host government it hurts us as often—as much as it does them. To some degree, what we, I think, collectively, worry about is that Salvador is, essentially, on the path to authoritarianism. I note that Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, none of those three, along with Nicaragua, were invited to President Biden's Democracy Summit in December, and, you know, it may well be that the U.S. should explore a range of inducements to the government there to restore independence to the judiciary and respect for the separation of powers. I, certainly, think that it is in the interest of the United States but it's also interest—in the interest of the region. That's why the whole region came together in 2001 to sign the Inter-American Democratic Charter. How exactly that should be effected—how we should implement the—you know, the will of the region is something that, I think, that governments should work out collectively because it is my sense that collective action is better than unilateral action. Certainly, the U.S. is not going to intervene, and there are many American companies already active in El Salvador. You know, the region has found the restoration of democracy—defense of democracy, restoration of democracy—a very, very difficult job in recent years and that is in no small measure because—it's not just the United States, it's the rest of the region—even sanctions are only effective if they are broadly respected by other key players. And I'm not always sure that sanctions are the way to go. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take two written questions together since we have so many. The first is from Molly Todd from Virginia Tech. She's a PhD candidate there. When thinking of the U.S. role in democracy promotion in Latin America, how do you account for U.S. support of dictators in the region as well? And then William Weeks at Arizona State University—how much does China's influence encourage authoritarian rule and discourage democracy in Latin America? DUDDY: I'm not sure that—I'll take the last question first. I'm not sure that China's activity in the region discourages democracy but it has permitted certain strongmen figures like Nicolás Maduro to survive by serving as an alternative source of sometimes funding markets for locally produced goods and also the source of technology, et cetera, to the United States and the rest of what is euphemistically called the West, right. So China has, effectively, provided a lifeline. The lifeline, in my experience, is not particularly ideological. Now, you know, Russians in the region frequently seem interested in—to be a little bit flip, in sticking their finger in our eye and reminding the United States that they can project power and influence into the Western Hemisphere just as we can into Eastern Europe and Central Asia. But the Chinese are a little bit different. I think their interests are mostly commercial and they are uninterested in Latin American democracy, generally. So being democratic is not a condition for doing business with China. More generally, I think, I would refer to my earlier response. The U.S., basically, has not been supportive of the strongmen figure(s) who have arisen in Latin America in recent decades. But, you know, the tendency to embrace what many in Latin America call caciques, or strongmen figures—men on horseback—was established in Latin America, right—became evident in Latin America even in the nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, beginning, say, in particular, after World War II, we, definitely, considered things more through the optic of the Cold War, and I'm sure I'm not the only one who recalls that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, at a certain moment in, I think it was 1947, commented on Anastasio Somoza that he was an SOB but, oh, well, he was our SOB. I think that approach to Latin America has long since been shelved. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Gary Prevost. Q: Ambassador, I share your skepticism about sanctions and I'll just ask a very direct question. It's my belief that the Biden administration is, at the moment, missing real opportunities for dialogue with both Venezuela and Cuba, partly because of this bifurcation of the world into democracy and authoritarianism, something which the Obama administration really avoided and, I think, as a result, gained considerable prestige and understanding in wider Latin America. So I've been very concerned that there are opportunities being missed in both of those cases right now. DUDDY: I'll disagree with you on one part of that, noting that I've already—and, actually, I wrote a piece for the Council several years ago in which I talked about the desirability of finding an off ramp for Venezuela. But I note that the—that many of the sanctions that are—sanctions were imposed on Venezuela, in particular, over a period of time by both Republicans and Democrats, and the problem for the U.S., in particular, with Venezuela is that as the country has become less productive, more authoritarian, they have pushed out 6 million refugees and imposed huge burdens on almost all of the other countries in the subregion. I'm not sure that the U.S. is, at the moment, missing an opportunity there and, for that matter, the changes that were brought into Cuba or to Cuba policy by the Obama administration, which I endorsed, were for the most part left in place by the Trump administration, interestingly enough. There were some changes but they were not as dramatic as many who opposed those—the Obama reforms—often hoped and who wanted to reverse them. So these are both tough nuts to crack. I think that it is at least worth noting that the combination of incompetence, corruption, authoritarianism, in particular, in Venezuela, which has transformed what was at one point the most successful democracy in the region into a basket case or a near basket case, I'm not sure, you know, how we get our arms around that at the moment. But I, certainly, endorse the idea of encouraging dialogue and looking for a formula that would promote the return of democracy. And, again, you know, having lived in Venezuela, I have a sense that many—you know, Venezuelans love their country. Most of those who have left did not do so willingly or, you know, with a happy heart, if you will. These are people who found the circumstances on the ground in the country to be unbearable. Now, how we respond to that challenge, I haven't seen any new thinking on it lately. But, certainly, dialogue is a part of it. Similarly, with Cuba, we have—you know, we saw fifty years of policy that didn't work. So I would hope to, sometime in the near future, see some fresh thinking on how to proceed on that front, too. You know, the difficult thing to get around is that these are not countries which respect human rights, freedom of expression, freedom of the press. They are, in fact, repressive, which is why we have hundreds of thousands of Cuban Americans living in the United States and why we have now millions of Venezuelans living outside their own national borders. It's a real dilemma. I wish I had a solution but I don't. FASKIANOS: We are almost out of time. We have many more written questions and raised hands, and I apologize that we're not going to be able to get to them. But I am going to use my moderator power to ask you the final one. DUDDY: Uh-oh. FASKIANOS: You have served—oh, it's a good one. You've served for most of your career, over thirty years, in U.S. government and now you're teaching. What advice or what would you offer to the students on the call about pursuing a career in the Foreign Service, and what do you say to your students now and the professor, or to your colleagues about how to encourage students to pursue? We saw that it's become less attractive—became less attractive in the Trump administration. It may be up—more on the upswing. But, of course, there is, again, the pay problem and private sector versus public. So what thoughts can you leave us with? DUDDY: Well, first of all, there's—in my personal experiences, there's virtually nothing quite like being an American diplomat abroad. My personal experience is—you know, dates from the '80s. I was actually very briefly an Air Force officer in the early '70s. I think public service is inherently rewarding in ways that often working in the private sector is not, where you can really have an impact on relations between peoples and nations, and I think that's very, very exciting. I come from a family, you know, filled with, you know, lawyers, in particular, in my generation, even in the next, and I know that that can be—that kind of work or work in the private sector, the financial community, whatever, can be very exciting as well. But diplomacy is unique, and one also has the sense of doing something that benefits our own country and, one hopes, the world. At the risk of, once again, being flip, I always felt that I was on the side of the angels. You know, I think we've made many mistakes but that, by and large, our engagement in the countries in which I was working was positive. FASKIANOS: Wonderful. Well, on that note, Ambassador Patrick Duddy, thank you for your service to this country. Thank you very much for sharing your insights with us. I know this is very broad to cover the whole region and we didn't do all the countries justice. DUDDY: And we have yet to—and we have yet to mention Haiti, about which I worry all the time. FASKIANOS: I know. There are so many things to cover. Not enough time, not enough hours in a day. And we appreciate everybody for your time, being with us for your great questions and comments. Again, I apologize for not getting to everybody. But we will just have to have you back. So thank you again. For all of you, our next Academic Webinar will be on Wednesday, February 23, at 1:00 p.m. (ET)with Roger Ferguson, who is at CFR, on the future of capitalism. So, as always, please follow us on Twitter at @CFR_Academic. Go to CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for research and analysis on global issues. We will circulate a link to the Foreign Affairs edition that Ambassador Duddy mentioned so that you can take a look at that. And thank you, again, for your time today. We appreciate it. DUDDY: It's been a pleasure. Thank you. (END

The Kurdistan in America podcast is honored to have Mr. Sarhang Hamasaeed as our guest in the first episode of Season Three.Mr. Hamasaeed is the director of Middle East Programs at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) in Washington, DC. He is also a regular lecturer at the Foreign Service Institute on ISIS and challenges to governance in Iraq.The USIP is an American nonpartisan, independent institute founded by Congress and is tasked with promoting conflict resolution and prevention worldwide. Mr. Hamasaeed shares his experience migrating from Kurdistan Region to the United States and sheds light on what he witnessed in his most recent visit to Kurdistan. He also provides an in-depth assessment of the political situation in the Kurdistan Region and the rest of Iraq, including the security situation in Nineveh Plains and the Sinjar region.

Are all languages equally difficult, or are some harder to learn than others? In our latest podcast, your guide Kaitlyn Tagarelli (Linguist, PhD) takes a look at how the Foreign Service Institute (FSI) answers this question. Watch along as Kaitlyn breaks down the FSI's 4 language difficulty categories and explains the features that might make a language harder or easier to learn.To download all the available language learning content we mentioned in this episode, or if you'd like the blog article that accompanies this episode, click here: https://blog.mangolanguages.com/are-some-languages-harder-to-learnIf you liked this video, please let us know by hitting that like button, and join the Mango Languages fam by subscribing to our channel! We also invite you to check out our website at: https://mangolanguages.com/ and follow us on social media @MangoLanguages. And remember – language is an adventure. Enjoy the ride!Wondering what languages were used in today's episode? Russian | Здравствуйте (ZDRASTvuytye) and До свидания (da sviDAniya) mean “hello” and “goodbye Portuguese | Olá! (ohLAH) and Até logo! (ahTEH LAHgoo) mean “hi” and “see you soon”This video also includes words and phrases in Dutch, Swedish, German, Spanish, Italian, French, Portuguese, Romanian, Korean, Japanese, and Arabic. Interested in learning Russian or Portuguese, or one of the other 70+ languages that the Mango app offers? Click here to start learning! https://mangolanguages.com/appWant to know more about the research consulted for this video?The category rankings in this episode come from the Foreign Service Institute's Foreign Language Training webpage, found at https://www.state.gov/foreign-language-training/. We also recommend checking out the World Atlas of Language Structures for more information about the structures and properties of different languages.Kaitlyn Tagarelli (PhD, Georgetown University) is a Linguist and the Head of Research at Mango Languages. She holds a Ph.D. in Linguistics from Georgetown University, specializing in how the mind and brain learn languages. Aside from geeking out about all things neuroscience and linguistics, she loves hanging out with her family at their Connecticut home, trying to convince them to speak French with her.#languagelearning #bilingual #languagedifficulty

In this Urdu discussion, Uzair talks to Dr. Kamran Bokhari about his recently-published essay titled "The Long Shadow of Deobandism in South Asia." This essay is a must-read as it provides a long history about the rise of political Islam in the subcontinent and how it has shaped Pakistan. Dr. Kamran Bokhari is Director of Analytical Development at the Newlines Institute. Dr. Bokhari is also a national security and foreign policy specialist at the University of Ottawa's Professional Development Institute. Bokhari has also served as the Central Asia Studies Course Coordinator at U.S. Department of State's Foreign Service Institute. He was a Fellow with the Program on Extremism at George Washington University (2016-18). Dr. Bokhari has also been a Senior Consultant with The World Bank since 2009. He has 15 years of experience in the private sector intelligence space during which he provided intellectual leadership in the publishing of cutting-edge geopolitical analysis & forecasts. You can read the full essay here -https://newlinesmag.com/essays/the-long-shadow-of-deobandism-in-south-asia/

October 25, 2021 on ForYourBenefit, host Bob Leins, CPA® and co-host Tammy Flanagan, Senior Benefits Director at NITP, Inc. welcome back Paula S. Jakub, RHU; CEO at The American Foreign Service Protective Association, sponsor of the Foreign Service Benefit Plan. Today's topic will focus on things to consider during Federal Open Season and how to get the most out of the health plan you choose. Paula is a Subject Matter Expert in Federal Health Insurance and serves on the adjunct faculty of the Foreign Service Institute. Paula will discuss: FEHB PROGRAM Impact of COVID-19 No Surprises Act – What it means for you Understanding the programs and services available to you Collaboration on chronic conditions Using the Plan's Wellness Programs Consider how you use health care What will Open Season look like this year? FEDVIP Make sure you understand these supplemental plans FSAFEDS Pre-tax reimbursement for eligible costs What is an eligible cost? Rules on carryover amounts Send in a question: Email us in advance at ForYourBenefit@nitpinc.com

0:00 Intro 2:12 1999-2000 8:37 Post-War Sovereignty 18:03 Certainty 27:19 The Wider Story 40:10 Memories of My Father We're with Amb. Frederic C. Hof for Episode 254 of The Beirut Banyan. Click to watch: https://youtu.be/Yt93xZ3KML0 We discuss his recent Newlines Magazine piece: 'Assad: The Shebaa Farms Are Syrian, Whatever Hezbollah Claims' and revisit previous US efforts at securing a peace deal between Syria and Israel. Our conversation includes Lebanon's position during these talks, and why post-civil war sovereignty never in fact took hold. We also reflect on Amb. Hof's memories of my father while he was mediating between Lebanon and Israel over offshore oil reserves. Ambassador Frederic C. Hof is Diplomat in Residence at Bard College and Former Director and Distinguished Fellow at the Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East. He was also Former US Special Envoy to Syria. The article referenced in this episode is accessible below: https://newlinesmag.com/first-person/assad-the-shebaa-farms-are-syrian-whatever-hezbollah-claims/ Additional career info below as per Bard College's bio: Hof was previously the special coordinator for regional affairs in the US Department of State's Office of the Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, where he advised Special Envoy George Mitchell on the full range of Arab-Israeli peace issues falling under his purview and focusing on Syria-Israel and Israel-Lebanon matters. He joined the State Department in 2009 after serving as the president and CEO of AALC, an international business consulting and project finance firm formerly known as Armitage Associates LC. A graduate of the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, Hof began his professional career as an Army officer. He is a Vietnam veteran and served as a US Army Middle East Foreign Area Officer, studying Arabic at the Foreign Service Institute in Tunisia and receiving a master's degree from the Naval Postgraduate School. He served as US Army attaché in Beirut, Lebanon and later in the Office of the Secretary of Defense as director for Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Palestinian Affairs. He has written extensively on the Middle East and diplomacy. His awards include the Purple Heart, the Department of State Superior Honor Award, the Secretary of Defense Meritorious Civilian Service Medal, and the Defense Superior Service Medal. Help support The Beirut Banyan by contributing via PayPal: https://www.paypal.me/walkbeirut Or donating through our Patreon page: https://www.patreon.com/thebeirutbanyan Subscribe to our podcast from your preferred platform. Follow us on Facebook, Instagram & Twitter: @thebeirutbanyan And check out our website: www.beirutbanyan.com Music by Marc Codsi. Animation & illustration by Sana Chaaban.

Para comenzar los episodios nuevos de 2021, ¡vamos a discutir los niveles de idioma "oficiales" y cómo puedes aplicarlos para subir de nivel tu español! El episodio de hoy es un poco largo y tiene muchos enlaces (que por supuesto incluiré como una lista en las notas del programa), así que prepárate; ¡Hay mucha información por ahí!Recuerda, aprender un idioma es una travesía para toda la vida. Embrace it, Enjoy it, and Share it! LAS NOTAS DEL PODCAST: © 2021 por Language Answers, LLCBlog del Episodio 44Música de la introducción y conclusión por Master_Service de FiverrMúsica de la transición para el Consejo Cultural editada de la canción por Tim Moor de Pixabay. Los Recursos de InvestigaciónDel Episodio  "The CEFR Levels" por el Consejo de Europa También por el Consejo de Europa:  Lista de una tabla de autoevaluación, "Self-assessment grid - Table 2 (CEFR 3.3) : Common Reference levels", para idiomas diferentes "Assessment Grid - English" (En inglés) "Assessment Grid - Spanish" (En español) "Qualitative aspects of spoken language use - Table 3 (CEFR 3.3): Common Reference levels" (Una tabla de autoevaluación para el lenguaje hablado) Enlaces a "Official translations of the CEFR Global Scale", las traduciones oficiales de la escala global de MCER "European Language Portfolio - Global scale" (En inglés) "Global scale - Spanish" (En español) "Reference Level Descriptions (language by language)" (una descripción de las RLDs) "Reference level descriptions (RLDs) developed so far" (las RLD en varios idiomas) "Plan curricular del Instituto Cervantes" por el Instituto Cervantes "English Profile – what the CEFR means for English" por Cambridge University Press Otros artículos de Cambridge University Press:  "English Vocabulary Profile Online - American English"  "English Grammar Profile Online" "English Profile Information Booklet" - Version 1.0 and Version 1.1   "Introductory Guide to the Common European Framework of Reference (CEFR) for English Language Teachers" (El folleto de información) "16 Super CEFR Placement Tests That Speak for Themselves" por Michelle Baumgartner de Fluent U "Foreign Language Training" del Foreign Service Institute con el Departamento de Estado de los EE. UU. "The CIA is Wrong: It Doesn't Take 1,000 Hours to Learn a Language" por Benny Lewis de Fluent In 3 Months "The Top 9 Free Online English Level Tests (with Answers)" por Architamittra de Fluent U Consejo Cultural"David Bisbal, Carrie Underwood - Tears Of Gold (Lyrics/Letra)" subido a YouTube por EL GURÚ Lyrics el 5 de diciembre de 2020

Para comenzar los episodios nuevos de 2021, ¡vamos a discutir los niveles de idioma "oficiales" y cómo puedes aplicarlos para subir de nivel tu español! El episodio de hoy es un poco largo y tiene muchos enlaces (que por supuesto incluiré como una lista en las notas del programa), así que prepárate; ¡Hay mucha información por ahí! LAS NOTAS DEL PODCAST: © 2021 por Language Answers, LLC Blog del Episodio 44 Música de la introducción y conclusión por Master_Service de Fiverr Música de la transición para el Consejo Cultural editada de la canción por Tim Moor de Pixabay. Los Recursos de Investigación Del Episodio "The CEFR Levels" por el Consejo de Europa También por el Consejo de Europa: Lista de una tabla de autoevaluación, "Self-assessment grid - Table 2 (CEFR 3.3) : Common Reference levels", para idiomas diferentes "Assessment Grid - English" (En inglés) "Assessment Grid - Spanish" (En español) "Qualitative aspects of spoken language use - Table 3 (CEFR 3.3): Common Reference levels" (Una tabla de autoevaluación para el lenguaje hablado) Enlaces a "Official translations of the CEFR Global Scale", las traduciones oficiales de la escala global de MCER "European Language Portfolio - Global scale" (En inglés) "Global scale - Spanish" (En español) "Reference Level Descriptions (language by language)" (una descripción de las RLDs) "Reference level descriptions (RLDs) developed so far" (las RLD en varios idiomas) "Plan curricular del Instituto Cervantes" por el Instituto Cervantes "English Profile – what the CEFR means for English" por Cambridge University Press Otros artículos de Cambridge University Press: "English Vocabulary Profile Online - American English" "English Grammar Profile Online" "English Profile Information Booklet" - Version 1.0 and Version 1.1 "Introductory Guide to the Common European Framework of Reference (CEFR) for English Language Teachers" (El folleto de información) "16 Super CEFR Placement Tests That Speak for Themselves" por Michelle Baumgartner de Fluent U "Foreign Language Training" del Foreign Service Institute con el Departamento de Estado de los EE. UU. "The CIA is Wrong: It Doesn’t Take 1,000 Hours to Learn a Language" por Benny Lewis de Fluent In 3 Months "The Top 9 Free Online English Level Tests (with Answers)" por Architamittra de Fluent U Consejo Cultural "David Bisbal, Carrie Underwood - Tears Of Gold (Lyrics/Letra)" subido a YouTube por EL GURÚ Lyrics el 5 de diciembre de 2020 Todos enlaces: https://www.languageanswers.com/post/episodio-44-los-niveles-de-idioma-y-recursos

In this episode of Keen On, Andrew is joined by Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution James Goldgeier and Professor Bruce W. Jentleson of Duke University, to discuss where America sits in the pecking order when it comes to global superpowers, as well as to consider the influence and appropriacy of its foreign policy. James Goldgeier is a Robert Bosch Senior Visiting Fellow at the Center on the United States and Europe at the Brookings Institution and a Professor at the School of International Service at American University, where he served as Dean from 2011-17. In 2018-19, he held the Library of Congress Chair in U.S.-Russia Relations at the John W. Kluge Center and was a visiting senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. Prior to joining American University, he was a professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, where from 2001-05 he directed the Elliott School’s Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies. He also taught at Cornell University, and has held a number of public policy appointments and fellowships, including Director for Russian, Ukrainian, and Eurasian Affairs on the National Security Council Staff, Whitney Shepardson Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, Henry A. Kissinger Chair at the Library of Congress, and Edward Teller National Fellow at the Hoover Institution as well as appointments or fellowships at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the Brookings Institution, and the Center for International Security and Cooperation. He currently serves as a member of the State Department Historical Advisory Committee, which reviews records, advises, and makes recommendations to the Office of the Historian, Foreign Service Institute, concerning the Foreign Relations of the United States documentary series. Bruce W. Jentleson is William Preston Few Professor of Public Policy and Professor of Political Science at Duke University, where he previously served as Director of the Terry Sanford Institute (now Sanford School) of Public Policy. In 2015-16 he was the Henry A. Kissinger Chair in Foreign Policy and International Relations at the John W. Kluge Center, Library of Congress. He received the 2018 American Political Science Association (APSA) International Security Section Joseph J. Kruzel Award for Distinguished Public Service. In 2020 he will be the Desmond Ball Visiting Professor at Australia National University, College of Asia and the Pacific, and Visiting Professor, Barcelona Institute of International Studies (IBEI). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

MICHAEL ROCKLAND, Rutgers, Professor of #American Studies, “Why, How and What I Write About” Oct 27 2020 Professor Michael Aaron Rockland founded the American Studies Department at Rutgers while serving as Assistant Dean of Douglass College (1969-1972). Earlier, he had another stint in academic administration when he served as Executive Assistant to the Chancellor of Higher Education, State of New Jersey (1968-1969). This followed years in the U.S. diplomatic service as a cultural attaché at embassies in Argentina and Spain (1961-1968). His overseas experience has since included senior Fulbright lectureships in Argentina (1971 and 1988), Uruguay (1982), Peru (1985), and Norway (2003) He has lectured overseas in twenty-five countries. Three of his books, Sarmiento's Travels in the United States in 1847 (Princeton, 1970), America in the Fifties and Sixties: Julian Marias on the United States (Penn State, 1972) and Un Diplomatico Americano en la Espana de Franco (University of Valencia, 2011) are related to his foreign experience. Sarmiento's Travels was chosen by Book World as one of the "Fifty Best Books of 1970." Two other books sprang from his interest in ethnicity: The American Jewish Experience in Literature (Haifa, 1975); and a co-authored book The Jews of New Jersey: A Pictorial History (Rutgers, 2001). Four other books sprang from his interest in mobility: Homes on Wheels (Rutgers, 1980); Looking for America on the New Jersey Turnpike (Rutgers, 1989), which he co-authored with Professor Angus Gillespie and which was recently named one of the ten best books ever written about New Jersey; a book of personal adventure essays, Snowshoeing Through Sewers (Rutgers, 1994); and The George Washington Bridge: Poetry in Steel (Rutgers.2008) Rockland is also a novelist. A Bliss Case (Coffee House,1989), was a NYTimes "Notable Book of the Year." A recent novel is Stones (Hansen Publishing, 2009) Dr. Rockland has also written extensively for popular magazines such as Philadelphia, Adventure Travel, Explorer's Journal, Big, Preservation, and especially New Jersey Monthly, where he has long been a regular contributor. In addition, he has done considerable work in television production and filmmaking, including a three-year stint (1978-1981) as cultural commentator on television's New Jersey Nightly News and co-writing the script for and acting in the P.B.S. film Three Days on Big City Waters (1974). Michael Rockland has won five major teaching awards: The Faculty of Arts and Sciences Award for Distinguished Undergraduate Teaching (1991); The Warren Susman Memorial Award (1997); the Mary C. Turpie National American Studies Association Award for Teaching and Programmatic Excellence (1997); the Rutgers College Teacher of the Year Award (1998); and the Rutgers University Scholar-Teacher Award (2003). He is also the recipient of the Douglass College Medal for service to that college. Dr. Rockland received his B.A. in Sociology from Hunter College and his M.A. and Ph.D. in American Studies from the University of Minnesota. He also studied at the Foreign Service Institute of the U.S. Department of State (1961-1962 and 1967-1968).

January 11, 2021 on ForYourBenefit, host Bob Leins, CPA® and co-host Tammy Flanagan, Senior Benefits Director at NITP, Inc. welcome back Paula S. Jakub, RHU; CEO of The American Foreign Service Protective Association, sponsor of the Foreign Service Benefit Plan. Today’s guest will discuss benefits in your FEHB plan that you might not be aware of and how to get the most out of your Health Plan. Paula is a Subject Matter Expert in Federal Health Insurance and serves on the adjunct faculty of the Foreign Service Institute. FEHB Program Impact of COVID-19 on Healthcare and the FEHBP Understanding the Programs and Services Available to You Collaboration on Chronic Conditions Using the Plan’s Wellness Programs Medicare and FEHBP Update for 2021 For questions or comments, email us in advance at ForYourBenefit@nitpinc.com

January 11, 2021 on ForYourBenefit, host Bob Leins, CPA® and co-host Tammy Flanagan, Senior Benefits Director at NITP, Inc. welcome back Paula S. Jakub, RHU; CEO of The American Foreign Service Protective Association, sponsor of the Foreign Service Benefit Plan. Today’s guest will discuss benefits in your FEHB plan that you might not be aware of and how to get the most out of your Health Plan. Paula is a Subject Matter Expert in Federal Health Insurance and serves on the adjunct faculty of the Foreign Service Institute. FEHB Program Impact of COVID-19 on Healthcare and the FEHBP Understanding the Programs and Services Available to You Collaboration on Chronic Conditions Using the Plan’s Wellness Programs Medicare and FEHBP Update for 2021 For questions or comments, email us in advance at ForYourBenefit@nitpinc.com

Recorded: July 14, 2020 Moderator: Patrick Ryan, President, Tennessee World Affairs Council [If you appreciate the work we do to inspire an understanding of the world please become a member or donate to the Tennessee World Affairs Council (www.TNWAC.org). Thank you!] The global energy market is in turmoil. Inventories are high and demand is low. We recently saw a negative price call for crude oil and fully laden tankers are sitting at anchorages waiting for customers. The International Energy Agency said oil demand was “down nearly 5% in the first quarter, mostly by curtailment in mobility and aviation which account for nearly 60% of global oil demand. By the end of March, global road transport activity was almost 50% below the 2019 average and aviation 60% below. The energy market fallout from the pandemic, and the crash in oil prices, has threatened the economic stability of numerous countries, especially those in the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). Some have sought to ensure market share through price slashing over production, worsening the inventory glut. This Global Dialogue episode with veteran journalist, author and scholar Thomas Lippman will aim to sort through the global energy crisis and to discuss his new book, “Crude Oil, Crude Money.” It, “tells the untold story of how Exxon, Mobil, Chevron, and Texaco teamed up with the CIA and Department of State to thwart the plans of Greek shipping magnate Aristotle Onassis, who almost managed to reshape the Middle East.” About Thomas Lippman Thomas W. Lippman is an author and journalist who has written about Middle Eastern affairs and American foreign policy for four decades, specializing in Saudi Arabian affairs, U.S.- Saudi relations, and relations between the West and Islam. He is a former Middle East bureau chief of the Washington Post, and also served as that newspaper’s oil and energy reporter. Throughout the 1990s, he covered foreign policy and national security for the Post, traveling frequently to Saudi Arabia and other Middle East countries. He has been a frequent visitor to Saudi Arabia for many years. Before his work in the Middle East, he was the Washington Post correspondent in Vietnam and Cambodia. Lippman is the author of numerous magazine articles, book reviews and op-ed columns about Mideast affairs, and of eight books about the Middle East and Islam. His latest book, Crude Oil, Crude Money: Aristotle Onassis, Saudi Arabia, and the CIA,” was published in 2019. Lippman has appeared on all major US television networks, NPR, the BBC, and many television stations overseas. He has lectured on Gulf regional affairs at the U.S. Air Force Special Operations School, at the National Defense University, at the State Department’s Foreign Service Institute, and at the Brookings Institution. He has also been also a consultant to film producers, the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Counterterrorism Center, and corporations that do business in the Gulf. Lippman is an adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute in Washington and was an Edward R. Murrow Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

"Conscience, Relativism and Truth: The Witness of Newman" Archbishop Anthony Fisher, OP (Sydney) Response: Thomas Farr (President of the Religious Freedom Institute, Washington, D.C.) These talks were given as part of the Thomistic Institute Conference "Newman the Prophet: A Saint for Our Times" which was part of the official program for the canonization weekend of John Henry Cardinal Newman and held at the Angelicum in Rome on October 12, 2019. Archbishop Anthony Fisher OP, He was born in Sydney on 10 March 1960. After graduating with first-class honours, Archbishop Fisher practised law at Clayton Utz in Sydney. He took leave from his legal job and backpacked around Europe to discern his vocation. Archbishop Fisher made his perpetual vows for the Dominicans on 18 February 1987, and was ordained a priest at Holy Name Parish, Wahroonga, on 14 September 1991.On 18 September 2014, Pope Francis appointed Bishop Anthony the ninth Archbishop of Sydney. His installation took place at St Mary’s Cathedral on Wednesday, 12 November 2014. In 2015, Pope Francis appointed Archbishop Fisher to the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. He was also appointed an honorary member of the Pontifical Academy of St Thomas Aquinas. He has continued as a member of the Pontifical Academy for Life. Thomas Farr, He serves as President of the Religious Freedom Institute, a non-profit that works to advance religious freedom for everyone, both as a source of individual human dignity and flourishing, and as a source of political stability, economic development, and international security. A leading authority on international religious freedom, Dr. Farr served for 28 years in the U.S. Army and the U.S. Foreign Service. In 1999 he became the first director of the State Department's Office of International Religious Freedom. He subsequently directed the Witherspoon Institute's International Religious Freedom (IRF) Task Force, was a member of the Chicago World Affairs Council’s Task Force on Religion and U.S. Foreign Policy, taught at the National Defense University, and served on the Secretary of State’s IRF working group. From 2008 – 2018 Dr. Farr was Associate Professor of the Practice of Religion and World Affairs at Georgetown University’s Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service. He also directed the Religious Freedom Project at Georgetown’s Berkley Center. A PhD in History from the University of North Carolina, Farr is a senior fellow at the Institute for Studies of Religion at Baylor University. He serves as a consultant to the U.S. Catholic Bishops Committee on International Justice and Peace; on the boards of the Institute on Religion and Democracy, Christian Solidarity Worldwide-USA, and Saint John Paul the Great Catholic High School; and on the boards of advisors of the Alexander Hamilton Society, and the National Museum of American Religion. Farr teaches regularly at the U.S. Foreign Service Institute.

Host Bob Leins, CPA® and co-host Tammy Flanagan, Senior Benefits Director at NITP, Inc. welcome back Paula S. Jakub, RHU; CEO of The American Foreign Service Protective Association, sponsor of the Foreign Service Benefit Plan. Today’s guest will discuss benefits in your FEHB plan that you might not be aware of and how to get the most out of your Health Plan. Paula is a Subject Matter Expert in Federal Health Insurance and serves on the adjunct faculty of the Foreign Service Institute

Host Bob Leins, CPA® and co-host Tammy Flanagan, Senior Benefits Director at NITP, Inc. welcome back Paula S. Jakub, RHU; CEO of The American Foreign Service Protective Association, sponsor of the Foreign Service Benefit Plan. Today’s guest will discuss benefits in your FEHB plan that you might not be aware of and how to get the most out of your Health Plan. Paula is a Subject Matter Expert in Federal Health Insurance and serves on the adjunct faculty of the Foreign Service Institute

November 25, 2019 on ForYourBenefit, our hosts Bob Leins, CPA®, and Tammy Flanagan, Senior Benefits Director NITP, welcome back Paula S. Jakub, RHU; CEO of The American Foreign Service Protective Association, sponsor of the Foreign Service Benefit Plan. Today’s topic will focus on things to consider during Federal Open Season and how to get the most out of the Health Plan you choose. Paula is a Subject Matter Expert in Federal Health Insurance and serves on the adjunct faculty of the Foreign Service Institute

Nancy McEldowney, former Director of the U.S. Foreign Service Institute, and James Baker, former FBI General Counsel join Christiane Amanpour to unpack the latest developments in the ongoing impeachment investigation into President Donald Trump. Mark Ruffalo, actor in new film "Dark Waters," and Rob Bilott, the lawyer who Ruffalo plays in "Dark Waters," reflect on working together in this new project. Bilott took on the chemical company Dupont after one of its West Virginia plants leaked a chemical known as PFO into the water supply. Our Walter Isaacson sits down with Adam Frankel, President Obama's former speechwriter and author of "The Survivors," to discuss his search for truth after uncovering a traumatic secret in his family.

Episode 161: The Temple of Set & The Universe Michael A. Aquino is a Lt. Colonel, Psychological Operations, U.S. Army (Ret.). He is a graduate of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University; Defense Intelligence College, Defense Intelligence Agency; Foreign Service Institute, Department of State; U.S. Army Special Warfare Center (Special Forces (“Green Beret”)/Psychological Operations/Civil Affairs/Foreign Area Officer); U.S. Army Command & General Staff College; U.S. Army Intelligence School, and U.S. Army Space Institute. Myke Hideous would later join the interview as a special co-host. As things begin, Dr. Aquino takes us into his extensive background, starting from academic and military key points. He talks about his childhood and how he came to discover the church of satan. He discusses how he broke away from the Church of Satan, to form The Temple of Set. Dr. Aquino tried vigorously to make amends, with Anton LaVey. He talks about his time and interaction with Sammy Davis Jr. He was deeply affected by the way things soured between him and LaVey. Michael asks Dr. Aquino about his time in Vietnam, and operation wandering soul. Operation Wandering Soul was a propaganda campaign exercised by U.S. Forces during the Vietnam War. The operation played off the belief of many Vietnamese in the “wandering soul”. The Conversation leads to ET Life, and the 2020 elections also a couple of callers dialed in.

Episode 161: The Temple of Set & The Universe Michael A. Aquino is a Lt. Colonel, Psychological Operations, U.S. Army (Ret.). He is a graduate of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University; Defense Intelligence College, Defense Intelligence Agency; Foreign Service Institute, Department of State; U.S. Army Special Warfare Center (Special Forces (“Green Beret”)/Psychological Operations/Civil Affairs/Foreign Area Officer); U.S. Army Command & General Staff College; U.S. Army Intelligence School, and U.S. Army Space Institute. Myke Hideous would later join the interview as a special co-host. As things begin, Dr. Aquino takes us into his extensive background, starting from academic and military key points. He talks about his childhood and how he came to discover the church of satan. He discusses how he broke away from the Church of Satan, to form The Temple of Set. Dr. Aquino tried vigorously to make amends, with Anton LaVey. He talks about his time and interaction with Sammy Davis Jr. He was deeply affected by the way things soured between him and LaVey. Michael asks Dr. Aquino about his time in Vietnam, and operation wandering soul. Operation Wandering Soul was a propaganda campaign exercised by U.S. Forces during the Vietnam War. The operation played off the belief of many Vietnamese in the “wandering soul”. The Conversation leads to ET Life, and the 2020 elections also a couple of callers dialed in. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

Eric Farnsworth, Vice President of the "Council of the Americas and the Americas Society," and Kristin Tennyson, Chair of the Western Hemisphere Area Studies Division at the Foreign Service Institute, talk with host Carol Castiel about the latest developments in the political and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela as well as discuss warming US-Brazilian relations in the wake of President Jair Bolsonaro's recent visit to the White House.

Episode 134: 3 michaels dont make a right Michael A. Aquino is a Lt. Colonel, Psychological Operations, U.S. Army (Ret.). He is a graduate of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University; Defense Intelligence College, Defense Intelligence Agency; Foreign Service Institute, Department of State; U.S. Army Special Warfare Center (Special Forces (“Green Beret”)/Psychological Operations/Civil Affairs/Foreign Area Officer); U.S. Army Command & General Staff College; U.S. Army Intelligence School, and U.S. Army Space Institute. Michael ask's Dr. Aquino about the wildfires in California and the occasional, walking on human feces on the sidewalks of San Francisco. (lovely) Dr. Aquino takes us into his extensive background, starting from his academic and military background. He also discusses the afterlife, He talks about his childhood and how he came to discover the church of Satan. He discusses how he broke away from the Church of Satan, to form The Temple of Set. He was deeply affected by LaVeys passing.

Episode 134: 3 michaels dont make a right Michael A. Aquino is a Lt. Colonel, Psychological Operations, U.S. Army (Ret.). He is a graduate of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University; Defense Intelligence College, Defense Intelligence Agency; Foreign Service Institute, Department of State; U.S. Army Special Warfare Center (Special Forces (“Green Beret”)/Psychological Operations/Civil Affairs/Foreign Area Officer); U.S. Army Command & General Staff College; U.S. Army Intelligence School, and U.S. Army Space Institute. Michael ask’s Dr. Aquino about the wildfires in California and the occasional, walking on human feces on the sidewalks of San Francisco. (lovely) Dr. Aquino takes us into his extensive background, starting from his academic and military background. He also discusses the afterlife, He talks about his childhood and how he came to discover the church of Satan. He discusses how he broke away from the Church of Satan, to form The Temple of Set. He was deeply affected by LaVeys passing. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has chosen career ambassador Daniel Smith as the new director of the Foreign Service Institute, the State Department's premier training bureau. It teaches everything from foreign languages to information technology. Smith, a former ambassador to Greece, was sworn in Friday and spoke with Federal Drive with Tom Temin at the State Department beforehand.